' 


OF 


TB-UMIBUJLL 


OF 


CONNECTICUT, 

Civ il  and  Ecclesiastical, 

FROM  THE  EMIGRATION  OF  ITS  FIRST  PLANTERS, 
PROM  ENGLAND,  IN  THE  YEAR  1630, 

TO  THE  YEAR  1764 ; 
AND  TO  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  INDIAN  WARS. 

IN    TWO    VOLUMES. 

BY  BENJAMIN  TRUMBULL,  D.  D. 


WITH  AN  APPENDIX, 

Containing  the  original  Patent  of  New-England,  never  before  pub- 
lished in  America. 


NEW-HAVEN : 

PUBLISHED  BV  MALTBY,  GOLDSMITH  AND  CO. 


District  of  Connecticut,  ss. 

'OE  it  remembered,  that  on  the  twenty -second  day  of  June,  in  the  42d  yea* 
•*-*  of  the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America,  Maltby,  Goldsmith 
&  Co.  and  Samuel  Wadsworth,  of  the  said  district,  have  deposited  in  this  of- 
fice the  title  of  a  book,  the  right  whereof  they  claim  as  proprietors,  in  the 
Xfords  following,  to  wit :  "  A  complete  History  of  Connecticut,  civil  and  eccle- 
"  siastical,  from  the  emigration  of  its  first  planters,  from  England,  in  the  year 
"  1630,  to  the  year  1764 ;  and  to  the  close  of  the  Indian  wars.  In  two  volumes. 
"  By  Benjamin  Trumbull,  D.  D.  With  an  Appendix,  containing  the  original 
"  Patent  of  New-England,  never  before  published  in  America" — In  conformity 
to  the  act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  entitled,  "  An  act  for  the  en- 
couragement of  learning,  by  securing  the  copies  of  maps,  charts,  and  books,  to 
,)he  authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned." 

R.  I.  INGERSOLL, 
Clerk  of  the  District  of  ConwxtiwJt  < 


T.  G.  Woodward,  Printer, 
State- St.  New-Haven. 


\  UTHENTIC  history  is  of  great  utility  ;  especially,  to  the  countries 
XlL  and  people  whose  affairs  it  relates.  It  teaches  human  nature,  poli- 
tics and  morals  ;  forms  the  head  and  heart  for  usefulness,  and  is  an  im- 
portant part  of  the  instruction  and  literature  of  states  and  nations.  While 
it  instructs,  it  affords  an  exalted  pleasure.  No  man  of  genius  and  curios- 
ity can  read  accounts  of  the  origin  of  nations,  the  discovery,  settlement, 
and  progress  of  new  countries,  without  a  high  degree  of  entertainment. 
But  in  the  settlement  of  his  own  country,  in  the  lives  of  his  ancestors,  in 
their  adventures,  morals,  jurisprudence  and  heroism,  he  feels  himself  par- 
ticularly interested.  He  at  once  becomes  a  party  in  their  affairs,  and  trav- 
els and  converses  with  them,  with  a  kind  of  filial  delight.  While  he  be- 
holds them  braving  the  horrors  of  the  desert,  the  terrors  of  the  savage, 
the  distresses  of  famine  and  war,  he  admires  their  courage,  and  is  pleas- 
ed with  all  their  escapes  from  danger,  and  all  their  progress  in  settlement, 
population,  opulence,  literature  and  happiness.  While  he  contemplates 
their  self-denial  and  perseverance  in  surmounting  all  dangers  and  endur- 
ing all  hardships,  to  form  new  churches,  and  lay  the  foundations  of  new 
colonies  and  empires,  and  the  immensely  happy  consequences  of  their 
conduct  in  turning  the  wilderness  into  gardens  and  fruitful  fields,  and  in 
transmitting  liberty  and  religion  to  posterity,  he  is  struck  with  a  pleasing 
astonishment.  The  pious  man  views  a  divine  hand  conducting  the  whole, 
gives  thanks,  adores  and  loves.  No  history  is  better  calculated  to  pro- 
duce these  happy  effects,  than  that  of  New-England  and  Connecticut. 

Connecticut,  originally  consisting  of  two  colonies,  replete  with  Indians, 
and  connected  as  it  was  with  the  neighboring  colonies,  affords  much  in- 
teresting matter  for  history.  An  authentic  and  impartial  account  of  the 
affairs  of  the  colony  had  long  been  an  object  of  the  wishes  of  the  legisla- 
ture, and  of  many  gentlemen  of  principal  character  both  in  church  and 
commonwealth. 

In  these  views  the  writer,  many  years  since,  determined  to  attempt 
the  compilation  of  the  history  which  is  presented  to  the  public  in  the  fol- 
lowing sheets.  He  wished  for  the  improvement  which  such  a  work 
might  afford  him,  and  for  the  pleasure  of  contributing  his  mite  to  the  ser- 
vice of  the  community  in  which  he  received  his  birth  and  education,  and 
has  enjoyed  such  distinguished  liberty  and  immunities. 

In  pursuance  of  his  design,  he  collected  all  books  and  manuscripts 
from  which  he  could  expect  assistance.  He  read  the  records  of  Connec- 
ticut, New-Haven  and  the  United  Colonies  ;  and  extracted  Avhatever  he 
judged  important.  He  made  a  journey  to  Boston,  examined  the  collec- 
tion of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Prince,  and  minuted  every  thing  which  he  could 
find  relative  to  Connecticut.  To  him,  at  the  time  he  was  about  writing 
the  Chronological  History  of  New-England,  the  ancient  ministers,  and 
other  principal  gentlemen  in  Connecticut,  had  transmitted  accounts  of 
the  spttloment  of  the  towns  and  churches  to  which  they  respectively  be-. 


201 


2148 


&  PREFACE. 

longed.  In  this  collection,  important  information  was  found,  which  could 
have  been  obtained  from  no  other  source.  The  author  visited  most  ol 
the  principal  towns,  and  places  of  burial,  and  obtained  from  records, 
monuments,  and  men  of  intelligence,  whatever  they  could  communicat* 
on  the  subject.  Th£  ministers  and  clerks  of  the  respective  towns,  and 
other  gentlemen  of  character,  assisted  him  in  his  researches.  The  hon- 
orable legislature,  having  been  made  acquainted  with  his  design,  passed  a 
generous  resolve,  which  gave  him  access  to  their  records  and  papers  on 
file. 

His  excellency  governor  Trutnbull,  than  whin  no  man  had  a  more 
thorough  acquaintance  with  the  history  of  the  colony,  employed  his  in- 
fluence and  friendship  for  his  assistance,  and  furnished  him  with  many 
important  papers.  In  a  letter  to  him  on  the  subject,  he  expresses  himself 
in  this  manner — "  I  wish  you  success,  and  to  afford  you  all  the  assistance, 
in  my  power.  I  imagine  the  earliest  times  of  the  colony  will  be  attended 
with  the  most  difficulty,  to  collect  the  facts  with  sufficient  certainty — 
•wherein  the  great  excellency  of  a  history  consists.  Such  an  one  I  have 
long  desired  to  see.  It  must  be  a  work  of  time  and  indefatigable  labour 
iind  industry,  since  it  has  been  so  long  neglected,  and  the  materials,  ma- 
ny of  them,  almost  lost,  and  others  scattered,  and  all  need  so  much  care 
in  collecting,  time  in  comparing,  and  judgment  in  compiling."  The 
truth  of  these  observations » the  author  hath  fully  experienced;  how  far 
he  hath  acted  upon  them  must  be  determined  by  the  public  opinion. 

The  honorable  George  Wyllys,  Esq.  late  secretary  of  the  state,  was 
second  to  none  in  the  assistance  and  encouragement  which  he  afforded. 
From  these  various  sources,  the  author,  in  1774,  found  himself  possessed 
of  an  ample  and  important  collection  ;  and  determined  to  write  the  first 
volume  of  the  history,  as  soon  as  might  be,  with  convenience.  But  before 
he  had  entered  upon  the  work,  the  war  commenced  between  Great-Bri- 
tain and  her  colonies,  and  the  universal  attention  was  turned  to  a  very  dif- 
ferent object.  It  was  conceived  to  be  dangerous  for  any  of  the  public 
papers  to  be  kept  so  near  the  sea  coast  as  the  place  of  his  residence.  A 
great  number  of  papers,  therefore,  which  he  had  received  from  governor 
Trumbull,  and  others  which  had  been  taken  out  of  the  office  at  Hart- 
lord,  were  returned  to  their  respective  offices. 

For  a  number  of  years  after  the  war,  the  state  of  the  country  was  alto- 
gether unfavorable  for  publications  of  this  kind.  It  was  nevertheless  still 
hoped  that  an  opportunity  would  present  for  the  publication  of  such  a 
work  to  advantage,  and  the  design  of  writing  was  not  wholly  given  up. 

However,  before  the  writer  had  entered  upon  the  work,  he  was  invited, 
by  a  vote  of  the  General  Association  of  the  state,  to  compile  a  different; 
history.  Many  objections  presented  themselves  to  his  mind  against  en- 
gaging in  the  work  proposed  by  that  venerable  body.  But  after  these 
had  been  fully  communicated,  the  solicitation  was  renewed.  In  conse- 
quence of  which,  and  the  opinion  and  advice  of  some  principal  gentlemen 
of  the  legislature,  he  was  induced  to  undertake  the  writing  of  a  general 
history  of  the  United  States  of  America,  from  the  first  discovery  of  thi? 
northern  continent  until  the  year  1792,  including  three  complete  centu- 
ries. In  making  collections  for  this,  and  in  the  compilation  of  it,  all  the 
leisure  hours  which  he  could  possibly  redeem,  by  early  rising  and  an  in- 
defatigable attention  to  business,  from  the  stated  labours  of  his  office, 
have  been,  for  nearly  ten  years,  employed.  . 

In  the  progress  of  this  work  it  became  necessary  to  have  frequent  re- 
course to  his  former  collections,  which,  by  this  time,  had  been  in  a  man- 
ner forgotten.  By  this  means  the  ideas  of  the  ample  materials  which 
had  been  prepared,  for  the  history  of  Connecticut,  were  revived  in  his 
mind.  When  he  contemplated  the  pains  aud  expense  at  which  they  had 


PREFACE.  T 

been  collected,  the  countenance  which  he  had  received  from  the  legisla- 
ture, and  the  general  expectations  which  had  been  entertained  with  re- 
spect to  a  history  of  Connecticut,  it  appeared  to  him  not  very  consistent 
with  that  respectful  and  generous  treatment  which  he  owed  more  partic- 
ularly to  his  own  state,  to  publish  a  large  history  of  the  United  States, 
while  he  neglected  theirs.  It  also  appeared  to  be  a  duty,  which  he  owed 
to  himself  and  family,  as  well  as  the  public,  not  to  suffer  all  his  former 
pains  and  expense,  in  his  collections  for  the  history  of  Connecticut,  to  be 
lost.  Upon  a  mature  view  of  the  case,  and  the  advice  of  a  number  of 
his  brethren  in  the  ministry,  he  determined  to  suspend  the  writing  of  the 
history  of  the  United  States,  until  he  should  publish  one  volume,  at 
teast,  of  the  history  of  Connecticut.  If  this  should  meet  the  public  ap- 
probation, it  might  assist  him  in  introducing  a  larger  work,  and  render  it 
more  extensively  useful.  If  the  history  of  Connecticut  should  be  unpop- 
ular, it  would  give  him  a  profitable  admonition,  and  prevent  a  greater 
misfortune,  by  a  larger  and  more  expensive  publication. 

About  the  middle  of  December,  1796,  he  began  to  look  over  and  ar- 
range his  papers  and  to  compile  the  following  history.  Since  that  time 
he  hath  examined  the  papers  on  file  in  the  secretary's  office,  and  taken 
out  such  as  were  necessary,  composed  and  copied  off  with  his  own  hands 
the  history  now  published",  besides  preaching  twice  on  every  Lord's  day, 
lectures  on  proper  occasions,  and  attending  the  other  duties  of  his  office, 

The  death  of  that  truly  worthy  gentleman,  the  Honorable  George 
Wyllys,  the  former  secretary,  considerably  retarded  the  work,  as  mor» 
time  has  been  employed  in  examining  the  files  than  otherwise  would  have 
been  necessary. 

In  compiling  the  history,  great  pains  have  been  taken  to  exhibit  the 
state  of  the  country  when  the  first  settlements  commenced,  to  present 
every  important  transaction  in  a  candid  and  dear  view,  and  to  make  such, 
an  arrangement  of  the  whole,  as  that  every  preceding  chapter  might  pre- 
pare the  way  for  the  next,  and  add  perspicuity  to  the  story. 

As  this  is  the  first  history  of  the  colony,  and  as  time  effaces  ancient  re- 
cords and  papers,  and  eradicates  from  the  mind  of  man  the  remembrance 
of  former  transactions,  the  compiler  judged  it  expedient  to  make  it  more 
full  and  particular,  than  otherwise  might  have  been  necessary  or  proper. 
He  imagined,  that  no  person  would,  probably,  hereafter  have  the  same 
advantages  which  he  has  had,  nor  take  the  same  pains  which  he  has  tak- 
en, to  examine  the  ancient  records,  histories  and  manuscripts  of  the 
country.  He  wished  to  assist  future  historians,  and  that  nothing  useful 
and  important,  respecting  church  or  state,  might  be  lost.  As  he  has 
aimed  at  information  and  usefulness,  he  has  avoided  all  circumlocutions, 
reasonings  and  opinions  of  his  own,  and  attempted  to  fill  every  page  with 
history.  The  florid  and  pompous  style  has  been  avoided,  as  unnatural 
and  improper  in  historic  writings,  and  the  easy  and  familiar  has  been  at- 
lempted.  The  compiler  has  judged  his  time  too  precious,  and  the  field 
of  usefulness  before  him  too  extensive,  to  busy  himself  in  rounding  peri- 
ods, and  guarding  against  every  little  matter  which  might  afford  business 
for  the  critic.  He  has,  however,  aimed  at  authenticity,  propriety  and 
perspicuity.  He  has  wished  to  avoid  the  dull  and  dry  manner,  and  to 
write  with  a  becoming  deference  to  the  public. 

The  account  which  has  been  given  of  the  sources  whence  the  compiler 
has  obtained  his  information,  the  quotations  in  the  body  of  the  Avork,  the 
references  made  in  the  marginal  notes  to  authors,  records,  and  manu- 
scripts, with  the  appendix,  it  is  imagined,  will  be  abundantly  sufficient  to 
authenticate  what  has  been  written.  Indeed,  very  little  has  been  taken 
A; pon  tradition. 

t .(<•».!  the  history  been  written  more  leisurely  and  with  fewer  avocatioas 


*  PREFACE. 

it  might  have  been  more  perfect ;  but  as  it  was  desired  to  make  as  short  a 
pause  as  possible  in  writing  the  history  of  the  United  States,  it  was  judg- 
ed inexpedient  to  employ  more  time  upon  it. 

The  author  is  under  great  disadvantages  for  historic  writing.  He  can 
command  no  time  for  himself.  The  work  of  the  ministry,  which  is  his 
chosen  and  beloved  employment,  after  all  his  application,  so  engrosses 
his  time,  that  sometimes  for  weeks  and  months,  after  all  his  application, 
he  cannot  find  a  single  day  for  the  compilation  of  history.  When  he  has 
attempted  it,  he  has  been  able  scarcely  to  write  a  page  without  interrup- 
tion. Often  he  has  been  so  fatigued  with  other  studies,  as  to  be  in  cir- 
cumstances not  the  most  favorable  for  composition, 

It  may,  possibly,  be  thought  a  great  neglect,  or  matter  of  partiality, 
that  no  account  is  given  of  witchcraft  in  Connecticut.  The  only  reason 
is,  that  after  the  most  careful  researches,  no  indictment  of  any  person  for 
that  crime,  nor  any  process  relative  to  that  affair,  can  be  found.  The 
minute  in  Goff 's  journal,  published  by  governor  Hutchinson,  relative  to 
the  execution  of  Ann  Coles,  and  an  obscure  tradition  that  one  or  two 
persons  were  executed  at  Stratford,  is  all  the  information  to  be  found  rel- 
ative to  that  unhappy  affair. 

The  countenance  and  assistance  which  the  honorable  legislature  have 
given  the  writer,  by  allowing  him  a  free  access  to  the  public  records  and 
papers,  is  most  respectfully  acknowledged. 

The  attention  and  complaisance  with  which  he  has  been  treated  by  the 
secretaries  of  the  state,  and  their  respective  families,  while  he  has  had  oc- 
casion to  examine  the  public  records  and  papers,  challenge  the  warmest 
expressions  of  his  gratitude. 

To  his  brethren  in  the  ministry,  the  gentlemen  of  the  bar,  and  the 
towns  who  have  so  generously  encouraged  and  supported  the  subscrip- 
tion, he  returns  his  grateful  acknowledgments. 

The  labor  of  collecting  the  materials  for  the  history  and  compilement, 
has  been  almost  incredible.  The  expense  of  publication  will  be  great. 
However,  should  it  meet  a  favorable  reception,  assist  the  legislator  or  di- 
vine, the  gentlemen  of  the  bench  or  of  the  bar  ;  should  it  afford  instruction 
and  pleasure  to  the  sons  and  daughters  of  the  state,  and  in  any  degree 
advance  its  morals  or  literature,  it  will  be  au  ample  compensation. 


CHAPTER  I. 

INTRODUCTION.  The  discovery  of  North- America  and  New-Eng- 
land. Captain  Smith's  discovery.  The  country  is  named  New-Eng- 
land. New-Plymouth  settled.  The  great  patent  of  New-England, 
and  patent  of  Massachusetts.  The  settlement  of  Salem,  Charlestown, 
Boston,  and  other  towns  in  Massachusetts.  Mr.Warham,  Mr.  Phillips 
and  Mr.  Hooker,  with  others  of  the  first  planters  of  Connecticut?  arrive 
arid  make  settlements  at  Dorchester,  Watertown,  and  Newtown. 
Their  churches  are  formed  and  they  are  ordained. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  patent  of  Connecticut.  The  situation,  extent,  boundaries  and  area 
of  the  settled  part  of  the  colony.  The  discovery  of  Connecticut  river ; 
a  description  of  it,  and  the  signification  of  its  name.  The  colony  de- 
rives its  name  from  the  river.  Description  of  other  rivers.  Plymouth 
and  Dutch  houses.  Prospects  of  trade  upon  the  river. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  state  of  the  country  of  Connecticut  when  the  settlement  of  the  colO" 
ny  began.  Its  trees  and  fruits.  Its  animals.  Number,  situation,  gen- 
ius, manners,  arms,  utensils  and  wars  of  the  Indians. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  people  at  Dorchester,  Watertown,  and  Newtown,  finding  thernselvea 
straightened  in  the  Massachusetts,  determine  to  remove  to  Connecticut. 
Debates  in  Massachusetts  relative  to  their  removal.  The  general  court 
at  first  prohibited  it,  but  afterwards  gave  its  consent.  The  people  re- 
moved and  settled  the  towns  of  Windsor,  Hartford  and  Weathersfield. 
Hardships  and  losses  of  the  first  winters. 

VOL.  i.  B 


re  CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE  war  with  the  Pequots.  The  origin  of  it.  The  murder  of  Captains- 
Stone  and  Norton,  of  Mr.  Oldham  and  others.  Mr.  Endicot's  expedi- 
tion against  them.  The  Pequots  kill  a  number  of  the  garrison  at  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  and  besiege  the  fort.  Captain  Mason  is  sent  dowr> 
from  Connecticut  with  a  reinforcement.  The  enemy  make  a  descent 
on  Weathersfield,  torture  and  mock  the  English.  The  court  at  Connec- 
ticut declares  war  against  them.  Captain  Mason  takes  Mistic  fort. 
Sassacus  destroys  his  royal  fortress  and  flees  to  the  westward.  A  sec- 
ond expedition  is  undertaken  against  the  Pequots  conjointly,  by  Massa- 
chusetts and  Connecticut.  The  great  swamp  fight.  The  Pequots. 
subdued.  Sassacus  flying  to  the  Mohawks  was  beheaded.  The  capti- 
vated and  surviving  Pequots,  after  the  war,  were  given  to  theMoheagan^ 
and  Narragansets,  and  their  name  extinguished. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

EFFECTS  of  the  war.  Great  scarcity  in  Connecticut,  and  means  taken  to 
relieve  the  necessities  of  the  people.  Settlement  of  New-Haven 
Plantation  covenant.  Means  for  the  defence  of  the  colony.  Captain 
Mason  made  major  general.  Civi4  constitution  of  Connecticut,  formed 
by  voluntary  compact.  First  general  election  at  Connecticut.  Gov- 
ernors and  magistrates.  General  rights  of  the  people,  and  principal 
laws  of  the  colony.  Constitution  and  laws  of  New-Haven.  Purchase 
and  settlement  of  several  towns  in  Connecticut  and  New-Haven. 

CHAPTER  VIL 

THE  progress  of  purchase,  settlement,  and  law  in  the  colonies  of  Connec- 
ticut and  New-Haven.  The  effect  of  the  conquest  of  the  Pequots  or* 
the  natives,  and  the  manner  in  which  they  were  treated.  Purchases  of 
them.  Towns  settled.  Divisions  at  Weathersfield  occasion  the  settle- 
ment of  Stamford.  Troubles  with  the  Ducth  and  Indians.  Capita! 
laws  of  Connecticut.  The  confederation  of  the  united  colonies.  Fur- 
ther troubles  with  the  Indians.  Victory  of  Uncas  over  the  Narragan- 
sets,  and  capture  of  their  sachem.  The  advice  of  the  commissioners 
respecting  Miantonimoh.  His  execution.  Precautions  of  the  colonie.- 
to  prevent  war.  The  Dutch,  harassed  by  an  Indian  war,  apply  to  New-- 
Haven for  assistance, 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

PUBLIC  fasts  appointed.  Indians  continue  hostile,  and  commit  murder. 
Acts  of  the  commissioners  respecting  them.  Branford  settled.  Towns 
in  Connecticut.  Message  of  the  commissioners  to  the  Narragansets. 
Their  agreement  respecting  Uncas.  Long-Island  Indians  taken  under 

•  the  protection  of  the  united  colonies.  Massachusetts  claim  part  of 
the  Pequot  country  and  Waranoke.  Determination  of  the  commis- 
sioners respecting  said  claim.  Agreement  with  Mr.  Fenwick  relative 
to  Saybrook  fort  and  the  adjacent  country.  Fortifications  advanced. 
Extraordinary  meeting  of  the  commissioners  to  suppress  the  outrages 
of  the  Narragansets.  War  proclaimed  and  troops  sent  against  them. 
Tiiey  treat  and  prevent  war.  Fairfield  object  to  a  jury  of  six.  Con 


CONTENTS.  tl 

"troversy  with  the  Dutch.  The  Indians  plot  against  the  life  of  ^ovem- 
-or  Hopkins  and  other  principal  gentlemen  at  Hartford.  Damages  at 
"Windsor.  Battle  between  the  Dutch  and  Indians.  Losses  of  New- 
HrtVen.  Dispute  with  Massachusetts  relative  to  the  impost  at  Say- 
forook.  Mr.  Winthrop's  claim  of  the  Nehantick  country.  Settlement 
-of  accounts  between  the  colonies. 

CHAPTER  IX. 

.SETTLEMENT  of  New-London.  Salaries  first  granted  to  civil  officers. 
Troubles  with  the  Narraganset  Indians.  Rhode-Island  petitions  to  be 
united  with  the  colonies  in  confederation.  The  Massachusetts  resume 
-the  affair  of  the  impost.  Mr.  Westerhouse  complains  of  the  seizure  of 
his  vessel  by  the  Dutch,  in  the  harbour  of  New-Haven.  Murders  com- 
mitted by  the  Indians  ; — resolutions  respecting  the  murderers.  Body 
of  laws  compiled.  Debates  relative  to  the  settlement  of  Delaware. 
The  Pequots  revolt  from  Uncas,  and  petition  the  English.  Resolu- 
tion respecting  them.  Mr.  Westerkouse  petitions  to  make  reprisals 
from  the  Dutch.  Letter  to  the  Dutch  governor.  Further  altercation 
respecting  the  impost.  Final  issue  of  that  affair.  The  conduct  of  the 
Massachusetts  upon  its  decision,  and  the  declaration  of  the  commis- 
sioners respecting  it.  Their  treatment  of  Connecticut  respecting  tho 
line  between  the  colonies.  The  court  at  Connecticut  determine  to 
avenge  the  death  of  John  Whitmore,  and  detach  men  to  take  the 
murderer. 

CHAPTER  X. 

COURT  of  election  at  Hartford.  Grants  to  captain  Mason.  The  com- 
missioners meet  and  dispatch  captain  Atherton  to  the  Narragansets. 
Their  message  to  Ninigrate.  The  Dutch  Governor  arrives  at  Hart- 
ford, and  refers  the  differences  between  him  and  the  colonies  to  arbi- 
trators. Their  determination,  and  the  line  is  fixed  between  the  Eng- 
lish and  Dutch  plantatiop-s.  Agreements  with  Mr.  Fenwick  occasion 
general  uneasiness.  Committees  are  appointed  to  explain  and  ascer- 
tain them.  Towns  are  invited  to  attend  the  committees,  by  their  dep- 
uties, at  Saybrook.  An  act  for  the  encouragement  of  Mr.  Winthrop 
in  seeking  and  improving  mines.  Norwalk  and  Mattabeseck  settled 
and  made  towns.  The  colony  of  New-Haven  make  another  attempt 
to  settle  at  Delaware.  The  Dutch  .Governor  seizes  the  company  and 
frustrates  the  design.  He  pursues  his  former  line  of  conduct  towards 
1he  colonies.  The  resolutions  of  the  commissioners  relative  to  his 
conduct,  to  the  settlement  of  Delaware,  and  the  tribute  to  be  paid  by 
the  Pequots.  French  commissioners  from  Canada.  Their  proposals. 
Reply  to  them.  The  Dutch  governor  and  Indians  concert  a  plan  to 
extirpate  the  colonies.  The  commissioners  meet,  and  dispatch  agents 
to  the  Dutch  governor.  They  determine  upon  war,  unless  he  shouid 
manifest  his  innocence,  and  redress  the  grievances  of  the  colonies. 
They  determine  on  the  number  of  meii  to  be  raised,  and  draw  a  dec- 
laration of  the  reasons  of  the  war.  The  agents  return  unsuccessful 
The  commissioners  meet  again,  and  determine  to  make  war  upon  the 
Dutch  and  Narraganset  Indians.  The  general  court  of  Massachusetts 
refuses  to  raise  men,  and  prevents  the  war.  Altercations  between 
that  general  court  arid  the  commissioners,  and  between  that  and  the 
general  courts  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven.  The  alarm  and  dis- 
.tress  of  the  plantations  in  these  colonies.  Their  genera]  courts  protest 


If  CONTENTS, 

against  the  court  of  Massachusetts,  as  violaters  of  the  articles  of  con- 
federation ;  and  write  to  Cromwell  and  the  parliament  for  assistance. 
The  tumultuous  state  of  the  inhabitants  in  several  of  the  towns. 

CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  death  and  character  of  Governor  Haynes.  The  freemen  of  Con- 
necticut meet  and  appoint  a  moderator.  Mr.  Ludlow  removes  to  Vir- 
ginia. The  spirited  conduct  of  the  people  at  Milford,  in  recovering 
Manning's  vessel.  The  freemen  add  to  the  fundamental  articles. 
Fleet  arrives  at  Boston  for  the  reduction  of  the  Dutch.  The  colonies 
agree  to  raise  men  to  assist  the  armament  from  England.  Peace  pre- 
vents the  expedition.  The  general  court  at  New-Haven,  charge  the 
Massachusetts  with  a  breach  of  the  confederation.  They  refuse  to  join 
in  a  war  against  Ninigrate,  and  oblige  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  to 
provide  for  the  defence  of  themselves  and  their  allies.  Ninigrate  con- 
tinuing his  hostile  measures,  the  commissioners  send  messengers  to  him, 
His  answer  to  them.  They  declare  war,  and  send  an  army  against 
him.  The  art  of  Massachusetts  and  the  deceit  of  Major  Willard,  defeat 
the  designed  expedition.  The  number  of  rateable  polls,  and  the  amount 
of  the  list  of  Connecticut.  The  Pequots  are  taken  under  their  protec- 
tion. Ninigrate  persisting  in  his  hostilities  against  the  Indians  upon 
Long-Island,  the  general  court  adopt  measures  for  the  defence  of  the  In- 
dians and  the  English  inhabitants  there.  New-Haven  perfect  and  print 
their  laws.  The  answer  of  New-Haven  to  the  protector's  invitation, 
that  they  would  remove  to  Jamaica,  Reply  of  the  commissioners  to 
the  Dutch  governor.  Uncas  embroils  the  country  Deaths  and  char- 
acters of  Governors  Eaton  and  Hopkins.  Settlement  of  Stonington, 
Mr.  Winthrop  chosen  governor.  The  third  fundamental  article  is  al- 
tered by  the  freemen.  Mr.  Fitch  and  his  church  and  people  remove  tq 
Norwich.  Final  settlement  of  accounts  with  the  heirs  of  Mr.  Fenwick. 
Deputy  governor  Mason  resigns  the  Moheagan  lands  to  the  colony. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  general  court  of  Connecticut  declare  their  loyalty  and  submission  to 
the  king  ;  determine  to  address  his  majesty,  and  apply  for  charter  priv- 
ileges. A  petition  to  his  majesty  is  prepared,  and  a  letter  addressed  to 
lord  Say  and  Seal.  Governor  Winthrop  is  appointed  the  colony's 
agent,  to  present  their  petition,  and  solicit  a  patent.  Regicides  con- 
demned. Whalley  and  Gofle  arrive  at  Boston  ;  escape  to  New-Hav- 
en, and  are  kindly  entertained,  and  kept  from  their  pursuers.  New- 
Haven  falls  into  great  trouble  and  danger  on  that  account.  New-Hav- 
en excuse  themselves  ;  decline  sending  an  agent ;  but  join  with  Mas- 
sachusetts in  supporting  one.  The  king  proclaimed..  Governor  Win- 
throp obtains  the  charter  of  Connecticut.  First  governor  and  council 
under  the  charter.  Representation  of  the  constitution  it  ordains,  and 
the  privileges  it  conveys.  Difficulties  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven. 
Governor  Leet's  address.  Charter  of  Connecticut  arrives.  Proceed- 
ings of  Connecticut  in  consequence  of  the  charter.  They  extend  their 
jurisdiction  to  all  places  within  the  limits  of  their  patent,  and  challenge 
New-Haven  colony,  as  under  their  jurisdiction.  Controversy  between 
the  two  colonies.  Settlement  of  Killingworth.  Patent  of  the  duke  of 
Fork.  Colonel  Nichols  and  commissioners  arrive  ;  reduce  all  the 
Dutch  settlements.  Their  extraordinary  powers.  Important  crisis  of 
Connecticut.  The  general  court  make  a  present  to  the  commission- 


CONTENTS.  13 

«rs.  Answer  to  the  propositions  from  his  majesty,  and  reply  to  the 
duke  of  Hamilton's  claim  and  petition.  Boundaries  between  Connec- 
ticut  and  New-York.  Union  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven. 

CHAPTER  XIII, 

A  VIEW  of  the  churches  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  from  their  first 
settlement,  until  their  union,  in  1665.  Their  ministers.  The  charac- 
ter of  the  ministers  and  first  planters.  Their  religious  and  political  sen- 
timents. Gathering  of  the  churches  of  New-Haven  and  Milford.  In- 
stallation of  Mr.  Davenport  and  Mr.  Prudden.  Church  formed  at 
Guilford.  Number  of  ministers  in  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  be- 
fore the  union.  Proportion  of  ministers  to  the  people,  before,  and  at 
the  union.  Harmony  between  the  civil  rulers  and  the  clergy.  Influ- 
ence of  the  clergy,  and  the  reasons  of  it.  Their  opposition  to  Antino- 
mianism.  Assisted  in  the  compilation  of  Cambridge  Platform.  Ec- 
clesiastical laws.  Care  to  diffuse  general  knowledge :  its  happy  influ- 
ence. Attempts  to  found  a  college  at  New-Haven.  No  sectaries  in 
Connecticut  nor  New-Haven,  until  after  the  union ;  and  for  twenty 
years  the  churches  generally  enjoyed  great  peace.  Deaths  and  char- 
acters of  several  of  the  first  ministers.  Great  dissensions  in  the  church 
at  Hartford  soon  after  Mr,  Hooker's  death.  Dissensions  and  contro- 
versies in  the  colony  and  churches  in  general,  relative  to  baptism, 
church-membership,  and  the  rights  of  the  brethren.  A  new  genera- 
tion arises,  who  had  not  all  imbibed  the  spirit  of  their  fathers.  Griev- 
ances presented  to  the  general  court  of  Connecticut,  on  the  account  of 
the  strictness  of  the  churches,  and  that  sober  people  were  denied  com- 
munion with  them,  and  baptism  for  their  children.  The  court  of  Con- 
necticut send  to  the  other  general  courts  for  advice.  Laws  against  the 
Quakers.  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  agree  in  appointing  a  synod 
at  Boston.  General  court  at  New-Haven  oppose  the  meeting  of  a  sy- 
nod, and  decline  sending  their  elders.  Questions  proposed  for  discus- 
sion. The  synod  meet  and  answer  them  ;  but  it  had  no  good  effect  on 
the  churches :  they  would  not  comply  with  their  decisions.  Dissen- 
sions continued  at  Hartford.  Acts  of  the  general  court  respecting; 
them.  Councils  from  Massachusetts.  Difficulties  in  some  measure 
composed.  Divisions  and  animosities  at  Weathersfield.  Act  ofjthe 
general  court  respecting  the  church  there.  Mr.  Russell  and  others  re- 
move from  Weathersfield  and  Hartford  and  settle  Hadley.  Mr.  Stow 
dismissed  from  the  ministry  at  Middletown,  by  a  committee  of  the  ge- 
neral court.  Synod  at  Boston.  Its  determination  relative  to  baptism, 
and  the  consociation  of  churches.  Division  in  the  synod  and  in  the 
churches  relative  to  those  points.  The  court  at  Connecticut  send  no 
ciders  to  the  council,  nor  take  any  part  in  the  controversy,  until  some 
time  afterwards. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

CONDUCT  of  the  king's  commissioners.  Countifs  and  County  Courts 
'  regulated.  Governor  "Winthrop's  estate  freed  from  taxation.  Towns 
settled.  Controversy  with  Rhode-Island.  The  grounds  of  it.  Courts 
appointed  in  the  Narraganset  country.  Laws  revised  and  printed. 
W  ar  with  the  Dutch.  Claims  and  conduct  of  major  Edmund  Andross, 
governor  of  New-York.  Protest  against  him.  Conduct  of  capt.  Tho- 
mas Bull.  Proclamation  respecting  the  insult  received  from  major 
Andross.  Philip's  war.  Captain?  Hutchinson  and  Lothrop  surprised 


1ft  CONTENTS. 

and  slain.  Treachery  of  the  Springfield  Indians.  Hadley  attacked  by 
the  enemy.  The  assembly  make  provision  for  the  defence  of  Connect- 
icut. Expedition  against  the  Narragauset  Indians.  The  reasons  of  it. 
The  great  swamp  fight.  Loss  of  men.  Courage  exhibited  and  hard- 
ships endured.  Captain  Pierce  and  his  party  cut  off.  Nanunttenoo 
taken.  Success  of  captains  Denison  and  Avery.  Captain  Wadsworth 
and  his  party  slain.  Death  and  character  of  governor  Winthrop.  Suc- 
cess of  Major  Talcott.  Attack  upon  Hadley.  The  enemy  beaten  and 
•begin  to  scatter.  They  are  pursued  to  Housatonick.  Sachem  of  Qua- 
baug  and  Philip  killed.  Number  of  the  enemy  before  the  war.  Their 
destruction.  Loss  of  the  colonies.  Connecticut  preserves  its  own 
towns  and  assists  its  neighbours. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

.MEASURES  adopted  to  discharge  the  public  debt,  and  settle  the  country 
jn  peace.  The  reasons  of  the  colony's  claim  to  Narraganset.  The  for- 
mer settlers  and  owners  of  land  there  apply  to  Connecticut  for  protec- 
tion. Major  Treat  goes  to  the  upper  towns  upon  Connecticut  river,  to 
treat  with  the  Indians.  Fasts  appointed  through  New-England.  Act 
concerning  the  conquered  lands  in  Narraganset.  Navigation  act  griev- 
ous to  the  colonies.  Governor  Leet  takes  the  oath  respecting  trade 
and  navigation.  Answers  to  queries  from  the  lords  of  trade  and  plan- 
tations. Protest  against  Sir  Edmund  Andross's  claim  to  Fisher's  Isl- 
and. Character  o?  governor  Leet.  Commissioners  appointed  by  his 
majesty,  to  examiae  and  make  report  concerning  all  claims  to  the  Nar- 
raganset country,  or  king's  province.  They  report  in  favour  of  Con- 
necticut. Answers  to  the  renewed  claim  of  the  duke  of  Hamilton,  and 
opinions  on  the  case.  Connecticut  congratulate  the  arrival  of  colonel 
Dungan,  governor  of  New-York,  and  agree  with  him  respecting  the 
boundary  line  between  that  colony  and  Connecticut.  Petition  to  king 
James  II.  Settlement  of  Waterbury.  Quo-warrantos  against  the  co- 
lony. The  assembly  petition  his  majesty  to  continue  their  charter  pri- 
vileges. Sir  Edmund  Andross  made  governor  of  New-England.  Ar- 
rives at  Hartford  :  takes  the  government  by  order  of  his  majesty.  The 
oppression  and  cruelty  of  his  administration.  Distressed  and  sorrow- 
ful state  of  the  people. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

REVOLUTION  in  New-England.  Connecticut  resume  their  government. 
Address  to  king  William.  Troops  raised  for  the  defence  of  the  easteni 
settlements  in  New-Hampshire  and  the  province  of  Maine.  French 
and  Indian  war.  Schenectady  destroyed.  Connecticut  dispatch  a  re- 
inforcement to  Albany.  Expedition  against  Canada.  The  land  army 
retreats,  and  the  enterprise  proves  unsuccessful.  Leisler's  abuse  of 
major-general  Winthrop.  The  assembly  of  Connecticut  approve  the 
general's  conduct.  Thanks  are  returned  to  Mr.  Mather,  agent  Whit- 
ing, and  Mr.  Porter.  Opinions  respecting  the  charter,  and  the  legality 
of  Connecticut's  assuming  their  government.  Windham  settled.  The. 
Mohawk  castles  are  surprised,  and  the  country  alarmed.  Connecticut 
send  troops  to  Albany.  Colonel  Fletcher,  governor  of  New- York,  de- 
mands the  command  of  the  militia  of  Connecticut.  The  colony  peti- 
tion king  William  on  the  subject.  Colonel  Fletcher  comes  to  Hart- 
ford, and,  in  person,  demands  that  the  legislature  submit  the  militia  to 
his  command;  but  they  refuse.  Captain  Wadsworth  prevents  the 


CONTENTS.  15 

reading  of  his  commission  ;  and  the  colonel  judges  it  expedient  to  leave 
the  colony-  The  case  of  Connecticut  relative  to  the  militia  stated.  His 
majesty  determines  in  favour  of  the  colony.  Committees  are  appoint- 
ed to  settle  the  boundary  line  between  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts. 
General  Winthrop  returns,  and  receives  public  thanks.  Congratulatior/ 
of  the  Earl  of  Bellemont,  appointed  governor  of  New- York  and  Mas- 
sachusetts. Dispute  with  Rhode-Island  continues.  Committee  to 
settle  the  boundaries.  Expenses  of  the  war.  Vexatious  conduct  of 
governor  Fletcher.  Peace,  joy,  and  thanksgiving. 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

GENERAL  Winthrop  is  elected  governor.  The  assembly  divide  and  form 
into  two  houses.  Purchase  and  settlement  of  several  towns.  The 
boundary  line  between  Connecticut  and  New-York  surveyed  and  fixed. 
Attempts  for  running  and  establishing  the  line  between  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut.  Owaneco  and  the  Moheagans  claim  Colchester  and 
other  tracts  in  the  colony.  Attempts  to  compose  all  differences  with 
them.  Grant  to  the  volunteers.  The  assembly  enacts,  that  the  ses- 
sion in  October,  shall,  for  the  future,  be  in  New-Haven.  An  Act  en- 
larging the  boundaries  of  New-London  ;  and  acts  relative  to  towns  and 
patents.  Measures  adopted  for  the  defence  of  the  colony.  Appoint- 
ment of  king's  attorneys.  Attempt  to  despoil  Connecticut  of  its  char- 
ter. Bill  for  re-uniting  the  charter  governments  to  the  crown.  Sir 
Henry  Ashurst  petitions  against,  and  prevents  the  passing  of  the  bill. 
Governor  Dudley,  Lord  Cornbury,  and  other  enemies  conspire  against 
the  colony.  They  exhibit  grievous  complaints  against  k.  Sir  Henry 
Ashurst  defends  the  colony,  and  defeats  their  attempts.  Quakers  pe- 
tition. Moheagan  case.  Survey  and  bounds  of  the  pretended  Mo- 
heagan  country.  Dudley's  court  at  Stonington.  The  colony  protest 
against  it.  Dudley's  treatment  of  the  colony.  Judgment  against  it. 
Petition  to  her  majesty  on  the  subject.  New  commissions  are  grant- 
ed. Act  in  favor  of  the  clergy.  State  of  the  colony. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE  country  is  alarmed.  Means  of  defence.  The  assembly  decline  the 
affording  of  any  assistance  in  the  expedition  against  Port  Royal.  Grant 
assistance  to  the  frontier  towns.  New  townships  granted  and  settled. 
The  Rev.  Gurdon  Saltonstall  chosen  governor.  Act  empowering  the 
freemen  to  choose  the  governor  from  among  themselves  at  large.  tActrf 
relative  to  the  settlement  of  the  boundary  line  with  Massachusetts. 
Garrisons  erected  in  the  towns  on  the  frontiers.  Expedition  against 
Canada.  First  emission  of  paper  money.  Address  to  her  majesty. 
Loss  of  the  colony  at  Wood  Creek.  Expedition  against  Port  Royal. 
Expedition  against  Canada,  under  the  command  of  Admiral  Walker 
and  general  Nicholson.  Fleet  cast  away,  and  the  enterprise  defeated. 
The  colony  petition  her  majesty,  and  send  the  only  pilot  from  Con- 
necticut, to  England,  to  represent  to  her  majesty  the  loss  of  the  fleet 
truly  as  it  was.  Acts  respecting  the  superior  court.  Settlement  of  the 
boundary  line  between  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut.  Reasons  why 
the  colony  consented  to  such  a  settlement.  Return  of  peace.  The 
colony  happy  in  the  preservation  of  their  frontiers.  Towns  settled  un- 
<4er  Massachusetts.  State  of  the  colony.  Observations. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

A  VIEW  of  the  churches  of  Connecticut,  from  1665  to  1714,  contmu 
ed  from  chapter  XIII.  The  general  assembly  appoint  a  synodto  de- 
termine points  of  religious  controversy.  The  ministers  decline 
meeting  under  the  name  of  a  synod.  The  assembly  alter  the  name, 
and  require  them  to  meet  as  a  general  assembly  of  the  ministers  and 
churches  of  Connecticut.  Seventeen  questions  were  proposed  to  the 
assembly,  to  be  discussed  and  answered.  The  assembly  of  minis- 
ters meet  and  discuss  the  questions.  The  legislature  declare,  that  they 
had  not  been  decided,  and  give  intimations  that  they  did  not  desire, 
that  the  ministers  and  churches  of  Connecticut  should  report  their 
opinion  upon  them.  They  express  their  desires  of  a  larger  council 
from  Massachusetts^  and  New-Plymouth.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Davenport, 
removes  to  Boston.  Dissension  at  Windsor.  Mr.  Bulkley  and  Mr. 
Fitch  are  appointed  by  the  assembly  to  devise  some  way  in  which  the 
churches  might  walk  together,  notwithstanding  their  different  opin- 
ions relative  to  the  subjects  of  baptism,  church  communion,  and  the 
mode  of  church  discipline.  The  church  at  Hartford  divides,  and  Mr, 
Whiting  and  his  adherents  are  allowed  to  practice  upon  congregation- 
al principles.  The  church  at  Stratford  allowed  to  divide  and  hold  dis- 
tinct meetings.  Mr.  Walker  and  his  hearers,  upon  advice,  remove  and 
settle  the  town  of  Woodbury.  Deaths  and  characters  of  the  Rev. 
Messrs.  John  Davenport  and  John  Warham.  General  attempts  for  a 
reformation  of  manners.  Religious  state  of  the  colony  in  1680.  At- 
tempts for  the  instruction  and  christianising  of  the  Indians  in  Connecti- 
cut. Act  of  the  legislature  respecting  Windsor.  The  people  there  re- 
quired peaceably  to  settle  and  support  Mr.  Mather.  Owning  or  sub- 
scribing the  covenant  introduced  at  Hartford.  College  founded,  and 
trustees  incorporated.  Worship  according  to  the  mode  of  the  church 
of  England,  performed  in  this  colony,  first  at  Stratford.  Episcopal 
church  gathered  there.  Act  of  assembly  requiring  the  ministers  and 
churches  of  Connecticut  to  meet  and  form  a  religious  constitution. 
They  meet  and  compile  the  Saybrook  Platform.  Articles  of  disci- 
pline. Act  of  the  legislature  adopting  the  Platform.  Associations. 
Consociations.  General  Association.  Its  recommendations  relative  to 
the  examination  of  candidates  for  the  ministry,  and  of  pastors  elect 
previous  to  their  ordination.  Ministers,  churches,  and  ecclesiastical  so- 
cieties in  Connecticut,  in  1713.  Degree  of  instruction.  The  whole 
number  of  ministers  in  the  colony  from  its  first  settlement,  to  that  pe  - 
riod. 

APPENDIX. 

CONTAINING  various  documents  referred  to  in  this  volume,  with  the  great 
original  PATEJKT  OF  NEW-ENGLAND,  never  before  published. 


TH» 


HISTORY 


OP 


CONNECTICUT. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Introduction.  The  discovery  of  North- America  and  New- 
England.  Captain  Smithes  discovery.  The  country  is 
named  New-England.  New-Plymouth  settled.  The  great 
patent  of  New-England,  and  patent  of  Massachusetts. 
The  settlement  of  Salem,  Charlestown,  Boston,  and  other 
towns  in  Massachusetts.  Mr.  Warham,  Mr.  Phillips  and 
Mr.  Hooker,  with  others  of  thejlrst  planters  of  Connecti- 
cut, arrive  and  make  settlements  at  Dorchester,  Water- 
town  and  New  town*  Their  churches  are  formed  and  they 
are  ordained. 

THE  settlement  of  New-England,  purely  for  the  pur-  BOOK  I. 
poses  of  Religion,  and  the  propagation  of  civil  and  v^-v-w 
religious  liberty,  is  an  event  which  has  no  parallel  in  the 
history  of  modern  ages.  The  piety,  self-denial,  suffer- 
ings, patience,  perseverance  and  magnanimity  of  the  first 
settlers  of  the  country  are  without  a  rival.  The  happy  and 
extensive  consequences  of  the  settlements  which  they 
made,  and  of  the  sentiments  which  they  were  careful  to 
propagate,  to  their  posterity,  to  the  church  and  to  the 
•world,  admit  of  no  description.  They  are  still  increas- 
ing, spreading  wider  and  wider,  and  appear  more  and 
more  important. 

The  planters  of  Connecticut  were  among  the  illustrious 
characters,  who  first  settled  New-England,  and  twice  made 
settlements,  first  in  Massachusetts,  and  then  in  Connecti- 
cut on  bare  creation.  In  an  age  when  the  light  of  freedom 
was  but  just  dawning,  they,  by  voluntary  compact,  formed 
one  of  the  most  free  and  happy  constitutions  of  govern* 

€ 


18  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  I,, 

BOOK  I.  ment  which  mankind  have  ever  adopted.     Connecticut  has. 

v^-v^/  ever  been  distinguished  by  the  free  spirit  of  its  govern- 
ment, the  mildness  of  its  laws,  and  the  general  diffusion 
of  knowledge,  among  all  classes  of  its  inhabitants.  They 
have  been  no  less  distinguished  by  their  industry,  econo- 
my, purity  of  manners,  population  and  spirit  of  enterprise. 
For  more  than  a  century  and  half,  they  have  had  no  rival; 
as  to  the  steadiness  of  their  government,  their  internal 
peace  and  harmony,  their  love  and  high  enjoyment  of  do- 
mestic, civil  and  religious  order  and  happiness.  They 
have  ever  stood  among  the  most  illuminated,  first  and  bold 
est  defenders  of  the  civil  and  religious  rights  of  mankind. 

The  history  of  such  a  people  must  be  curious,  entertain- 
ing and  important.  It  will  exhibit  the  fairest  models  of 
civil  government,  of  religious  order,  purity  and  human 
happiness.  It  is  the  design  of  the  present  work  to  lay  this 
history  before  the  public. 

As  the  planters  of  Connecticut  were  among  the  first  set- 
tlers of  New-England,  and  interested  in  the  first  patents 
and  settlements,  sketches  of  the  discovery  of  the  country, 
of  the  patents  by  which  it  was  conveyed  and  divided  to 
the  different  colonies,  and  of  the  first  settlements,  will  be 
necessary  to  illustrate  the  history  of  Connecticut  and  be  a 
natural  preliminary  to  this  work. 

Oct.  12,         CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS,  a  Genoese,   discovered   the 

J492.  western  isles,  and  first  communicated  to  Europe  the  intel- 
ligence of  a  new  world  :  but  the  Cabots  had  the  honor  of 
discovering  the  great  continent  of  North- America. 

1494.  JOHN  CABOT,  a  Venetian,  born  in  England,   in   1494 

discovered  Newfoundland  and  the  island  of  St.  Johns.  In 
consequence  of  this  discovery,  king  Henry  the  seventh  ot 
England,  in  whose  service  he  was  employed,  conferred  on 
him  the  honor  of  knighthood  ;  and  gave  him  and  his  sons  a 
commission  to  make  further  discoveries  in  the  new  world. 
John  Cabot  died  soon  after  he  received  this  commission. 
His  son  Sebastian,  in  1497,  sailed  with  the  fleet,  which  had 
been  preparing  for  his  father,  and  directing  his  course  by 
his  journals,  proceeded  to  the  67th  degree  of  north  lati- 
tude, and,  returning  to  the  southward,  fell  in  with  the  conti- 
nent in  the  56th  degree  of  north  latitude  ;  and  thence  ex- 
plored the  coast  as  far  south  as  the  Floridas.  From  these 
discoveries  originated  the  claims  of  England  to  these  parts 
of  the  northern  continent. 

1602.  In  1602,  Bartholomew  Gosnold  discovered  some  part  of 

New-England.     He  first  touched  on  its  eastern  coast,  in  a- 
bout  43  degrees  of  north  latitude  ;  and,  sailing  to  the  south- 
landed  on  the  Elizabeth  Islands.     He  made  som* 


CHAP.  I.  CONNECTICUT.  19 

discoveries  of  the  adjacent  parts,  and  gave  the  name  to  BOOK  L 
Cape  Cod  and  Marthas  Vineyard.  s-^-v-^w 

Captain  Henry  Hudson,  commissioned  by  king  James 
I.  in  1G08,  sailed,  in  the  employment  of  several  London1608- 
merchants,  to  North-America.  He  came  upon  the  coast  in 
about  40  degrees  of  north  latitude,  and  made  a  discovery 
of  Long-Island  and  Hudson's  river.  He  proceeded  up  the 
river  as  far  as  the  latitude  of  43,  and  called  it  by  his  own 
name. 

About  two  years  after  he  made  a  second  voyage  to  the  IGIO. 
river,  in  the  service  of  a  number  of  Dutch  merchants  ;  and, 
some  time  after,  made  sale  of  his  right  io  the  Dutch.  The 
right  to  the  country,  however,  was  antecedently  in  king 
James,  by  virtue  of  the  discovery  which  Hudson  had  made 
under  his  commission.-  The  English  protested  against  the 
sale  ;  but  the  Dutch,  in  1*14,  under  the  Amsterdam  West- 
India  company,  built  a  fort  nearly  on  the  same  ground 
where  the  city  of  Albany  now  is,  which  they  called  fort 
Aurania.  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  governor  of  Virginia,  direct- 
ly after  dispatched  captain  Argall  to  dispossess  the  Dutch, 
and  they  submitted  to  the  king  of  England,  and  under  him 
to  the  governor  of  Virginia,* 

The  same  year  captain  John  Smith,  who  some  years  be- 1614, 
fore  had  been  governor  of  Virginia,  made  a  voyage  to  this 
part  of  the  continent.  He  ranged  the  coast  from  Penob- 
scot  to  Cape  Cod  ;  made  a  discovery  of  the  river  Pascata- 
qua,  and  the  Massachusetts  islands.  On  his  return  to 
England,  he  published  a  description  of  the  country,  with  a 
map  of  the  sea  coast,  and  gave  k  the  name  of  New-Eng- 
land. 

In  1620,  a  number  of  pions  people,  part  of  Mr.  John  New- 
Robinson's  church  and  congregation,  who,  by  the  violence  KnjUt': 
of  persecution,  had  been  driven  from  their  pleasant  seats  1620.  ' 
and  enjoyments  in  England,  arrived  on  the  coast ;  and, 
after  braving  every  danger,  and  enduring  almost  every 
hardship  and  distress  of  which  human  nature  is  capable, 
effected  a  permanent  settlement  in  this  part  of  North- Ameri- 
ca. They  gave  it  the  name  of  New-Plymouth.  By  vol- 
untary compact  they  formed  themselves  into  a  small  com- 
monwealth, and  had  a  succession  of  governors.  They  set- 
jtled  all  that  part  of  Massachusetts  included  in  the  county 
of  Plymouth.  By  making  permanent  settlements,  to  which 
others  might  resort,  on  their  first  arrival  in  New-England, 
or  afterwards  in  times  of  distress ;  by  making  treaties  with 
the  Indians,  by  which  the  peace  of  the  country  was  pre- 
served; by  their  knowledge  of  it,  and  the  experience 
*  Smith's  history  of  New- York,  p.  2. 


20  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  I. 

BOOK  I.  which  they  had  gained,  they  were  of  peculiar  advant- 
v^-v-^  age  to  those  who  came  over  and  made  settlements  after 
them.  They  were  a  pious,  industrious  people,  and  exhib- 
ited towards  each  other  the  most  striking  examples  of  fra- 
ternal affection.  They  continued  a  distinct  colony  for  a- 
bout  seventy  years,  until  their  incorporation,  by  the  char- 
ter of  William  and  Mary,  in  1691,  with  the  colony  of  Mas- 
sachusetts and  the  province  of  Maine. 

November  3d,  1620,  just  before  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Rob- 
New-Eng-  inson's  people  in  New-England,  king  James  the  first,  by 
land,  Nov.  letters  patent,  under  the  great  seal  of  England,  incorpo- 
3, 1620.  rated  the  duke  of  Lenox,  the  marquises  of  Buckingham  and 
Hamilton,  the  earls  of  Arundel  and  Warwick,  and  others, 
to  the  number  of  forty  noblemen,  knights  and  gentlemen, 
by  the  name  "  of  the  council  established  at  Plymouth  in 
the  county  of  Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling  and  govern- 
ing of  New-England  in  America" — "and  granted  unto 
them,  and  their  successors  and  assigns,  all  that  part  of 
America,  lying  and  being  in  breadth  from  forty  degrees  of 
north  latitude,  from  the  equinoctial  line,  to  the  forty  eighth 
degree  of  said  northerly  latitude  inclusively,  and  in  length 
of,  and  within  all  the  breadth  aforesaid,  throughout  the 
main  lands  from  sea  to  sea,"  The  patent  ordained  that 
this  tract  of  country  should  be  called  New-England  in 
America,  and  by  that  name  have  continuance  for  ever. 

This  grant  is  the  broad  basis  on  which  stand  all  the  other 
grants  made  to  the  colonies  in  New-England.  This  pre- 
pared the  way  for  future  grants  and  the  immediate  settle- 
ment of  New-England. 

Patentof        On  the    19th  of  March,   1628,  the  Plymouth   company 
Setts,    Sranted  unto  Sir  Henry  Roswell,  Sir  Joh*  Young,  knights, 
March  19,  Thomas  Southcoat,  John  Humphry,  John  Endicott  and  Si- 
*628.         mon  Whitcomb,  their  heirs  and  assigns   forever,  all  that 
part  of  New-England  in  America,  which  lies  and  extends 
between  Merrimack   river-  and  Charles  river,  in  the  bot- 
tom of  Massachusetts  bay,  and  thre^  miles  to  the  north  and 
south  of  every  part  of  Charles  river,  and  three  miles  south 
of  the  southernmost  part  of  said  bay,  and  three  miles  to 
the  northward  of  every  part  of  Merrimack  river,  and  "all 
land.s  and  hereditaments  whatsoever  lying  within  the  lim- 
its aforesaid  north  and  south,  in  latitude  and  breadth  ;  and 
in  length  and  longitude,  of  and  within  all  the  breadth  a- 
foresaid  throughout  the  main  lands  there,  from  the  Atlantic 
sea  and  ocean  on  the  east  part,  to  the  south  sea  on  the  west 
-  part." 

!HaVch4         On  tne  4ta  °f  March,  1629,  king  Charles  the  first  conr 
'i629.     '    firmed  this  patent  under  the  great  seal  of  England.     This 


CHAP.  I.  CONNECTICUT.  21 

was  the  patent  of  Massachusetts  bay,  under  which  the  set-  BOOK  I. 
tlement  of  that  colony  immediately  commenced.  \^v**~> 

At  this  time,  liberty  of  conscience  could  not  be  enjoyed  No  liberty 
in  the  parent  country.  No  indulgence  was  granted  even  ot  ™~  in 
to  the  most  pious,  loyal,  and  conscientious  people,  who  En^aud. 
would  not  strictly  conform  to  the  habits,  ceremonies,  and 
worship  of  the  church  of  England.  All  non-conformists 
were  exposed  to  fines,  imprisonments,  the  ruin  of  thoir 
families,  fortunes,' and  every  thing  which  ought  to  be  dear 
to  men.  The  most  learned,  pious,  orthodox,  and  inoffen- 
sive people,  who  did  not  conform  to  the  church  of  England, 
were  treated,  by  the  king  and  his  bishops,  with  far  greater 
severity,  than  drunkards,  sabbath  breakers,  or  even  the 
most  notorious  debauchees.  They  were  condemned,  in 
the  spiritual  courts,  without  juries ;  without  having  the  wit- 
nesses against  them  brought  into  court,  to  depose  face  to 
face ;  and,  sometimes,  without  knowing  the  crime  alledged 
against  them,  or  who  were  the  witnesses  by  whom  it  was 
to  be  proved.  Many  of  the  pious  people  in  England,  were  1629, 
so  harassed  and  persecuted  for  their  non-conformity,  that 
they  determined,  if  possible,  rather  to  make  settlements  in 
a  dreary  wilderness,  at  the  distance  of  three  thousand 
miles  from  their  native  couuntry,  than  endure  the  persecu- 
tion and  sufferings,  to  which  they  were  constantly  exposed 
from  the  hands  of  those  who  ought  to  have  cherished  and 
defended  them.  This  cruel  treatment  of  our  venerable 
ancestors,  was  the  cause  of  the  settlement  of  the  New-Eng- 
land colonies  and  churches.  It  will  ever  be  the  distin- 
guishing glory  of  these  colonies,  that  they  were  not  origi-  land  set-" 
nally  formed  for  the  advantages  of  trade  and  worldly  emol- tled  rthfl 
ument,  but  for  the  noble  purposes  of  religion,  the  enjoy-  ^"imoH. 
ment  of  liberty  of  conscience  in  the  worship  and  ordinan- 
ces of  God.  The  pious  fathers  of  these  colonies  wished  to 
enjoy  the  uncorrupted  gospel,  administered  in  all  its  ordi- 
nances in  purity  and  power,  and  to  transmit  the  invaluable 
blessings  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  to  their  remotest 
posterity.  With  these  views  they  left  their  native  country, 
their  pleasant  seats  and  enjoyments  in  Europe,  and  made 
settlements  in  the  wilds  of  America. 

The  same  year  in  which  the  patent  of  Massachusetts  re- 
ceived the  royal  confirmation,  Mr.  John  Endicott  was  sent 
over,  with  about  three  hundred  people,  by  the  patentees, 
to  prepare  the  way  for  the  settlement  of  a  permanent  colo- 
ny in  that  part  of  New-England.     They  arrived  at  Naum-  ga1-m  set- 
keak  in  June,  and  began  a  settlement,  which  they  named  ^^» June 
Salem.     This  was  the  first  town  in  Massachusetts,  and  the 
second  in  New-England, 


22  HISTORY  OK  CHAP.  I. 

BOOK  I.      About  a  hundred  of  the  planters  who  came  over  with 
•^^v~*~;  Mr.  Endicolt,  removed  very  soon  to  Mishawam,  and  began 
Charles-     a  plantation  at  that  phce.     Here  they  erected  a  very  spa- 
town  set-    c]ous  house,  and  made  other  preparations  for  the  accom- 
modation of  those  who  were  expected  from  England  the 
next  year.     They  called  tljeir  settlement  Charlestown. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  company  for  the  planting  of  the 
Massachusetts,  in  England,  August  29th,  it  was  voted,  that 
the  patent  and  government  of  the  plantation  be  transferred 
to  New-England.* 

The  next  year,  therefore,  seventeen  ships  were  prepa- 
red, with  all  necessaries  for  the  settlement  of  a  colony. 
Eleven  or  twelve  of  these  ships  made  a  safe  arrival  in 
1630.         New-England  by  the  middle  of  July,  and  they  all  arrived 
before  the  close  of  the  year.t     In  these  came  over  gover- 
nor Winthrop,  and  the  magistrates  of  the  colony,  who  had 
.  been  previously  chosen  in  England.    With  them  also  came 
a  number  of  ministers,  to  illuminate  the  infant  churches, 
and  preach  in  the  wilderness  the  glad  tidings  of  salvation. 
Gov.  Win-      On  the  10th  or  15th  of  July,  governor  Winthrop  arrived 
thropar-    at  Charlestown,  with  about  fifteen  hundred  people.     They 
!™eSjat      encamped  in  cottages,  booths,  and  tents,  upon  Charles- 
town,  July  town  hill.  Their  place  of  public  worship  was  under  a  large 
10th.         spreading  tree.    Here  Messrs.  Wilson  and  Phillips  preach- 
ed their  first  sermons  to  these  pious  pilgrims.:}:     In  the 
ships  which  arrived  this  year,  there  came  over  about  sev- 
enteen hundred  people.     In  this  and  the  last  year,  there 
Towns  set- came  into  New-England  two  thousand  planters.     These 
settled  about  nine  or  ten  towns  or  villages.     A  consider- 
chusetts      a^e  number  settled  at  Boston  and  Charlestown.     Many  of 
J630.         the  principal  characters  fixed  their  abode  in  these  towns. 
Governor  Winthrop  lived  in  the  great  house,  which  had 
been  erected  the  preceding  year  at  Charlestown.     Mr. 
Isaac  Johnston,  who  married  the  lady  Arabella,  sister  of 
the  earl  of  Lincoln,  and  who  had  the  best  estate  pf  any  of 
the  company,  fixed  his  residence  at  Boston.     He  was  the 
great  promoter  of  the  settlement  of  the  capital  of  the  Ma.->- 
sachusetts.§     Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  who  was  another  of 
the  magistrates,  with  his  company,  settled  at  Watertown. 
They  made  choice  of  Mr.  Phillips  for  their  pastor.     Mr. 
Pyncheon,  and  another  company,  began  a  settlement  at 
Roxbury,  and  the  famous  Mr.  John  Elliot  and  Mr.  Weld, 
who  came  into  New-England  the  next  year,  were  elected 
their  ministers.     Other  companies  settled  Medford  and 
Wey mouth.     Boston  and  Charlestown,  the  first  year,  con 

:"  Prince's  Chron.  p.  192.         ^  Ibid,  part  ii.  p.  10.         \  Ibid.  p.  240 
f  Ibid,  part  ii,  sect,  ?,  p  2 


CHAP.  I.  CONNECTICUT.  23 

sidered  themselves  as  One  company,  and  chose  Mr.  Wilson  BOOK   I. 
for  their  pastor.  v^v~>»/ 

In  one  of  the  first  ships  which  arrived  this  year,  came  1G30. 
over  the  Rev.  Mr.  John  Warham,  Mr.  John  Maverick, 
Mr.  Rossiter,  Mr.  Ludlow,  Mr.  Henry  Wolcott,  and  oth- 
ers of  Mr.  Warham's  church  and  congregation,  who  first 
settled  the  town  of  Windsor,  in  Connecticut.  Mr.  Rossiter 
and  Mr.  Ludlow  were  magistrates.  Mr.  Wolcott  had  a 
fine  estate,  and  was  a  man  of  superior  abilities.  This  was 
an  honourable  company.  Mr.  Warham  had  been  a  fa- 
mous minister  in  Exeter,  the  capital  of  the  county  of  De- 
vonshire. The  people  who  came  with  him,  were  from 
the  three  counties  of  Devonshire,  Dorsetshire,  and  Somer- 
setshire. 

Some  time  before  the  20th  of  March,  just  as  they  were 
about  to  embark  for  New-England,  upon  a  day  of  solemn, 
fasting  and  prayer,  they  were  formed  into  a  congregational 
church,  in  the  new  hospital  at  Plymouth,  in  England. 
They  then  made  choice  of  Mr.  Warham  and  Mr.  Maverick 
to  be  their  pastor  and  teacher,  and  they  were  ordained,  or 
re-installed  to  the  care  of  this  particular  church.  The  fa- 
mous Mr.  White,  of  Dorchester,  preached  and  assisted  oft 
this  occasion.! 

They  sailed  from  Plymouth,  in  England,  on  the  20th  of 
March,  in  the  ship  Mary  and  John,  of  400  tons,  and  arri-  Mr.  War- 
ved  at  Nantasket  on  the  Lord's  day,  May  30th.     The  next  ham  ar- 
day,  captain  Squeb,  master  of  the  ship,  put  them  and  their  £J7e.s' 
goods  on  shore,  at  Nantasket  point,  and,  in  this  situation,  ^e 
left  them  to  shift  for  themselves. J     But,  by  the  assistance  tiers  of 
of  some  of  the  old  planters,  they  obtained  a  boat,  and  pro-  Windsor* 
ceeded  up  Charles  river,  to  the  place  since  called  Water- 
town.     Here  they  landed  their  goods,  and  erected  a  shel- 
ter to  cover  them  ;  but  as  they  had  many  cattle,  and  found 
a  neck  of  land  at  Mattapan,  affording  good  accommodations 
for  them,  they  soon  removed  and  began  a  settlement  there. 
They  named  their  town  Dorchester. 

Sir  Richard  Saltonstall's  people,  who  settled  at  Water- 1630. 
town,  were  the  first  settlers  of  Weathersfield,  in  Connect!-  Planters  of 
cut.     Mr.  Phillips,  who  was  elected  their  pastor,  at  Wa-  Weath- 
tertown,  had  been  minister  at  Boxford,  in  the  county  of er 
Essex.     Most  of  them  were,  probably,  the  people  of  his 
former  charge,  and  from  the  same  county. 

The  emigrants  who  came  into  New-England  with  Mr.  Mortality 
Endicott  and  governor  Winthrop,  soon  after  their  arrival, 

t  Prince's  Chron.  p.  200. 

f  Ibid.  p.  207.    Captain  Sqtieb  was.  afterwards,  obliged  to  pay  dama- 
ges for  this  conduct. 


24  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  I. 

Boo*  I.  were  visited  with  uncommon  sickness  and  mortality.  Of 
v-*»~vx*/  the  company  who  came  with  Mr.  Endicott  the  last  year, 
eighty  were  in  their  graves  before  governor  Winthrop  ar- 
rived. He  found  the  colony  in  very  miserable  circumstan- 
ces. Many  of  those  who  were  yet  living,  were  in  a  weak 
and  sickly  condition.  The  people  had  scarcely  a  suffi- 
ciency of  provisions  for  their  subsistence  fourteen  days. 
Besides,  they  had  sustained  a  capital  loss  in  their  servants. 
They  brought  over  with  them  a  hundred  and  eighty.  These 
tost  them  more  than,  three  thousand  pounds  sterling.  But/ 
they  were  so  straightened  for  provisions,  that  they  were 
necessitated  to  give  all  those  who  survived  the  sickness, 
their  liberty,  that  they  might  shift  for  themselves.-* 

Many  of  the  ships  which  arrived  this  year,  had  a  long 
passage  of  seventeen  or  eighteen  weeks;  in  consequence 
of  which,  numbers  had  the  scurvy,  and  came  on  shore  in  a 
sickly  condition.  By  reason  of  wet  lodgings,  in  cottages 
and  miserable  huts,  for  the  want  of  fresh  food  and  other 
conveniences,  this  sickness  increased.  Other  diseases  al- 
so, soon  attacked  them  with  violence  ;•  so  that,  in  a  fort- 
night or  three  weeks,  the  sickness  became  general.  In  a 
short  time,  so  many  fell  sick,  that  the  well  were  not  suffi- 
cient properly  to  attend  them,  and  bury  the  dead.  Great 
numbers  died,  and  were  buried  on  Charlestown  hrll.t  The 
sickness  and  mortality  greatly  retarded  the  necessary  la- 
bours and  affairs  of  the  colony  ;  so  that  many  of  the  people 
were  obliged  to  lie  in  tents,  or  miserable  huts,  during  the 
llKJO.  winter.  By  the  next  spring,  a  hundred  and  twenty,  or 
more,  were  among  the  dead.  Of  this  number  were  Mr. 
Johnson  and  Mr.Rossiter.  The  charming  lady  Arabella,  ce- 
lebrated for  her  many  virtues,  died  before  her  husband.  She 
was  sister  to  the  earl  of  Lincoln  ;  and,  for  the  sake  of  re- 
ligion, came  from  a  paradise  of  ease,  plenty,  and  delight, 
in  the  house  of  a  renowned  earl,  into  a  wilderness  of  ioilr 
disaster,  and  misery. 

About  a  hundred  of  the  people  were  discouraged,  and 
returned  to  England ;  two  hundred  were  dead,  and  some 
went  to  Piscataqua.  About  seventeen  hundred  remained  ; 
a  little  more  than  a  hundred  and  eighty  persons,  or  thirty 
families,  on  an  average,  to  each  town.  The  greatest  num- 
bers fixed  themselves  at  Boston  and  Watertown.  In  these 
towns,  there  were,  probably,  nearly  sixty  families  :  in 
Charlestown  and  Dorchester,  about  forty ;  and  in  the  oth- 
er towns,  not  more  than  fifteen  or  twenty  families. J: 

Famine,         Jn  addition  to  all  the  other  calamities,  with  which  these 
1631. 

*  Prince's  Chron.  p.  209,  210.  t  Ibid.  p.  242. 

t  Ibid,  part  ii.  p.  1  and  31. 


CHAP.  I.  CONNECTICUT.  25 

plantations  had  been  visited,  they,  this  year,  experienced  BOOK  I. 
the  distress  of  famine.  By  the  beginning  of  February,  *^>-v-w 
bread  failed  in  every  house,  except  the  governor's,  and 
even  in  this  the  family  were  reduced  to  the  last  loaves. 
Such  were  the  necessities  of  the  people,  that  they  fed  on 
clams,  muscles,  ground-nuts,  and  aeorns.  Indeed,  in  the 
winter  season,  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  the  people 
procured  these  poor  articles  of  subsistence.-  The  gover- 
nors foreseeing,  in  the  fall,  that  they  should  want  provi- 
sions, dispatched  a  ship  to  Ireland  to  procure  them  a  sup- 
ply. Her  happy  arrival  on  the  5th  of  February,  prevented 
their  perishing  with  famine.  The  return  of  health  in  the 
spring,  the  arrival  of  other  vessels,  with  provisions,  after- 
wards, and  a  plenteous  harvest,  gave  the  affairs  of  the  col- 
ony a  more  prosperous  appearance. 

While  affairs  were  thus  transacting  in  the  colony,  the  vio- 
lent persecution  of  the  puritans  in  England  made  great 
numbers  look  towards  America  as  the  only  safe  retreat 
from  the  impending  storm.  This,  annually,  occasioned  a. 
large  accession  of  new  planters  to  the  settlements  in  New- 
England. 

In  1630,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Thomas  Hodker,  a  gentleman  of 
great  abilities,  and  a  famous  preacher,  at  Chelmsford,  in 
the  county  of  Essex,  was  silenced  for  non-conformity.  To 
escape  fines  and  imprisonment,  he  fled  into  Holland.  He 
was  held  in  such  high  and  universal  esteem  among  his  ac- 
quaintance, that  forty-seven  ministers,  in  his  vicinity,  peti- 
tioned the  bishop  of  London  in  his  favour.  These  were 
all  conformist^,  and  witnessed  for  Mr.  Hooker,  that  they 
esteemed  him,  and  knew  him  "  to  be,  for  doctrine  ortho- 
dox, for  life  and  conversation  honest,  for  disposition  peace- 
able, and  no  wise  turbulent  or  factious."  However,  as  he 
tvas  a  non-conformist,  no  personal  or  acquired  excellencies, 
no  testimonials  of  his  good  conduct,  nor  prayers  of  his 
friends,  could  save  him  from  prosecutions  and  deposition. 

He  was  so  esteemed  as  a  preacher,  that  not  only  his 
own  people,  but  others,  from  all  parts  of  the  county  of  Es- 
sex, flocked  to  hear  him.  The  noble  earl  of  Warwick, 
though  he  resided  at  a  great  distance  from  Chelmsford, 
was  so  delighted  with  his  public  performances,  that  he  fre- 
quently attended  them.  Great  numbers  not  only  attended 
his  ministry,  but  experienced  its  salutary  effects,  and  found 
themselves  willing  to  emigrate  into  any  part  of  the  world, 
to  enjoy  the  happiness  of  such  a  pastor.  No  sooner,  there.-., 
fore,  was  he  driven  from  them,  than  they  turned  their  eyes 
towards  New-England.  They  hoped  that,  if  comfortable 
settlements  could  be  made  in  thi»  part  of  America,  they 

D 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  1% 


BOOK  I. 


Sir.  Hook- 
«r  arrives, 

' 


Messrs. 
Hooker 

ordained16 
Oct.  nth, 
1633. 

Mr.  Phil- 


fertown 
AUZ.  27th, 
1630. 


might  obtain  him  for  their  pastor.  Therefore,  in  1632,  a 
large  body  of  them  came  over  and  settled  at  Newtown, 
since  called  Cambridge,  in  Massachusetts.  Numbers  of 
them,  it  seems,  came  over  at  an  earlier  period,  and  began 
to  settle  at  Weymouth,  but,  this  year,  they  all  removed  to 
Newtown.  They  had  expressed  their  earnest"  desires  to 
Mr.  Hookerr  that  he  would  come  over  into  New-England. 
and  take  the  pastoral  charge  of  them. 

At  their  desire  he  left  Holland,  and  having  obtained  Mr. 
Samuel  Stone,  a  lecturer  at  Torcester^  in  Northampton- 
smre>  f°r  an  assistant  jn  lne  ministry,  took  his  passage  for 
America  in  the  Griffin,  a  ship  of  300  tons,  and  arrived  at 
Boston,  Sept,  4th,  1633.  With  him  came  over  the  famous 
Mr.  John  Cotton-,  Mr.  John  Haynes,  afterwards  governor 
of  Connecticut,  Mr.  Goff,  and  two  hundred  other  passen- 
gers, of  importance  to  the  colony. 

jy[r.  Hooker,  soon  after  his  arrival  at  Boston,  proceeded 
to  Newtown,  where,  finding  himself  in  the  midst  of  a  joyful 
and  affectionate  people,  he  was  filled  with  joy  himself.  He 
embraced  them  with  open  arms,  saying,  in  the  language  of 
the  apostle,  "  Now  I  live,  if  ye  stand  fast  in  the  Lord."* 
These  were  the  pious  people  who  afterwards  settled  the 
town  of  Hertford. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Hooker's  arrival,  he  was  chosen  pastor, 
an(j  ]yjr<  Stone  teacher  of  the  people  at  Newtown.  On  the 
*  ltn  of  October  the  church  was  gathered,  and,  after  solemn 
fasting  and  prayer,  the  pastor  and  teacher  were  ordained 
to  their  respective  offices.  The  church  at  Watertown,  had 
been  gathered  before,  on  the  27th  of  August,  1630,  and  Mr. 
Phillips  ordained  pastor.  Thus,  the  three  churches  of 
Windsor,  Hartford,  and  Wealhersfield,  were  gathered  an- 
tecedently  to  their  settlement  in  Connecticut,  and  it  docc 
not  a-ppear  that  they  were  ever  re-gathered  after  wards  * 

*  Magnaiia  B.  III.    The  Life  of  Hooker, 


CHAP.  H.  CONNECTICUT. 


CHAPTER  II. 

The  patent  of  Connecticut.  The  situation,  extent,  bounda- 
ries^  and  area  of  the  settled  part  of  the  colony.  The  dis- 
covery of  Connecticut  river j  a  description  of  it,  and  the 
signification  of  its  name.  The  colony  derives  its  name, 
from  the  river.  Description  of  other  rivers.  Plymouth 
and  Dutch  houses.  Prospects  of  trade  npr>^  the  river. 

THE  great  Plymouth  company  -wished  to  ma'ke  grants 
of  their  lands  as  fast  as  they  could  find  purchasers; 
and  conformity  was  so  pressed,  and  the  times  grew  so  dif- 
ficult in  England,  that  men  of  -quality,  as  well  as  others, 
were  anxious  to  provide,  for  themselves  and  their  friends, 
a  retreat  in  America.  Another  paten*,  therefore,  contain- 
ing a  large  -tract  of  -country  in  New-England,  soon  suc- 
ceeded that  of  Massachusetts. 

On  the  19th  of  March,  1631,  Robert,  earl  of  Warwick,  Old  paten* 
president  of  the  council  of  Plymouth,  under  his  hand  and  of  9on" 
seal,  did  grant  and  confirm  unto  the  honourable  William  °63i 
Viscount  Say  and  Seal,  Robert  Lord  Brooks,  Robert  Lord 
Rich,  Charles  Fiennes,  Esq.  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  Sir  Rich- 
ard Saltonstall,  and  others,  to  the  number  of  eleven,  and  to 
their  heirs,  assigns,  and  associates,  for  ever,  "  All  that  part 
of  New-England,  in  America,  which  lies  and  extends  itself 
from  a  river  there,  called  Narraganset  river,  the  space  of 
forty  leagues  upon  a  strait  line  near  the  sea  shore,  towards 
the  south-west,  west  and  by  south,  or  west  as  the  coast 
lieth  towards  Virginia,  accounting  three  English  miles  to 
the  league,  and  all  and  singular  the  lands  and  hereditaments 
whatsoever,  lying  and  being  within  the  bounds  aforesaid, 
north  and  south  in  latitude  and  breadth,  and  in  length  and 
longitude  of,  and  within  all  the  breadth  aforesaid,  through- 
out all  the  main  lands  there,  from  the  western  ocean  to  the 
south  seas;  and  all  lands,  grounds,  soil,  wood  and  wood 
lands,  ground,  havens,  ports,  creeks  and  rivers,  waters, 
fishings  and  hereditaments  whatsoever,  lying  within  thr 
said  space,  and  every  part  and  parcel  thereof;  and  also, 
all  islands  lying  in  America  aforesaid,  in  the  said  seas,  or 
either  of  them,  on  the  western  or  eastern  coasts,  or  parts  of 
the  said  tracts  of  land,  by  these  presents  to  be  given  or 
granted."*  The  council  of  Plymouth,  the  preceding  year. 
1630,  granted  this  whole  tract  to  the  earhof  Warwick,  and 
it  had  been  confirmed  to  him  by  a  patent  from  king  Charle- 
ihe  first. 

*  See  this  patent  in  the  Appendix,  No.  1- 


28 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  U. 


Extent  of 
the  Con- 
necticut 
patent. 


BOOK  I.      This  is  the  original  patent  of  Connecticut.     The  set- 
v<r-v->^  tiers  of  the  two  colonies  of  Connecticut  and   New-Haven 
were  tta  patentees  of  Viscount  Say  and  Seal,  lord  Brook, 
and  their  associates,  to  whom  the  patent  was  originally 
given. 

President  Clap  describes  the  extent  of  the  tract,  convey- 
ed by  this  patent,  in  the  words  following :  "  All  that  part 
of  New-England  which  lies  west  from  Narraganset.  river,  a 
hundred  and  twenty  miles  on  the  sea  coast ;  and  from 
thence,  in  latitude  and  breadth  aforesaid,  to  the  south  sea. 
This  grant  extends  from  Point  Judith,  to  New- York  ;  and 
from  thence,  in  a  west  line  to  the  south  sea  :  and  if  we  take 
Narraganset  river  in  its  whole  length,  this  tract  will  extend 
as  far  north  as  Worcester :  it  comprehends  the  whole  of 
the  colony  of  Connecticut,  and  much  more."*  Neal,  Doug- 
lass, Hutchinson,t  and  all  ancient  historians  and  writersj 
have  represented  all  the  New-England  grants  as  extending 
west  from  the  Atlantic  ocean  to  the  south  sea.  Indeed  the 
words  of  the  patent  are  most  express,  declaring  its  extent 
to  be  south  west  or  west,  towards  Virginia,  to  be  in  length 
and  longitude  throughout  all  the  main  lands  to  the  south 
sea. 

The  colony  of  the  Massachusetts,  and  the  commission- 
ers of  the  united  colonies  of  New-England,  understood  the 
patents  in  this  light,  and  hence  extended  their  claims  to  the 
westward  of  the  Dutch  settlements.  The  Massachusetts, 
in  ihe  year  1659,  made  a  grant  of  lands,  opposite  to  fort 
Aurania,  upon  Hudson's  river,  to  a  number  of  principal 
merchanfs,  in  the  colony,  who  were  planning  to  make  set- 
tlements in  those  parts.  J  The  same  year,  the  commission- 
ers of  the  united  colonies  asserted  their  claim  of  all  the 
western  lands  to  the  south  sea.  In  a  letter  to  the  Dutch 
governor,  September  1st,  1659,  they  write,  "  We  presume 
you  have  heard  from  your  people  of  the  fort  of  Aurania, 
that  some  of  our  people,  the  English,  have  been  lately  in 
those  parts,  upon  discovery  of  some  meet  places  for  plan- 
tations, within  the  bounds  of  the  patent  of  the  Massachu- 
setts colony  ;  which  from  the  latitude  of  42  degrees  and  a 
half,  or  42  degrees  and  33  and  a  half  minutes,  and  so 
northerly,  extends  itself  from  east  to  west,  in  longitude 
through  the  main  land  of  America,  from  the  Atlantic  ocean 
to  the  south  or  west  sea." 

The  patents  to  Virginia,  the  Carolinas,  and  Georgia, 
have  ever  been  understood  to  have  the  same  westerly  ex- 

*  Manuscripts  of  president  Clap. 

t  NeaPs  history  N.  E.  vol.  i.  p.  148.     Douglass,  vol.  ii.  p.  90  and  160 ; 
&nrl  Hutchinson  vol.  i.  p.  64  and  vol.  ii.  p.  203. 
t  Hutchinson  vol.  i.  p.  159. 


CHAP.  II.  CONNECTICUT.  29 

tension.  In  the  same  light  have  they  always  been  yiewed,  BOOK  I. 
by  the  British  kings,  and  have  been  pleaded  and  acted  up-  •^-^/~^s 
on,  in  treaties,  between  the  court  of  Great-Britain,  and 
the  French  and  Spanish  monarchs.  By  virtue  of  this  con- 
struction of  patents  and  charters  of  the  American  colonies, 
it  was,  that  all  the  western  territories,  as  far  as  Mississip- 
pi, were,  in  the  late  peace  with  Great-Britain,  ceded  to  the 
states  of  America.  From  the  same  construction  of  the  pa- 
tents, congress  have  taken  a  formal  surrender  of  the  unap- 
propriated western  lands  from  particular  states,  and  from 
Connecticut  no  less  than  from  others. 

The  situation  of  the  settled  part  of  Connecticut  is  chiefly  situation, 
from  41  to  42  degrees  of  north  latitude,  and  from  72  to  73  soil  and 
degrees  and  45  minutes  west  longitude.     It  is   bounded  ^rea*°f.. 

i  A»     *M          ,.          T-,  .          Connecti- 

south  by  the  sea  shore  about  90  miles,  Irom  Byram  river,  cut. 

in  the  latitude  of  40  degrees  and  58  minutes',  and  longitude 
72  degrees  and  25  minutes,  to  Pawcatuck  river,  in  lati- 
tude 41  degrees  and  17  minutes,  and  in  longitude  72  de- 
grees and  25  minutes  ;  east  on  the  colony  of  Rhode-Isl- 
and 45  miles ;  north  on  Massachusetts  72  miles,  the  line 
running  nearly  in  the  latitude  of  42  degrees  ;  and  west  on 
New- York  about  73  miles.  It  contains  4,730  square  miles, 
and  3,020,000  acres.  One  twentieth  part  of  the  colony  is 
water  and  highways.*  Exclusive  of  these  there  arc 
2,869,000  acres.  Of  this  about  2,640,000  are  estimated 
improvable.  The  land  is  excellently  watered,  and  libe- 
ral to  the  husbandman.  Though,  in  some  places,  it  is 
mountainous  and  broken,  yet  the  greatest  part  of  this  is 
profitable  either  for  wood  or  grazing.  There  are  some 
thin  lands,  but  these  are  profitable  with  proper  manuring 
and  cultivation. 

The  present  population  is  more  than  fifty  souls  to  every  Degi*ec  of 
square  mile,  including  land  and  water.     It  is  about  one  P°Pula- 

1  n        i  tlon- 

person  to  every  ten  or  twelve  acres  of  land. 

The  first  discoveries  made  of  this  part  of  New-England 
v/ere  of  its  principal  river  and  the  fine  meadows  lying  upon. 
its  bank.  Whether  the  Dutch  at  New-Netherlands,  or  the 
people  of  New-Plymouth,  were  the  first  discoverers  of  the 
river  is  not  certain.  Both  the  English  and  Dutch  claimed 
*o  be  the  first  discoverers,  and  both  purchased  and  made  a 
settlement  of  the  lands  upon  it  nearly  at  the  same  time. 

In  1631,  Wahquimacut,  a  sachem  upon  the  river  Con- Invitation 
necticut,  made  a  journey  to  Plymouth  and  Boston,  earnest-  to  settle  on 
ly  soliciting  the  governors  of  each  of  the  colonies  to  send       nvcr 

*  To  find  the  quantity  of  water  and  highways,  an  accurate  computa- 
tion was  made  of  the  proportion  of  water  and  highways  in  a  particular 
IOW.D,  which  was  supposed  to  contain  an  average  with  the  towns  in  gene- 
ra!. 


30  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  If. 

BOOK  I.  men  to  make  settlements  upon  the  river.  He  represented 
^^-v-^/  the  exceeding  fruitful  ness  of  the  country,  and  promised  that 
he  would  supply  the  English,  if  they  would  make  a  settle- 
ment there,  with  corn  annually,  and  give  them  eighty  beav- 
,er  skins.  He  urged  that  two  men  might  be  sent  to  view 
the  country.  Had  this  invitation  been  accepted  it  might 
have  prevented  the  Dutch  claim  to  any  part  of  the  lands 
upon  the  river,  and  opened  an  extensive  trade,  in  hemp, 
furs,  and  deer  skins,  with  all  the  Indians  upon  it,  and  far 
into  Canada. 

163  The  governor  of  Massachusetts  treated  the  sachem  and 

his  company  with  generosity,  but  paid  no  further  attention 
to  his  proposal.  Mr.  Winslow,  the  governor  of  Plymouth, 
judged  it  worthy  of  more  attention.  It  seems,  that  soonaf-. 
terhe  went  to  Connecticut,  and  discovered  the  river  and 
the  adjacent  parts.  The  commissioners  of  the  united  colo- 
nies, in  their  declaration  against  the  Dutch,  in  1653,  say, 
"  Mr.  Winslow,  one  of  the  commissioners  for  Plymouth, 
discovered  the  fresh  river  when  the  Dutch  had  neither  trad- 
ing house  nor  any  pretence  to  a  foot  of  land  there."* 

It  very  soon  appeared  that  the  earnestness,  with  which 
the  Indian  sachem  solicited  the  English  to  make  settlev 
ments  on  the  river,  originated  in  the  distressed  state  of  the 
river  Indians.  Pekoath,  at  that  time,  the  great  sachem  of 
the  Pequims,  or  Pequots,  was  conquering  them,  and  driv- 
ing their  sachems  from  that  part  of  the  country.  The  In- 
dian king  imagined  that,  if  he  could  persuade  the  English 
to  make  settlements  there,  they  would  defend  him  from  his 
too  powerful  enemies.! 

The  next  year,  the  people  of  New-Plymouth  made  more 

1632.      particular  discoveries,  upon  the  river,  and  found  a  place 

near  the  mouth  of  the  little  river,   in  Windsor,  at  which 

they  judged  a  trading  house  might  be  erected,  which  would 

be  advantageous  to  the  colony. 

The  Indians  represented  that  the  river  Connecticut  ex- 
tended so  far  north,  and  so  near  the  great  lake,  that  they 
passed  their  canoes  from  the  lake  into  it ;  and  that  from 
ihe  great  swamps  about  the  lake  came  most  of  the  beaver 
in  which  they  traded. 

One  of  the  branches  of  Onion  river,  in  Vermont,  is  with- 
in ten  miles  of  Connecticut  river.  This  was  anciently  call- 
ed the  French  river.  The  French  and  Indians  from  Cana- 
da came  by  this  river,  and  from  this  into  Connecticut, 
when  they  made  their  attacks  on  the  northern  frontiers  of 
Kew-England  and  Connecticut. 

*  Records  of  the  United  Colonies 
t  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  25. 


GHAP.  IL  CONNECTICUT.  31 

Connecticut  river  has  its  source  in  that  grand  ridge  of  BOOK  I. 
mountains  which  divides  the  waters  of  New-England  and  ^x-\^^ 
Canada,  and  extends  north-easterly  to  the  gulph  of  St.  Descrip- 
Lawrence.  The  source  of  its  highest  branch  is  in  about  £,°^  °,fct4 
45  degrees  and  a  half,  or  46  degrees  of  north  latitude.  OTt  riveF> 
Where  it  enters  New-England,  in  45  degrees  of  north  lati- 
tude, it  is  ten  rods  in  breadth,  and  in  running  sixty  miles 
further,  it  becomes  twenty-four  rods  wide.  It  forms  the 
boundary  line  between  New-Hampshire  and  Vermont  a- 
bout  two  hundred  miles.  Thence  running  through  the 
states  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  it  disembogues 
its  waters  into  Long-Island' sound,  between  Say  brook  and 
Lyme.  It  runs  with  a  gentle  flow,  as  its  course  is,  between 
three  and  four  hundred  miles.  Its  breadth  through  Con- 
necticut, as  a  medium,  is  between  a  hundred  rods  and  half 
a  mile.  In  the  high  spring  floods  it  overflows  its  banks, 
and  in  some  places  is  nearly  two  miles  in  breadth.  As  its 
banks  are  generally  low,  it  forms  and  fertilizes  a  vast  tract 
of  the  finest  meadow ;  feasible,  fertile,  and  in  which  a 
stone  is  scarcely  to  be  foupcU  The  general  course  of  this 
beautiful  river,  above,  and  between  the  states  of  New- 
Hampshire  and  Vermont,  is  nearly  south  west;  thence  it 
turns  and  runs  but  a  few  degrees  west  of  south  to  its  mouth. 
At  a  small  distance  from  its  mouth  is  a  bar  of  sand,  ap- 
parently formed  by  the  conflux  of  the  river  and  tide.  Up- 
on this  there  is  but  ten  feet  of  water  at  full  tide.  The  bar 
is  at  such  a  distance  from  the  mouth  of  the  river,  that  the 
greatest  floods  do  not  increase  the  depth  of  the  water.  Thi& 
is  some  obstruction  to  navigation,  but  any  vessel,  which 
ean  pass  the  bar,  may  proceed  without  obstruction  as  far 
as  Middletown,  thirty  miles  from  the  sound  ;  and  vessels  of 
eighty,  and  a  hundred  tons,  go  up  to  Hartford,  fifty  miles 
from  the  river's  mouth.  By  means  of  locks  and  cuts,  at 
the  falls,  it  is  now  navigable,  for  boats,  more  than  three 
hundred  miles. 

In  Connecticut,  there  is  one  exception  to  the  lowness 
of  the  river's  banks.  About  three  miles  below  Middle- 
town  the  river  makes  its  way  through  two  mountains,  by 
which  its  breadth  is  contracted  to  about  forty  rods.  This 
occasions  the  waters,  sometimes,  in  the  spring  floods,  to 
rise,  even  at  Hartford,  twenty  feet  above  the  common  sur- 
face of  the  river.  This,  for  the  length  of  its  course,  its 
gentle  flow,  its  excellent  waters,  the  rich  and  extensive 
meadows  which  it  forms,  and  the  immense  quantities  of 
fish,  with  which  it  abounds,  is  one  of  the  finest  rivers  in 
T'few-England. 

None  of  the  ancient  adventurers,  who  discovered  the 


32  HISTORY  OF  CHAP,  If. 

BOOK  L  great  continent  of  North-America,  or  New-England,  made 

V-X-N'-X^  any  discovery  of  this  river.     It  does  not   appear  that  it 

was  known  to  any  civilized  nation,   until  some  years  after 

the  settlement  of  the  English  and  Dutch,  at  Plymouth  and 

New-Netherlands. 

Connect!-       From  this  fine  river,  which  the  Indians  called  Quonehta- 
irom'its16  cut>  °*  Connecticut,  (in  English,  the  long  river,)  the  colo- 
principal    ny,  originally  took  its  name.     Indeed  this  is  one  principal 
river.         source  of  its  wealth  and  convenience. 
Descrip-         The   Housatonick  and  the  little  or   Farmington  river, 
river"!       westward  of  it,  and  Pequot  river,  now  called  the  Thames, 
on  the  east,  are  also  considerable  sources  of  its  opulence 
and  prosperity.     The  Housatonick,  now  commonly  called 
Stratford  river,  has  two  principal  branches.     One  rises  in 
Lanesborough,  and  the  other  in  Windsor,  in  the  county  of 
Berkshire,  in  Massachusetts.     Where  it  enters  Connecti- 
cut, between  Salisbury  and  Canaan,  it  is  about  fifty  rods 
ivide,  and  running  through  the  whole  length  of  the  colony, 
it  empties   into  the  sound  between   Milford  and  Stratford. 
It  is  navigable  twelve  miles  to  Derby.     Between  Milford 
and  Stratford  it  is  about  eighty  rods  wide,  and  there  is  a- 
bout  four  fathoms  of  water.     Were  it  not  obstructed,  by  a 
bar  of  shells,  at  the  mouth,  it  would  admit  large   ships. 
Between  Salisbury  and  Canaan  is  a  cataract  where  the  wa- 
ter  of  the  whole  river  falls,  perpendicularly  sixty   feet. 
The   fall  produces  a  perfectly  white  sheet  of  water,  and  a 
mist  in   which    various    floating  rainbows    are    exhibited, 
forming  a  scene  exquisitely  grand  and  beautiful. 
Of  Nau-          r^'ie  Naugatuck,  or  Waterbury  river,  is  another  consid- 
gatuck       erable  branch  of  the  Housatonick.     Its  source  is  in  Tor- 
rington,  and  running  through   Harwinton,  Plymouth  ami 
Waterbury,  it  empties  itself  into  said  river  at  Derby. 
Of  the  lit-       The  little,  or  Farmington  river,  rises  in  Becket,  in  Mas- 
tie  liver,    sachusetts.  crosses  the  boundary  line  between  the  colonies 
at  Hartland,  and  passing  through  Barkhempsted  andNew- 
Hartibrd,   runs    south   considerably  below   the  centre  of 
Farmington  first  society  ;  then,  making  a  remarkable  turn, 
it  runs    back  nearly  a  north   course,  twelve  or  fourteen 
miles  into  Simsbury  ;  where  it  turns  easterly,  and  running 
into  Windsor,  discharges  its  waters  into  Connecticut  river 
nearly  in  the  centre  of  the  town.     This  formerly  was  re- 
plenished wita  all  kinds  of  fish  in  as  great  a  profusion  as 
Connecticut.      The  numerous  dams,   which  more  lately 
have  been  erected  upon  it,  have  very  greatly  obstructed 
their  passage. 

Of  Pe-  Pequot  river,   or  the  Thames,  empties  into  the  sound  a> 

tjuot.         New-London.     It  is  navigable  fourteen  miles,  to  Norwich 


CHAP.  IL  CONNECTICUT.  33 

landing.     Hero  it  loses  its  name,  and  branches  into  She-  BOOK  I. 
tucket  on  the  east,  and  Norwich  or  little  river  on  the  west,  v^x-vx^ 

About  a  mile  from  the  mouth  of  the  little  river,  is  a  re-  Descrip- 
markable  romantic  cataract.  A  perpendicular  rock,  about tlon  ol 
twelve  feet  high,  extends  itself  across  the  whole  channel :  jjorwjch. 
over  this  the  river  pitches,  in  one  entire  sheet,  on  to  a  bed 
of  rocks :  here  it  is  compressed  by  a  very  narrow  and 
crooked  passage,  between  two  craggy  cliffs,  and  for  fifteen 
or  twenty  rods,  forces  its  way  over  numerous  pointed 
rocks,  with  the  most  violent  agitation  ;  thence  it  flows  into 
a  large  bason,  which  spreads  itself  for  its  reception.  The 
long  and  constant  falling  of  the  waters,  have  excavated  the 
rocks,  even  to  admiration.  In  some,  cavities  are  made,  of 
a  circular  form,  not  less  than  five  or  six  feet  deep.  The 
smooth  and  gentle  flow  of  the  river  above  the  fall,  the  reg- 
ularity and  beauty  of  its  descent,  the  roughness  and  foarn 
of  the  waters  below,  and  the  rugged,  towering  cliff  impend- 
ing the  whole,  presents  the  spectator  with  a  scene  ma- 
jestic and  pleasing  beyond  description. 

The  Shetucket,  which  name  it  bears  as  far  only  as  the  of  She- 
southern  boundary  of  Windham,  is  formed  by  the  Willa-  tucket, 
mantick  and  Quenibaug  rivers.  The  Willamantick  has  Willaman- 
its  source  in  Massachusetts,  enters  Connecticut  at  Stafford,  u'cnUja 
and  is  the  boundary  line  between  Tolland  and  Willington, 
Coventry  and  Mansfield,  and  passing  by  Windham,  loses 
itself  in  the  Shetucket.  Quenibaug  rises  in  Brimfield,  in 
Massachusetts,  and  passing  through  Sturbridge  and  Dud- 
ley, crosses  the  line  between  that  state  and  Connecticut,  at 
Thompson  ;  and  dividing  Pomfret  from  Killingly,  Canter- 
bury from  Plainfield,  and  Lisbon  from  Preston,  flows  into 
the  Shetucket. 

The  colony  is  watered  and  fertilized  by  numerous  other 
rivers,  of  less  extent  and  utility* 

As  the  people  at  Plymouth  had  explored  Connecticut 
river,  and  fixed  upon  a  place  convenient  for  building  and 
commerce,  and  found  the  original  proprietors  of  the  soil 
desirous  of  their  making  settlements  among  them,  they 
judged  it  an  affair  worthy  of  public,  and  immediate  atten- 
tion. 

In  July,  1633,  Mr.  Winslovv  and  Mr.  Bradford  there- 
fore made  a  journey  to  Boston,  to  confer  with  governor 
Winthrop  and  his  council,  on  the  subject.  Governor  Wins- 
low  and  Mr.  Bradford  proposed  it  to  them,  to  join  with 
Plymouth,  in  a  trade  to  Connecticut,  for  hemp  and  beaver, 
and  to  erect  a  house  for  the  purposes  of  commerce.  Jt 
.was  represented  as  necessary,  to  prevent  the  Dutch  from 
taking  possession  of  that  fine  country,  who,  it  was  report- 

B 


§4  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  11. 

BOOK  I.  ed,  were  about  to  build  upon  the  river  :  but  governor  Win 
v^r-v^t,  throp  declined  the  motion  :    he   objected   that  it  was  not 
1633.    proper  to  make  a  plantation  there,   because  there  were 
three  OP  four  thousand  warlike  Indians  upon  the  river;  and 
because  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  it  was  such,  that  smal; 
pinnaces  only  could  enter  it  at  h\gh  water  ;    and  because 
that,  seven  months  in  the  year,  no  vessels  could  go  into  it, 
by  reason  of  the  ice,  and  the'vioience  of  the  stream. 

The  Plymouth  people  therefore  determined  to  undertake 
the  enterprise  at  their  own  risk.  Preparations  were  made 
for  erecting  a  trading  house,  and  establishing  a  small  com- 
pany upon  the  river.  In  the  mean  time,  the  master  of  a 
vessel  from  Massachusetts,  who  was  trading  at  New-Neth- 
erlands, shewed  to  Walter  Van  Twiller,  the  Dutch  gover- 
nor, the  commission  which  the  English  had  to  trade  and 
settle  in  New-England ;  and  that  his  majesty  the  king  of 
England,  had  granted  all  these  parts  to  his  own  subjects. 
lie  therefore  desired  that  the  Dutch  would  not  build  at 
Connecticut.  This  appears  to  have  been  done  at  the  di- 
rection of  governor  Winthrop  ;  for,  in  consequence  of  it, 
the  Dutch  governor  wrote  a  very  complaisant  letter  to 
him.  in  which  he  represented,  that  the  lords,  the  States 
General,  had  granted  the  same  country  to  the  West-India 
company.  He  requested  therefore,  that  the  English  would" 
make  no  settlements  at  Connecticut,  until  the  affair  should 
be  determined  between  the  court  of  England,  and  the 
States  General.*  This  appears  to  have  been  a  piece  oi 
policy  in  the  Dutch  governor,  to  keep  the  English  still,  un- 
til the  Dutch  had  got  a  firm  footing  upon  the  river. 

Several  vessels,  this  year,  went  into  Connecticut  river  to 
trade.  John  Oldham,  from  Dorchester,  and  three  men 
^^  j^^  ^&Q  traveuecj  through  the  wilderness  to  Connec- 
ticut, to  view  the  country,  and  trade  with  the  Indians.  The 
sachem  upon  the  river  made  him  most  welcome,  and  gave 
him  a  present  in  beaver.  He  found  that  the  Indian  hemp 
grew  spontaneously  in  the  meadows,  in  great  abundance  : 
he  purchased  a  quantity  of  it;  and,  upon  trial,  it  appeared 
much  to  exceed  the  hemp  which  grew  in  England. 

William  Holmes,  of  Plymouth,  with  his  company,  hav- 
ing prepared  the  frame  of  a  house,  with  boards  and  materi- 
als for  covering  it  immediately,  put  them  on  board  a  ves- 
sel, and  sailed  fo|-  Connecticut.  Holmes  had  a  commission 
from  the  governor  of  Plymouth,  and  a  chosen  company  to 
accomplish  his  design.  When  he  came  into  the  river,  he 
found  that  the  Dutch  had  got  in  before  him,  made  a  light 
fort,  and  planted  two  pieces  of  cannon  :  this  was  erected. 

*\Vinthrop's  Journal,  p.  55. 


C'HAP.  II,  CONNECTICUT.  3» 

at  the  place  since  called  Hartford.      The  Dutch  forbid  BOOK  I. 
Holmes'  going  up  the  river,  stood  by  their  cannon,  ordered  ^«*^  -"».- 
him  to  strike  his  colours,  or  they  would  fire  upon  him :  but 
he  was  a  man  of  spirit,  assured  them  that  he  had  a  com- 
mission from  the  governor  of  Plymouth  to  go  up  the  river, 
and  that  he  must  obey  his    orders  :  they  poured  out  their 
threats,  but  he  proceeded,  and  landing  on  the  west  side  of 
the  river,  erected  his  house  a  little  below  the  mouth  of  the  Plymoutb 
little  river,  in  Windsor.*      The  house   was  covered  withhousee- 
ihe  utmost  dispatch,  and  fortified  with   palisadoes.      The  ^indlT/ 
sachems,  who  were   the  original  owners  of  the  soil,  had  Oct.  1633. 
been  driven  from  this  part  of  the  country,  by  the  Pequots  ; 
and  were  now  carried  home  on  board  Holmes'  vessel.    Of 
:.hem  the  Plymouth  people  purchased  the  land,  on  which 
ihey  erected  their  house.!     This,  governor  Wolcott  says,  Dutch 
*vas  the  first  house  erected  in  Connecticut.!     The  Dutch,  house  at 
.ibout  the  same  time,  erected  a  trading  house  at  Hartford,  Hartford' 
which  they  called  the  Hirse  of  good  hope.§ 

It  was  with  great  difficulty  that  Holmes  and  his  compa- 
r.y  erected  and  fortified  their  house,  and  kept  it  afterwards.  fr™^ 
The  Indians  were  otfendedat  their  bringing  home  the  ori-  Dutch  and 
^"inal  proprietors,  and  lords  of  the  country,  and  the  Dutch  Indians, 
diat  they  had  settled  there,  and  were  about  to  rival  them 
in  trade,  and  in  the  possession  of  those  excellent  lands  up- 
on the  river:    they  were  oblige^  therefore  to  combat  both, 
-and  to  keep  a  constant  watch  upon  them. 

The  Dutch,  before  the  Plymouth  people  took  possession 
of  the  river,  had  invited  them,  in  an  amicable  manner,  to 
trade  at  Connecticut;  but  when  they  were  apprised  that 
ihey  were  making  preparations  for  a  settlement  there,  they 
repented  of  the  invitation,  and  spared  no  exertions  to  pre- 
vent them. 

On  the  8th  of  June,  the  Dutch  had  sent  Jacob  Van  Cur- 
ter,  to  purchase  lands  upon  the  Connecticut.  He  made  a 
purchase  of  about  twenty  acres  at  Hartford,  of  Nepuquash,  Qct  „_ 
a  Pequot  captain.  Of  this  the  Dutch  took  possession  in 
October,  and  on  the  25th  of  "the  month,  Curler  protested  Dec.  1634. 
against  William  Holmes,  the  builder  of  the  Plymouth 
house.  Some  time  afterwards,  the  Dutch  governor,  Walter 
Van  Twiiler,  of  fort  Amsterdam,  dispatched  a  reinforce- 
ment to  Connecticut,  designing  to  drive  Holmes  and  his 
company  from  the  river.  A  band  of  seventy  men,  under 
arms,  with  banners  displayed,  assaulted  the  Plymouth 

*  Manuscripts  of  governor  Wolcott. 
i-  Prince's  Chron.  part  ii.  sec.  2,  p.  94,  95,  96. 
^  In  his  manuscripts. 

$  Smith  represents  thijs  house  as  built  ten  years  before  it  \\zs.  Hist.  o^T 
New-York,  p,  2. 


36 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  II. 


'Trade  in 
fur. 


BOOK  I.  house,  but  they  found  it  so  well  fortified,  and  the  men  who 
\^~v~>*~'  kept  it  so  vigilant  and  determined,  that  it  could  not  be  tak- 
en without  bloodshed:  they  therefore  came  to  a  parley, 
and  finally  returned  in  peace. 

The  Dutch  were  always  mere  intruders.  They  had  no 
right  to  any  part  of  this  country.  The  English  ever  denied 
their  right,  and  when  the  Dutch  placed  a  governor  at  New- 
Netherlands,  and  the  court  of  England  made  complaint 
of  it  to  the  States  General,  they  disowned  the  affair,  and 
said  it  was  only  a  private  undertaking  of  an  Amsterdam 
West-India  company.  King  James  the  first  commissioned 
Edward  Langdon  to  be  governor,  at  New-Netherlands, 
and  named  the  country  New-Albion.  The  Dutch  submit- 
ted to  the  English  government,  until  the  troubles  in  Eng- 
land, under  the  administrations  of  king  Charles  the  first 
and  the  long  parliament.*  Taking  the  advantage  of  the 
distraction  of  those  times,  they  again  usurped  and  estab- 
lished their  government,  until  they  were  reduced  by  king 
Charles  the  second,  in  1664.  They  gave  great  trouble  to 
both  tbe  colonies  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven. 

The  people  of  New-Plymouth  had  carried  on  a  trade  up- 
on Connecticut  river  for  nearly  two  years  before  they 
erected  a  trading  house.  They  found  the  country  to  be 
excellent  and  the  trade  profitable  ;  but  that,  were  there  a 
house  and  company  to  receive  the  commodities  which  were 
brought  down  from  the  inland  country,  the  profits  would 
be  much  greater.  The  country  abounded  with  beaver. 
The  Dutch  purchased  not  less  than  ten  thousand  skins  an- 
nually. Plymouth  and  Massachusetts  people  sometimes 
sent,  in  a  single  ship,  for  England,  a  thousand  pounds 
sterling  worth  of  otter  and  beaver  skins.  The  extent  of 
Connecticut  river,  the  numerous  Indians  upon  it,  and  the 
easy  communication  which  they  had  with  the  lakes,  and 
natives  of  Canada,  gave  an  extensive  opening  for«a  trade  in. 
furs,  skins,  corn,  hemp  and  all  kinds  of  commodities  which 
the  country  afforded. 

This  was  a  year  of  great  sickness  at  Plymouth.  They 
lost  twenty  of  their  people.  Some  of  them  were  their 
principal  and  most  useful  inhabitants. 

It  was  a  dreadful  -year  to  the  Indians  in  the  Massachu- 
setts. Two  sachems  with  a  great  part  of  their  Indians 
died.  The  small  pox,  which  spread  among  them,  was  the 
occasion  of  the  mortality.  The  people  of .  Massachusetts 
shewed  them  great  kindness  in  their  distress.  Several 
towns  received  their  children  to  prevent  their  taking  the  in- 
fection, ;.nd  to  nurse  and  save  them  if  they  had  taken  it 
*  Pcug.  vol.  ii,  p.  22, 


1633. 


Mortality 
among  the 
Indians  in 
Nov.  and 
pec. 


CHAP.  III.  CONNECTICUT.  37 

but  the  most  of  them  died,  notwithstanding  all  the  care  and  BOOK  I. 
pains  which  could    be   exercised  towards  them.     When  V^-N/-^ 
their  own  people  forsook  them,  the  English,  who  lived 
near  them,   went  to  their   wigwams   and    ministered   to 
them.     Some  families  spent  almost  their  whole  time  with 
them.     One  Englishman  buried  thirty  of  their  dead  in  one 
day.* 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  state  of  the  country  of  Connecticut  when  the  settlement 
of  the  colony  commenced.  Its  trees  and  fruits.  Its  ani- 
mals. Number,  situation,  genius,  manners,  arms,  uten- 
sils and  wars  of  the  Indians. 

WHEN  the  English  became  first  acquainted  with  that 
tract  comprised  within  the  settled  part  of  Connec- 
ticut, it  was  a  vast  wilderness.  There  were  no  pleasant 
fields,  nor  gardens,  no  public  roads,  nor  cleared  plats. 
Except  in  places  where  the  timber  had  been  destroyed, 
and  its  growth  prevented  by  frequent  fires,  the  groves  were 
thick  and  lofty.  The  Indians  so  often  burned  the  coun- 
try, to  lake  deer  and  other  wild  game,  that  in  many  of  the 
plain,  dry  parts  of  it,  there  was  but  little  small  timber. 
Where  lands  were  thus  burned  there  grew  bent  grass,  or 
as  some  called  it,  thatch,  two,  three  and  four  feet  high, 
according  to  the  strength  of  the  land.  This,  with  other  1533, 
combustible  matter,  which  the  fields  and  groves  produced, 
when  dry,  in  the  spring  and  fall,  burned  with  violence  and 
killed  all  the  small  trees.  The  large  ones  escaped,  and 
generally  grew  to  a  notable  height  and  magnitude.  In 
this  manner  the  natives  so  thinned  the  groves,  that  they 
were  able  to  plant  their  corn  and  obtain  a  crop. 

The  constant  fall  of  foliage,  with  the  numerous  kinds  of 
weeds  and  wild  grass,  which  annually  died  and  putrified 
on  the  lands,  yielded  a  constant  manure,  and  exceedingly 
enriched  them.  Vegetation  was  rapid,  and  all  the  natural 
productions  of  the  country  luxuriant. 

It  abounded  with  the  finest  oaks  of  all  kinds,  with  ches-  Trees, 
nut,  walnut  and  wild  cherry  trees,  with  all  kinds  of  maple, 
beech,  birch,  ash  and  elm.  The  butternut  tree,  button  wood, 
basswood,  poplar  and  sassafras  trees,  were  to   be  found 
*  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  59, 


HISTORY  01 


CHAP.  Hi. 


BOOK  I.  generally  upon  all  tracts  in  Connecticut.     White,  yellow 

^-x-^/'~>^  and  pitch  pine,  white  and  red  cedar,  hemlock  and  spruce, 
grew  plenteously  in  many  places.  In  the  north  and  north- 
westen;  part  of  the  colony  were  excellent  groves  of  pine, 
with  spruce  and  fir  trees.  The  white  wood  tree  also, 
notable  for  its  height  and  magnitude,  making  excellent 
boards  and  clapboards,  was  the  natural  growth  of  the 
country.  In  some  towns  white  wood  trees  have  grown  in 
great  abundance.  All  other  kinds  of  small  trees,  of  less 
utility,  common  to  New-England,  flourish  in  Connecticut. 

Natural          The  country  abounded  with  a  great  variety  of  wild  fruit. 

fruits.  In  the  groves  were  walnuts,  chesnuts,  butternuts,  hazle- 
nuts  and  acorns  in  great  abundance.  Wild  cherries,  cur- 
rants and  plumbs,  were  natural  productions.  In  the  low 
lands,  on  the  banks  of  the  rivers,-  by  the  brooks  and  gut- 
ters, there  was  a  variety  and  plenty  of  grapes.  The  coun- 
try also  abounded  with  an  almost  endless  variety  of  escu- 
lent and  medicinal  berries,  herbs  and  roots.  Among  the 
principal  and  most  delicious  of  these  were  strawberries, 
blackberries  of  various  kinds,  raspberries,  dewberries, 
•whortleberries,  bilberries,  blueberries  and  mulberries. 
Cranberries  also  grew  plenteously  in  the  meadows,  which 
when  well  prepared  furnish  a  rich  and  excellent  sauce. 
Juniperberries.  barberries  and  bayberries,  which  are  of 
the  medicinal  kind,  grow  spontaneously  in  Connecticut. 
The  latter  is  an  excellent  and  useful  berry,  producing  a 
most  valuable  tallow.  It  is  of  a  beautiful  green,  and  has  a 
fine  perfume.  Beside  these,  there  was  a  profusion  of  vari- 
ous other  kinds  of  berries  of  less  consideration.  Some 
even  of  these,  however,  are  very  useful  in  various  kinds 
of  dyes  and  in  certain  medicinal  applications. 

The  earth  spontaneously  produced  ground  nuts,  arti- 
chokes, wild  leeks,  onions,  garlicks,  turnips,  wild  pease, 
plantain,  radish,  and  other  esculent  roots  and  herbs. 

Among  the  principal  medicinal  vegetables  of  Connecti- 
cut are  the  blood  root,  seneca  snakeroot,  liquorice  roof. 
dragon  root,  pleurisy  root,*  spikenard,  elecampane,  soio- 
mon's  seal,  sarsaparilla,  senna,  bittersweet,  ginseng,  an- 
gelica, masterwort,  mothcrwort,  lungwort,  consumption 
root,!  great  and  small  canker  weed,  high  and  low  centaury, 
sweet  and  blue  flag,  elder,  maidenhair,  pennyroyal,  celan- 

*  Esclepias  decumbent. 

t  This  is  the  Geum  Lirbanum  of  Linnaeus.  It  is  known  in  Britain  by 
ihe  name  of  Herb  Bennet,  or  common  Artns.  Dr.  Buchhave,  from  lonjf 
experience,  recommends  it  as  ranch  superior  to  the  Peruvian  bark,  in  the 
cure  of  periodical  and  other  diseases.  Medical  commentaries  by  a  socie- 
ty of  Physicians  in  Edinburgh,  vol.  vii.  p.  279  to  288.  He  represents  three 
ounces  of  this  root,  as  equal  to  a  pound  of  the  cortex. 


Medicinal 

vegeta- 
bles. 


CHAP.  III.  CONNECTICUT.  39 

dine,  mallow,  marsh  mallow,  slippery  elm,  adder's  ^tongue  BOOK  I. 
and  rattlesnake  weed.     Indeed  a  great  proportion  of  the  v^-v>w> 
the  roots  and  plants  of  the  country,  with  the  bark,  buds    1633. 
and  roots  of  many  of  the  trees,   are  used   medicinally. 
There  is  a  great  variety  of  plants  and  flowers,  the  names 
and  virtues  of  which  are  not  known. § 

The  country  was  no  less  productive  of  animals,  than  of 
natural  fruit.  In  the  graves  there  were  plenty  of  deer,  Animals, 
moose,  fat  bears,  turkies,  herons,  partridges,  quails,  pi- 
geons, and  other  wild  game,  which  were  excellent  for  food. 
There  were  such  incredible  numbers  of  pigeons  in  New- 
England,  when  the  English  became  first  acquainted  with 
it,  as  filled  them  with  a  kind  of  astonishment.  Such  nu- 
merous and  extensive  flocks  would  be  seen  flying  for  some 
hours,  in  the  morning,  that  they  would  obscure  the  light. 
An  American  historian  writes,  "  It  passeth  credit,  if  but 
the  truth  were  written." 

Connecticut  abounded  in  furs.  Here  were  otters,  bea- 
ver, the  black,  gray,  and  red  fox,  the  racoon,  mink,  musk- 
rat,  and  various  other  animals,  of  the  fur  kind.  The  wolf, 
wild  cat,  and  other  animals,  common  in  New-England, 
were  equally  so  in  Connecticut.  Wolves  were  numerous 
in  all  parts  of  New-England,  when  the  settlements  com- 
menced, and  did  great  damage  to  the  planters,  killing  their 
sheep,  calves,  and  young  cattle. 

The  country  afforded  an  almost  incredible  plenty  of  wa-  Powh 
ter  fowl.  In  the  bays,  creeks,  rivers,  and  ponds,  were 
wild  geese,  and  ducks  of  all  kinds,  wigeons,  sheldrapes, 
broadbills,  teal  of  various  sorts,  and  other  fowl,  which 
were  both  wholesome  and  palatable.  In  the  waters,  on 
the  shores,  and  in  the  sands,  were  lobsters,  oysters,  clams, 
and  all  kinds  of  shell  fish  in  abundance.  Most  of  these 
are  reckoned  among  the  dainties  of  the  table. 

In  the  seas,  bays,  rivers,  and  ponds,  there  was  a  varie- 
ly,  and  an  innumerable  multitude  of  fish.  Connecticut  p. . 
river,  in  particular,  was  distinguished  for  that  plenty  and 
variety  which  it  afforded  in  the  proper  season  :  especially 
for  those  excellent  salmon,  with  which  its  waters  were  re- 
plenished. 

As  Connecticut  abounded  in  wild  animals,  so  it  did  also,  ,. 
with  wild  and  savage  men.     In  no  part  of  New-England  merous  in 
were  the  Indians  so  numerous,  in  proportion  to  the  extent  Connecti- 
of  territory,  as  in  Connecticut.     The   sea  coast,  harbors, cut- 
bays,  numerous  ponds  and  streams,  with  which  the  country 
abounded,  the  almost  incredible  plenty  of  fish  and  fowl 

}  The  roots  and  flowers  of  America,  would  be  the  most  valuable  adr!i.-. 
tion  to  the  works  ^f  the  celebrated  Liuaaeu*,  M  bich  could  be  made. 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  IIL 


. 
numbers 


Situation. 


BOOK  I.  which  it  afforded,  were  exceedingly  adapted  to  their  con- 
^x-v^x^  venicnce  and  mode  of  living.  The  exceeding  fertility  of 
1633.  the  meadows,  upon  several  of  its  rivers,  and  in  some  other 
parts  of  it,  the  excellence  of  its  waters,  and  the  salubrity 
of  the  air,  were  all  circumstances,  which  naturally  collect- 
ed them  in  great  numbers  to  this  tract.  Neither  wars,  nor 
sickness,  had  so  depopulated  this,  as  they  had  some  other 
parts  of  New-England.  « 

From  the  accounts  given  of  ine  Connecticut  Indians, 
cannot  be  estimated  at  less  than  twelve  or  sixteen 
thousand.  They  might  possibly  a  mount  to  twenty.  They 
eotild  muster,  at  least,  three  or  four  thousand  warriors.* 
It  was  supposed,  in  1633,  that  the  rirer  Indians  only  could 
bring  this  number  into  the  field.!  These  were  principally 
included  within  the  ancient  limits  of  Windsor,  Hartford. 
Weathersfield,  and  Middletown.  Within  the  town  of 
Windsor  only,  there  were  ten  distinct  tribes,  or  sovereign- 
ties. About  the  year  1670,  their  bowmen  were  reckoned 
at  two  thousand.  At  that  time,  it  was  the  general  opinion, 
that  there  were  nineteen  Indians,  in  that  town,  to  one  En- 
glishman. There  was  a  great  body  of  them  in  the  centre 
of  the  town.  They  had  a  large  fort  a  little  north  of  the 
plat  on  which  the  first  meeting-house  was  erected.  On 
fhe  east  side  of  the  river,  on  the  upper  branches  of  the  Po- 
dunk, they  were  very  numerous.  There  were  also  a  great 
number  in  Hartford.  Besides  those  on  the  west  side  oi" 
the  river,  there  was  a  distinct  tribe  in  East-Hartford. 
These  were  principally  situated  upon  the  Podunk,  from 
the  northern  boundary  of  Hartford,  to  its  mouth,  where  it 
empties  into  Connecticut  river.  Totariimo,  their  first  sa- 
chem with  whom  the  English  had  any  acquaintance,  com- 
manded two  hundred  bowmen.  These  were  called  the 
Podunk  Indians. 

At  Mattabesick,  now  Middletown,  was  the  great  sachem 
Forte,  Sowheag.  His  fort,  or  castle,  was  on  the  high  ground, 
facing  the  river,  and  the  adjacent  country,  on  both  sides 
of  the  river,  was  his  sachemdom.  This  was  extensive, 
comprehending  the  ancient  boundaries  of  Weathersfield, 
then  called  Pyquaug,  as  well  as  Middletown.  Sequin  was 
sagamore  at  Pyquaug,  under  Sowheag,  when  the  English 
began  their  settlements.  On  the  east  side  of  the  river,  in 
the  tract  since  called  Chatham,  was  a  considerable  clan, 
called  the  Wongung  Indians.  At  Machemoodus,  now  cal- 
led East-Haddam,  was  a  numerous  tribe,  famous  for  their 
pawaws,  and  worshipping  of  evil  spirits.  J  South  of  these. 


*  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  51. 
t  Manuscripts  of  the  Rev.  Mr. 


t  Manuscripts  from  Windsor, 


CHAP.  III.  CONNECTICUT.  41 

in  the  easternmost  part  of  Lyme,  were  the  western  Nehan-  BOOK  I. 
ticks.     These  were  confederate  with  the  Pequots.     South  ^*~v~^s 
and  east  of  them,  from  Connecticut  river  to  the  eastern    1633. 
boundary  line  of  the  colony,  and  north-east  or  north,  toils 
northern  boundary  line,  lay  the  Pequot   and  Moheagan 
country.     This  tract  was  nearly  thirty  miles  square,  inclu- 
ding the  counties  oT  New-London,  Windham,  and  the  prin- 
cipal part  of  the  county  of  Tolland.§ 

Historians  have  treated  of  the  Pequots  and  Moheagans,  Pequot 
as  two  distinct  tribes,  and  have  described  the  Pequot  coun-  and  Mo* 
try,  as  lying  principally  within  the  three  towns  of  New- 
London,  Groton,  and  Stonington.  All  the  tract  above  this, 
as  far  north  and  east  as  has  been  described,  they  have  rep- 
resented as  the  Moheagan  country.  Most  of  the  towns  in 
this  tract,  if  not  all  Of  them,  hold  their  lands  by  virtue  of 
deeds  from  Uncas,  or  his  successors,  the  Moheagan  sa- 
chems. It  is,  however,  much  to  be  doubted,  whether  tne 
Moheagans  were  a  distinct  nation  from  the  Pequots.  They 
appear  to  have  been  a  part  of  the  same  nation,  named 
from  the  place  of  their  situation.  Uncas  was  evidently  of 
the  royal  line  of  the  Pequots,  both  by  his  father  and  moth- 
er ;  and  his  wife  was  daughter  of  Tatobam,  one  of  the  Pe- 
quot sachems.*  He  appears  to  have  been  a  captain,  or 
petty  sachem,  under  Sassacus,  the  great  prince  of  the  na- 
tion. When  the  English  first  came  to  Connecticut,  he  was 
in  a  state  of  rebellion  against  him,  in  consequence  of  some 
misunderstanding  between  them ;  and  of  little  power  or 
consequence  among  the  Indians. 

The  Pequots  were,  by  far,  the  most  warlike  nation  in  peqUot  sa- 
Connecticut,  or  even  in  New-England.  The  tradition  is,  chems. 
that  they  were,  originally,  an  inland  tribe ;  but,  by  their 
prowess,  came  down  and  settled  themselves,  in  that  fine 
country  along  the  sea  coast,  from  Nehantick  to  Narragan- 
set  bay.  When  the  English  began  their  settlements  at 
Connecticut,  Sassacus  had  twenty-six  sachems,  or  princi- 
pal war  captains,  under  him.  The  next  to  himself,  in  dig- 
nity, was  Mononottoh.  The  chief  seat  of  these  Indians, 
was  at  New-London  and  Groton.  New-London  was  their 
principal  harbor,  and  called  Pequot  harbor.  They  had 
another  small  harbor  at  the  mouth  of  Mystic  river.  Their 
principal  fort  was  on  a  commanding  and  most  beautiful  em- 
inence,  in  the  town  of  Groton,  a  few  miles  south-easterly 
from  fort  Griswold.  It.  commanded  one  of  the  finest  pros- 
pects of  the  sound  and  the  adjacent  country,  which  is  to 

$  President  Clap's  manuscripts,  and  Chandler's  map  of  the  Moheagan 
country. 

*  Preface  to  Capt.  Mason's  history,  and  genealogy  of  Uncas,  upon  the 
records  of  Connecticut. 

F 


4«  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  II  f. 

be  found  upon  the  coast.  This  was  the  royal  fortress, 
where  the  chief  sachem  had  his  residence.  He  had  an- 
other  fort  near  Mystic  river,  a  few  miles  to  the  eastward 
of  this,  called  Mystic  fort.  This  was  also  erected  upon  a 
beautiful  hill,  or  eminence,  gradually  descending  towards 
the  south  and  south-east.  The  Pequots,  Moheagans,  and 
Nehanticks,  could,  doubtless,  muster  a  thousand  bowmen. 
The  Pequots  only  were  estimated  at  seven  hundred  war- 
riors. Upon  the  lowest  computation  we  therefore  find  at 
least  three  thousand  warriors  on  the  river  Connecticut,  and 
in  the  eastern  part  of  the  colony.  If  we  reckon  every 
third  person  a  bowman,  as  some  have  imagined,  then  the 
whole  number  of  Indians,  in  the  town  and  tract  mentioned, 
would  be  nine  thousand  ;  but  if  there  were  but  one  to  four 
or  five,  as  is  most  probable,  then  there  were  twelve  or  fif- 
teen thousand. 

West  of  Connecticut  river  and  the  towns  upon  it,  there* 
were  not  only  scattering  families  in  almost  every  part,  but, 
in  several  places,  great  bodies  of  Indians.  At  Simsbury 
»nd  New- Hartford,  they  were  numerous;  and  upon  those 
fine  meadows,  formed  by  the  meanders  of  the  little  river, 
at  Tunxis,  now  Farmington,  and  the  lands  adjacent,  wa-r 
another  very  large  clan.  There  was  a  small  tribe  at  Guil- 
ford,  under  the  sachem  squaw,  or  queen,  of  Menunkatuck. 
At  Branford  and  East-Haven  there  was  another.  They 
had  a  famous  burying  ground  at  East-Haven,  which  thev 
visited  and  kept  up,  with  much  ceremony,  for  many  years 
after  the  settlement  of  New-Haven. 

At  Milford,  Derby,  Stratford,  Norwalk,  Stamford,  and 
Greenwich,  their  numbers  were  formidable. 

At  Milford,  the  Indian  name  of  which  was  Wopowage, 
t^iere  were  great  numbers ;  not  only  in  the  centre  of  the 
town,  but  south  of  it,  at  Milford  point.  In  the  fields  there, 
the  shells  brought  on  by  the  original  inhabitants  are  said 
to  be  so  deep,  that  they  never  have  been  ploughed,  or  dug 
through,  even  to  this  day.  On  the  west  part  of  the  town 
was  another  party.  They  had  a  strong  fortress,  with  flan- 
kers at  the  four  corners,  about  half  a  mile  north  of  Strat- 
ford ferry.  This  was  built  as  a  defence  against  the  Mo- 
hawks. At  Turkey  hill,  in  the  north-west  part  of  Milford, 
there  was  another  large  settlement. 

-  ^n  Derby,  there  were  two  large  clans.  There  was  one 
ibrdfodi-  atPaugusseU  This  clan  erected  a  strong  fort  against  the 
ans.  Mohawks,  situated  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  nearly  a  mile 

above  Derby  ferry.     At  the  falls  of  Naugatuck  river,  four 
or  five  miles  above,  was  another  tribe. 

At  Stratford,  the  Indians  were  equally,  if  not  more  nu- 


CHAP.  III.  CONNECTICUT.  43 

merous.     In  that  part  of  the  town  only,  which  is  compris-  BOOK  I. 
ed  within  the  limits  of  Huntington,  their  warriors,  after  the  ^*~v^s 
English  had  knowledge  of  them,  were  estimated  at  three   1&33. 
hundred  ;  and,  before  this  time,  they  had  been  much  wast- 
ed by  the  Mohawks. 

The  Indians  at  Stamford  and  Greenwich,  and  in  that  Stamford 
vicinity,  probably,  were  not  inferior  in  numbers  to  those  Indians, 
at  Stratford.  There  were  two  or  three  tribes  of  Indians  in 
Stamford,  when  the  English  began  the  settlement  of  the 
town.  In  Norwalk  were  two  petty  sachemdoms ;  so  that 
within  these  towns,  there  was  a  large  and  dangerous  body 
of  savages.  These,  with  the  natives  between  them  and 
Hudson's  river,  gave  extreme  trouble  to  the  Dutch.  The 
Norwalk  and  Stamford  Indians  gave  great  alarm,  and  occa- 
sioned much  expense  to  the  English,  after  they  made  set- 
dements  in  that  part  of  the  colony. 

In  the  town  of  Woodbury,  there  were  also  great  numbers 
of  Indians.  The  most  numerous  body  of  them  was  in  that 
part  of  the  town,  since  named  South-Britain. 

It  would  doubtless  be  a  moderate  computation,  to  reckon 
wll  these  different  clans  at  a  thousand  warriors,  or  four  or 
tive  thousand  people.  There  must  therefore  have  been 
sixteen,  and  it  may  be,  twenty  thousand  -Indians  in  Con- 
necticut, when  the  settlement  of  it  commenced. 

East  of  Connecticut  were  the  Narraganset  Indians :  Narrag«n- 
these  were  a  numerous  and  powerful  body.  When  the  dian"~ 
English  settled  Plymouth,  their  fighting  men  were  reckon- 
ed at  three  or  four  thousand.*  Fifty  years  after  this  time, 
they  were  estimated  at  two  thousand.  The  Pequots  and 
Narragansets  maintained  perpetual  war,  and  kept  up  an 
implacable  animosity  between  them.  The  Narragansets 
were  the  only  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Pequots,  which 
they  had  not  conquered.  To  these  their  very  name  was 
dreadful.  They  said  Sassacus  was  "  all  one  God  ;  no  man 
could  kill  him."t 

On  the  northeasterly  and  northern  part  of  the  colony,  Nipmuclc 
were  the  Nipmuck  Indians.      Their  principal  seat  was  Indians, 
about  the  great  ponds  in  Oxford,   in  Massachusetts,  but 
their  territory  extended  southward  into  Connecticut,  more 
than  twenty  miles.     This  was  called  the  Wabbequasset 
and  Whetstone  country ;   and  sometimes,  the  Moheagan 
conquered  country,  as  Uncas  had  conquered  and  added  it 
to  his  sachemdom.  J 

*  Prince's  Chron.  p.  116. 
t  Major  Mason's  history  of  the  Pequotwar. 
±  President  Clap's  manuscripts,  and  Chandler's  map  of  the 
country. 


44  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  HI. 

BOOK  I,      The  Connecticut,  and  indeed  all  the  New-England  In- 
v^x^^^^x  dians,  were  large,  strait,  well  proportioned  men.     TheiF 
1633.     bodies  were  firm  and  active,  capable  of  enduring  the  great- 
Descrip-    est   fatigues   and  hardships.     Their  passive  courage   was 
tion  ot  the  almost  incredible.     When  tortured  in  the  most  cruel  man- 
Passive'     ner  5  though   flayed   alive,    though  burnt  with  fire,  cut  or 
courage,    torn  limb  from  limb,   they  would  not  groan,  nor  show  any 
signs  of  distress.    Nay,  in  some  instances  they  would  glory 
over  their  tormentors,  saying  that  their  hearts  would  never 
be  soft  until   they  were  cold,  and  representing  their   tor- 
ments as  sweet  as  Englishmen's  sugar.*     When    travel- 
ling in  summer,  or  winter,   they  regarded  neither  heat  nor 
cold.     They  were  exceedingly  light  of  foot,  and  would 
travel  or  run  a  very  great  distance  in  a  day.     Mr.  Will- 
iams says,  "  I  have  known  them  run  between  eighty  and  a 
hundred  miles  in  a  summer's  day  and  back  again  within  two 
days."     As  they  were  accustomed  to  the  woods,  they  ran 
in   them  nearly  as  well  as  on    plain  ground.     They  were 
exceedingly   quick  sighted,  to  discover   their  enemy,  or 
their  game,    and    equally  artful    to   conceal   themselves. 
P  Their   features  were   tolerably  regular.     Their  faces  aro 

generally  full  as  broad  as  those  of  the  English,  but  flatter  ; 
they  have  a  small,  dark  coloured  good  eye,  coarse  black 
hair,  and  a  fine  white  set  of  teeth.  The  Indian  children, 
when  born,  are  nearly  as  white  as  the  English  children  • 
but  as  they  grow  up  their  skin  grows  darker  and  becomes 
nearly  of  a  copper  colour.  The  shapes,  both  of  the  men 
and  women,  especially  the  latter,  are  excellent.  A  crook- 
ed Indian  is  rarely  if  ever  to  be  seen. 

Genius.  The  Indians  in  general  were  quick  of  apprehension,  in- 
genious, and  when  pleased,  nothing  could  exceed  their 
courtesy  and  friendship.  Gravity  and  eloquence  distin- 
guished them  in  council,  address  and  bravery  in  war. 
They  were  not  more  easily  provoked  than  the  English  ; 
but  when  once  they  had  received  an  injury,  it  was  never 
forgotten.  In  anger  they  were  not,  like  the  English,  talka- 
tive and  boisterous,  but  sullen  and  revengeful.  Indeed, 
when  they  were  exasperated,  nothing  could  exceed  their 
revenge  and  cruelty.  When  they  have  fallen  into  the 
power  of  an  enemy,  they  have  not  been  known  to  beg  for 
iiife,  nor  even  to  accept  it  when  offered  them.  They  have 
seemed  rather  to  court  death.!  They  were  exceedingly 
improvident.  If  they  had  a  supply  for  the  present,  they 
gave  themselves  no  trouble  for  the  future.  The  men  de- 
clined all  labor,  and  spent  their  time  in  hunting,  fishing, 

*  Hubbard's  Narrative,  p.  130  and  172. 
r  Jefferson's  notes,  p.  108,  109,  and  Hubbard's  narrative,  p.  130,  172 


CHAP.  III.  CONNECTICUT.  4i 

shooting,  and  warlike  exercises.  They  were  excellent  BOOK  I. 
marksmen,  and  rarely  missed  their  game,  whether  run-  v^-v^ 
ning  or  flying.  1633. 

They  imposed  all    the  drudgery  upon   their   women.  Treat- 
Thev   gathered  and  brought  home   their  wood,  planted,  ™eutof 

j 11        .u         i  •       ,u  T<L  -i    u        'thewor 

dressed  and  gathered  in   their  corn.     They  earned  home  men- 

the  venison,  fish  and  fowl,  which  the  men  took  in  hunting. 
When  they  travelled,  the  women  carried  the  children, 
packs  and  provisions.  The  Indian  women  submitted  pa- 
tiently to  such  treatment,  considering  it  as  the  hard  lot  of 
the  woman.  This  ungenerous  usage  of  their  haughty 
lords,  they  repaid  with  smiles  and  good  humour. 

It  has  been  common  among  all  heathen  nations,  to  treat 
their  women  as  slaves,  and  their  children,  in  infancy,  with 
little  tenderness.  The  Indian  men  cared  little  for  their 
children  when  young,  and  were  supposed  at  certain  times, 
to  sacrifice  them  to  the  devil.  Christianity  only  provides 
for  that  tender  and  honorable  treatment  of  the  woman, 
which  is  due  to  the  sex  formed  of  man.  This  alone  pro- 
vides for  the  tender  care,  nursing  and  education  of  her 
offspring,  and  is  most  favorable  to  domestic  happiness,  to 
the  life  and  dignity  of  man. 

The  Indian  women  were  strong  and  masculine  ;  and  as 
they  were  more  inured  to  exercise  and  hardship  than  the 
men,  \vere  even  more  firm  and  capable  of  fatigue  and  suf- 
fering than  they.  They  endured  the  pains  of  child-bear- 
ing without  a  groan.  It  was  not  uncommon  for  them,  soon 
after  labor,  to  take  their  children  upon  their  backs  and 
travel  as  they  had  done  before.* 

The  clothing  of  the  Indians  in  New-England,  was  the  Dress, 
skins  of  wild  beasts.  The  men  threw  a  light,  mantle  of 
skins  over  them,  and  wore  a  small  flap  which  was  called 
Indian  breeches.  They  were  not  very  careful,  however, 
to  conceal  their  nakedness.  The  women  were  much  more 
modest.  They  wore  a  coat  of  skins,  girt  about  their  loins, 
which  reached  doyvn  to  their  hams. — They  never  put  this 
off  in  company.  If  the  husband  chose  to  sell  his  wife's 
beaver  petticoat,  she  could  not  be  persuaded  to  part  with 
it,  until  he  had  provided  another  of  some  sort. 

In  the  winter,  their  blanket  of  skins,  which  hung  loose 
in  the  summer,  was  tied  or  wrapped  more  closely  about 
them.  The  old  men  in  the  severe  seasons  also  wore  a  sort 
of  trowsers  made  of  skins  and  fastened  to  their  girdles. 
They  wore  shoes  without  heels,  which  they  called  mocka- 
#ins.  These  were  made  generally  of  moose  hide,  but 

*  Wood's  prospect  of  New-England,  Neal  and  Hutchinson,  Neal's  Hist. 
2? ,  E.  vol.  i.  p.  45.  HutchinsoB,  vol.  i,  p.  462  to  4<i7, 


4G 


HISTORY  OF 


GHAP.  III. 


1633. 
Orna- 
ments. 


BOOK  \.  sometimes  of  buck  skin.     They  were  shaped  entirely  tp 
v-*-^->te/  the  foot,  gathered  at  the  toes  and  round  the  ankles,   and 
made  fast  with  strings. 

Their  ornaments  were  pendants  in  their  ears  and  nose, 
carved  of  bone,  shells  and  stone.  These  were  in  the  form 
of  birds,  beasts  and  fishes.  They  also  wore  belts  of  wam- 
pompeag  upon  their  arms,  over  their  shoulders  and  about 
their  loins.  They  cut  their  hair  into  various  antic  forms 
and  stuck  them  with  feathers.  They  also,  by  incisions  into 
which  they  conveyed  a  black  or  blue,  unchangeable  ink, 
made  on  their  cheeks,  arms,  and  other  parts  of  their  bo- 
dies, the  figures  of  moose,  deer,  bears,  wolves,  hawks,  ea- 
gles and  all  such  living  creatures  as  were  most  agreeable  to 
their  fancies.  These  pictures  were  indelible,  and  lasted 
during  life.  The  sachems,  on  great  days,  when  they  de- 
signed to  show  themselves  in  the  full  splendor  of  majesty, 
not  only  covered  themselves  with  mantles  of  moose,  or 
deerskins,  with  various  embroideries  of  white  beads,  and 
with  paintings  of  different  kinds  ;  but  they  wore  the  skin  of 
a  bear,  wild  cat  or  some  terrible  creature  upon  their  shoul- 
ders and  arms.  They  had  also  necklaces  of  fish  bones, 
and  painting  themselves  in  a  frightful  manner,  made  a  most 
ferocious  and  horrible  appearance.  The  warriors  who, 
on  public  occasions,  dressed  themselves  in  the  most  wild 
and  terrific  forms,  were  considered  as  the  best  men. 

The  Indian  houses  or  wigwams,  were,  at  best,  but  poor 
smoky  cells.  They  were  constructed  generally  like  ar- 
bours, of  small  young  trees,  bent  and  twisted  together,  and 
so  curiously  covered  with  mats  or  bark,  that  they  were 
tolerably  dry  and  warm.  The  Indians  made  their  fire  in 
the  centre  of  the  house,  and  there  was  an  opening  at  the 
top,  which  emitted  the  smoke.  For  the  convenience  of 
wood  and  water,  these  huts  were  commonly  erected  in 
groves,  near  some  river,  brook  or  living  spring.  When 
the  wood  failed,  the  family  removed  to  another  place. 

They  lived  in  a  poor  low  manner :  their  food  was  coars.e 
and  simple,  without  any  kind  of  seasoning  :  they  had  nei- 
ther spice,  salt,  nor  bread  :  they  had  neither  butter,  cheese, 
nor  milk :  they  drank  nothing  better  than  the  water  whiclv 
ran  in  the  brook,  or  spouted  from  the  spring :  they  fed 
on  the  flesh  and  entrails  of  moose,  deer,  bears,  and  all 
kinds  of  wild  beasts  and  fowls  ;  on  fish,  eels,  arid  creeping 
things :  they  had  good  stomachs,  and  nothing  came  amiss. 
In  the  hunting  and  fishing  seasons,  they  had  venison, 
moose,  fat  bears,  racoons,  geese,  turkies,  ducks,  and  fish  of 
all  kinds.  In  the  summer,  they  had  green  corn,  bean?, 
squashes,  and  the  various  fruits  which  the  country  natural 


Habita- 
tions. 


Food 


I'HAP.  IIL  CONNECTICUT.  47 

ly  produced.  In  the  winter  they  subsisted  on  corn,  beans,  BOOK  I. 
fish,  nuts,  gfoundnuts,  acorns,  and  the  very  gleanings  of  ^*-v^s 
the  grove.  1633. 

They  had  no  set  meals,  but  like  other  wild  creatures,  No  set 
ate  when  they  were  hungry,  and  could  find  any  thing  to  meals 
satisfy  the  cravings  of  nature.  Some  times  they  had  little 
or  nothing  for  several  days  ;  but  when  they  had  provisions, 
they  feasted.  If  they  fasted  for  some  time,  they  were 
sure  at  the  next  meal  to  make  up  for  all  they  had  lost  be- 
fore. They  had  but  little  food  from  the  earth,  except  what 
it  spontaneously  produced.  Indian  corn,  beans  and  squash- 
es, were  the  only  eatables  for  which  the  natives  in  New- 
England  labored.  The  earth  was  both  their  seat  and  their 
table.  With  trenchers,  knives,  and  napkins,  they  had  no 
acquaintance. 

Their  household  furniture  was  of  small  value.  Their  Household 
best  bed  was  a  mat  or  skin :  they  had  neither  chair  nor  furniture, 
stool.  They  ever  sat  upon  the  ground,  commonly  with 
their  elbows  upon  their  knees  :  this  is  the  manner  in  which 
their  great  warriors  and  councillors  now  sit,  even  in  the 
most  public  treaties  with  the  English.  A  few  wooden  and 
stone  vessels  and  instruments,  serve  all  the  purposes  of 
domestic  life.  They  had  no  steel  nor  iron  instrument,  utensils- 
Their  knife  was  a  sharp  stone,  shell,  or  kind  of  reed,  which 
they  sharpened  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  cut  their  hair, 
make  their  bows  and  arrows,  and  served  for  all  the  purpo- 
ses of  a  knife.  They  made  them  axes  of  stone :  these 
they  shaped  somewhat  similar  to  our  axes  ;  but  with  this 
difference,  that  they  were  made  with  a  neck,  instead  of  an 
eye,  and  fastened  with  a  withe,  like  a  blacksmith's  chissel. 
They  had  mortars,  and  stone  pestles,  and  chissels  :  great 
numbers  of  these  have  been  found  in  the  country,  and  kept 
V>y  the  people,  as  curiosities.  They  dressed  their  corn 
with  a  clamshell,  or  with  a  stick,  made  flat  and  sharp  at 
one  end.  These  were  all  the  ufensils  which  they  had,  ei- 
ther for  domestic  use,  or  for  husbandry. 

Their  arts  and  manufactures  were  confined  to  a  very  Arts  and 
narrow  compass.  Their  only  weapons  were  bows  and  ar-  ™anufac- 
rows,  the  tomahawk  and  the  wooden  sword  or  spear.  Their 
bows  were  of  the  common  construction  :  their  bowstrings 
were  made  of  the  sinews  of  deer,  or  of  the  Indian  hemp. 
Their  arrows  were  constructed  of  young  elder  sticks,  or  of 
other  strait  sticks  and  reeds :  these  were  headed  with  a 
sharp  flinty  stone,  or  with  bones.  The  arrow  was  cleft  at 
one  end,  and  the  stone  or  bone  was  put  in  and  fastened 
with  a  small  cord.  The  tomahawk  was  a  stick  of  two  or 
three  feet,  in  length,  with  a  knob  at  one  end.  Some  tim.es 


43  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  HI. 

BOOK  I.  it  was  a  stone  hatchet,  or  a  stick,  with  a  piece  of  deers 
^x-v^w  horn  at  one  end,  in  the  form  of  a  pick  axe.      Their  spear 
1633.    was  a  strait  piece  of  wood,  sharpened  at  one  end,  and  har- 
dened in  the  fire,  or  headed  with  bone  or  stone. 

With  respect  to  navigation,  they  had  made  no  improve- 
ments beyond  the  construction  and  management  of  the  hol- 
low trough  or  canoe.  They  made  their  canoes  of  the  ches- 
nut,  whitewood,  and  pine  trees.  As  these  grew  strait  to  a 
great  length,  and  were  exceedingly  large  as  well  as  tall, 
they  constructed  some,  which  would  carry  sixty  or  eighty 
men  :*  these  were  first  rates ;  but  commonly  they  were  not 
more  than  twenty  feet  in  length,  and  two  in  breadth.  The 
Pequots  had  many  of  these,  in  which  they  passed  over  to 
the  Islands,  and  warred  against,  and  plundered  the  Island- 
ers. The  Indians  upon  Long-Island  had  a  great  number 
of  canoes,  of  the  largest  kind. 
Indian  ca-  f^g  construction  of  these,  with  such  miserable  tools  as 

noes  con-      .      T     ,.  ,  .      .  m, 

structed.  tne  Indians  possessed,  was  a  great  cuciosity.  The  manner 
was  this  :  when  they  had  found  a  tree  to  their  purpose,  to 
fell  it  they  made  a  fire  at  the  root,  and  kept  burning  it  and 
cutting  it  with  their  stone  axe,  until  it  fell :  then  they  kin- 
dled a  fire  at  such  a  distance  from  the  butt  as  they  chose, 
and  burned  it  off  again.  By  burning  and  working  with 
a  their  axe,  and  scraping  with  sharp  stones  and  shells,  they 
made  it  hollow  and  smooth.  In  the  same  manner  they 
shaped  the  ends,  and  finished  it  to  their  wishes. 

They  constructed  nets,  twenty  and  thirty  feet  in  length, 

IVels  and     r       .c  »  •  •   11      r      «u  f       *   u- 

hooks.  *or  "suing ;  especially  for  the  purpose  ot  catching  stur- 
geon :  these  were  wrought  with  cords  of  Indian  hemp, 
twisted  by  the  hands  of  the  women.  They  had  also  hooks, 
made  of  flexible  bones,  which  they  used  for  fishing. 

With  respect  to  religion  and  morals,  the  Indians  in  New- 
Religion  England  were  in  the  most  deplorable  condition.  They 
and  morals  believed  that  there  was  a  great  SPIRIT,  or  GOD,  whom  they 
called  KITCHTAN.  They  imagined  that  he  dwelt  far  away 
in  the  southwest,  and  that  he  was  a  good  GOD.  But  they 
worshipped  a  great  variety  of  gods.  They  paid  homage  to 
the  fire  and  water,  thunder  and  lightning,  and  to  whatever 
they  imagined  to  be  superior  to  themselves,  or  capable  of 
doing  them  an  injury. t  They  paid  their  principal  homage 
to  Hobbamocko.  They  imagined  that  he  was  an  evil  spir- 
it and  did  them  mischief ;  and  so,  from  fear,  they  wor- 
shipped him,  to  keep  him  in  good  humour.  They  appear- 
ed to  have  no  idea  of  a  sabbath,  and  not  to  regard  any  par- 
ticular day  more  than  another.  But  in  times  of  uncommon 

*  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  54. 
4  Magnalia,  b.  Hi,  p.  192. 


,  III.  CONNECTICUT.  49 

distress,  by  reason  of  pestilence,  war,  or  famine,  and  upon  BOOK  I. 
occasion  of  great  victories  and  triumph,  and  after  the  in-  V^^V-N^/ 
gathering  of  the  fruits,  they  assembled  in  great  numbers,  1633. 
for  the  celebration  of  their  superstitious  rites.*  The  whole 
country,  men,  women  and  children,  came  together  upon 
these  solemnities.  The  manner  of  their  devotion  was,  to 
kindle  large  fires  in  their  wigwams,  or  more  commonly  in 
the  open  fields,  and  to  sing  and  dance  round  them  in  a  wild 
and  violent  manner.  Sometimes  they  would  all  shout  aloud, 
with  the  most  antic  and  hideous  notes.  They  made  rattles 
of  shells,  which  they  shook,  in  a  wild  and  violent  manner, 
to  fill  up  the  confused  noise.  After  the  English  settled  in 
Connecticut,  and  they  could  purchase  kettles  of  brass,  they 
used  to  strain  skins  over  them,  and  beat  upon  them,  to  aug- 
ment their  wretched  music.  They  often  continued  these 
wild  and  tumultuous  exercises  incessantly,  for  four  or  five 
hours,  until  they  were  worn  down  and  spent  with  fatigue. 
Their  priests,  or  powaws,  led  in  these  exercises.  They 
were  dressed  in  the  most  odd  and  surprising  manner,  with 
skins  of  odious  and  frightful  creatures  about  their  heads, 
faces,  arms,  and  bodies.  They  painted  themselves  in  the 
most  ugly  forms  which  could  be  devised.  They  sometimes 
sang,  and  then  broke  forth  into  strong  invocations,  with 
starts,  and  strange  motions  and  passions.  When  these 
paused,  the  other  Indians  groaned,  making  wild  and  dole- 
ful sounds.  At  these  times,  they  sacrificed  their  skins,  In- 
dian money,  and  the  best  of  their  treasures.  These  were 
taken  by  the  powaws,  and  all  cast  into  the  fires  and  con- 
sumed together.  After  the  English  came  into  the  country, 
and  they  had  hatchets  and  kettles,  they  sacrificed  these  in 
the  same  manner.  The  English  Were  also  persuaded,  that 
they,  sometimes,  sacrificed  their  children,  as  well  as  their 
most  valuable  commodities.  No  Indians  in  Connecticut 
were  more  noted  for  these  superstitions  than  those  of  Wo- 
powage  and  Machemoodus.  Milford  people  observing  an 
Indian  child,  nearly  at  one  of  these  times  of  their  devotion, 
dressed  in  an  extraordinary  manner,  with  all  kinds  of  In- 
dian finery,  had  the  curiosity  to  inquire  what  could  be  the 
reason.  The  Indians  answered,  that  it  was  to  be  sacrificed, 
and  the  people  supposed  that  it  was  given  to  the  devil. 
The  evil  spirit,  which  the  New-England  Indians  called 
Hobbamocko,  the  Virginia  Indians  called  Okee.  So  de- 
luded were  these  unhappy  people,  that  they  believed  these 
barbarous  sacrifices  to  be  absolutely  necessary.  They 
imagined  that,  unless  they  appeased  and  conciliated  thei' 
god?  in  this  manner,  they  would  neither  suffer  them  to  ha/e 
*Magnalia,  B.III.  p.  JP2, 
G 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  IIT. 


BOOK  I. 

1633. 

Morals. 


Courtship 
and  mar- 
riage. 


Plurality 
of  wives. 


peace,  nor  harvests,  fish,  venison,  fat  bears,  nor  turkeys ; 
but  would  visit  them  with  a  general  destruction. 

With  respect  to  morals,  they  were  indeed  miserably  de- 
praved. Mr.  Williams  and  Mr.  Callender,  who,  at  an 
early  period,  were  acquainted  with  the  Indians  in  Rhode- 
Island,  Mr.  Hooker,  and  others,  have  represented  them  as 
sunk  into  the  lowest  state  of  moral  turpitude,  and  as  the 
very  dregs  of  human  nature.*  Though  the  character  which 
they  gave  them  was,  in  some  respects,  exaggerated  and 
absurd,  yet  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  they  were  worship- 
pers of  evil  spirits,  liars,  thieves,  and  murderers.  They 
certainly  were  insidious  and  revengeful,  almost  without  a 
parallel;  and  they  wallowed  in  all  the  filth  of  wantonness. 
Great  pains  were  taken  with  the  Narraganset  and  Con- 
necticut Indians,  to  civilize  them,  and  teach  them  Chris- 
tianity ;  but  the  sachems  rejected  the  gospel  with  indigna- 
tion and  contempt.  They  would  not  suffer  it  to  be  preach- 
ed to  their  subjects.  Indeed,  both  made  it  a  public  inte- 
rest to  oppose  its  propagation  among  them.  Their  policy, 
religion,  and  manners,  were  directly  opposed  to  its  pure 
doctrines  and  morals. 

The  manner  of  their  courtship  and  marriages  manifested 
their  impurity.  When  a  young  Indian  wished  for  marriage, 
he  presented  the  girl  with  whom  he  was  enamoured,  with 
bracelets,  belts,  and  chains  of  wampum.  If  she  received 
his  presents,  they  cohabited  together  for  a  time,  upon  trial. 
If  they  pleased  each  other,  they  were  joined  in  marriage  ; 
but  if,  after  a  few  weeks,  they  were  not  suited,  the  man, 
leaving  his  presents,  quitted  the  girl,  and  sought  another 
mistress,  and  she  another  lover.t  In  this  manner  they 
courted,  until  two  met  who  were  agreeable  to  each  other. 
Before  marriage  the  consent  of  the  sachem  was  obtained, 
and  he  always  joined  the  hands  of  the  young  pair  in  wed- 
lock. 

The  Indians  in  general  kept  many  concubines,  and  never 
thought  they  had  too  many  women.  J  This  especially  was 
the  case  with  their  sachems.  They  chose  their  concu- 
bines agreeably  to  their  fancy,  and  put  them  away  at 
pleasure.  When  a  sachem  grew  weary  of  any  of  his  wo- 
men, he  bestowed  them  upon  some  of  his  favourites,  or 
chief  men.  The  Indians,  however,  had  one  wife,  who  was 
the  governess  of  the  family,  and  whom  they  generally  kept 
during  life.  In  cases  of  adultery,  the  husband  either  put 
away  the  guilty  wife,  or  satisfied  himself  by  the  infliction 

*  Williams'  manuscripts,  and  Mr.  Calender's  sermon. 
i  Hutchinson,  vol.  i.  p.  461,  402. 
t  Seal's  Hist.  N.  E.  p.  38,  39. 


CHAP.  III.  CONNECTICUT.  51 

of  some  severe  punishment.    Husbands  and  wives,  parents  BOOK  I. 
and  children,  lived  together  in  the  same  wigwams,  without  ^w^-v-^> 
any  different  apartment,  and  made  no  great  privacy  of  such    1G33. 
actions  as  the  chaster  animals  keep  from  open  view. 

The  Indian  government,  generally,  was  absolute  mon- Indian 
archy.  The  will  of  the  sachem  was  his  law.  The  lives 
and  interests  of  his  subjects  were  at  his  disposal.  But  in 
all-important  affairs,  he  consulted  his  counsellors.  When 
they  had  given  their  opinions,  they  deferred  the  decision 
of  every  matter  to  him.  Whatever  his  determinations  were, 
'hey  applauded  his  wisdom,  and  without  hesitation  obeyed 
his  commands.  In  council,  the  deportment  of  the  sachems 
was  grave  and  majestic  to  admiration.  They  appeared  to 
be  men  of  great  discernment  and  policy.  Their  speeches 
were  cautious  and  politic.  The  conduct  of  their  counsel- 
lors and  servants  was  profoundly  respectful  and  submis- 
sive. 

The  counsellors  of  the  Indian  kings  in  New-England,  Thepaai- 
were  termed  the  paniese.     These  were  not  only  the  wisest,  es 
but  largest  and  bravest  men  to  be  found  among  their  sub- 
jects.    They  were  the  immediate  guard  of  their  respective 
sachems,  who  made  neither  war  nor  peace,  nor  attempted 
any  weighty  affair,  without  their  advice.     In  war,  and  all 
great  enterprises,  dangers,  and  sufferings,  these  discovered 
a  boldness  and  firmness  of  mind  exceeding  all  the  other 
warriors. 

To  preserve  this  order  among  the  Indians,  great  pains 
were  taken.  The  stoutest  and  most  promising  boys  were 
chosen,  and  trained  up  with  peculiar  care,  in  the  observa- 
tion of  certain  Indian  rites  and  customs.  They  were  kept 
;Vom  all  delicious  meats,  trained  to  coarse  fare,  and  made 
(o  drink  the  juice  of  bitter  herbs,  until  it  occasioned  violent 
vomitings.  They  were  beaten  over  their  legs  and  shins 
with  sticks,  and  made  to  run  through  brambles  and  thick- 
ets, to  make  them  hardy,  and,  as  the  Indians  said,  to  ren- 
der them  more  acceptable  to  Hobbamocko. 

These  paniese,  or  ministers  of  state,  were  in  league  with 
the  priests,  or  powaws.  To  keep  the  people  in  awe,  they 
pretended,  as  well  as  the  priests,  to  have  converse  witli 
the  invisible  world,  and  that  Hobbamocko  often  appeared 
to  them. 

Among  the  Connecticut  Indians,  and  among  all  the  In-  The  crowu 
dians  in  New-England,  the  crown  was  hereditary,  Always  heredita' 
descending  to  the  eldest  son.     When  there  was  no  male  rjr' 
issue,  the  crown  descended  to  the  female.    The  blood  royal 
was  held  in  such  veneration,  that  no  one  was. considered  as 
heir  to  the  crown,  but  such  as  were  royally  descended  on 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  III. 


Revenues 
of  the 
priuce. 


BOOK  I.  both  sides.     When  a  female  acceded  to  the  crown,  she  was 
^x-v-x^  called  the  sunk  squaw,  or  queen  squaw.  There  were  many 
1633.    petty  sachems,  tributary  to  other  princes,  on  whom  they 
were  dependant  for  protection,  and  without  whose  consent 
they  made  neither  peace,  war,  nor  alliances  with  other  na- 
tions. 

The  revenues  of  the  crown  consisted  in  the  contributions 
of  the  people.  They  carried  corn,  and  the  first  fruits  of 
their  harvest  of  all  kinds,  beans,  squashes,  roots,  berries, 
and  nuts,  and  presented  them  to  their  sachem.  They  made 
him  presents  of  flesh,  fish,  fowl,  moose,  bear,  deer,  beaver 
and  other  skins.  One  of  the  paniese  was  commonly  ap- 
pointed to  receive  the  tribute.  When  the  Indians  brought 
it,  he  gave  notice  to  his  sachem,  who  went  out  to  them, 
and  by  good  words  and  some  small  gifts,  expressed  his 
gratitude.  By  these  contributions,  his  table  was  supplied  ; 
so  that  he  kept  open  house  for  all  strangers  and  travellers. 
Besides,  the  prince  claimed  an  absolute  sovereignty  over 
the  seas  within  his  dominion.  Whatever  was  stranded  on 
the  coast,  all  wrecks  and  whales  floating  on  the  sea,  and 
taken,  were  his.*  In  war,  the  spoils  of  the  enemy,  and  all 
the  women  and  royalties  of  the  prince  conquered,  belong- 
ed to  him  who  made  the  conquest. 

The  sachem  was  not  only  examiner,  judge,  and  execu- 
judges  and  tioner,  in  all  criminal  cases,  but  in  all  matters  of  justice 
between  one  man  and  another.  In  cases  of  dishonesty,  the 
Indians  proportioned  the  punishment  to  the  number  of  times 
in  which  the  delinquent  had  been  found  guilty.  For  the 
first  offence,  he  was  reproached  for  his  villainy  in  the  most 
disgraceful  manner ;  for  the  second,  he  was  beaten  with  a 
cudgel  upon  his  naked  back.  If  he  still  persisted  in  his 
dishonest  practices,  and  was  found  guilty  a  third  time,  he 
was  sure,  besides  a  sound  drubbing,  to  have  his  nose  slit, 
that  all  men  might  know  and  avoid  him.  Murder  was,  in 
all  cases,  punished  with  death.  The  sachem  whipped  the 
delinquent,  and  slit  his  nose,  in  cases  which  required  these 
punishments ;  and  he  killed  the  murderer,  unless  he  were 
at  a  great  distance.  In  this  case,  in  which  execution  could 
not  be  done  with  his  own  hands,  he  sent  his  knife,  by  which 
it  was  effected.  The  Indians  would  not  receive  any  pun- 
ishment which  was  not  capital,  from  the  hands  of  any  ex- 
cept their  sachems.  They  would  neither  be  beaten,  whip- 
ped, nor  slit  by  an  officer :  but  their  prince  might  inflict 
these  punishments  to  the  greatest  extremity,  and  ihey 
would  neither  run,  cry,  nor  flinch.  Indeed,  neither  the 
crimes  nor  the  punishments  are  esteemed  so  infamous 
*  Magnate,  B.VI.  p.  51  = 


Sachems 


execu- 
tioners. 


CHAP.  III.  CONNECTICUT.  53 

among  the  Indians,  as  to  groan  or  shrink  under  suffering.  BOOK  I. 
The  sachems  were  so  absolute  in  their  government,  that  ^_x^/-^w/ 
they  contemned  the  limited  authority  of  the  English  gover-    1633, 
nors. 

The  Indians  had  no  kind  of  coin ;  but  they  had  a  sort  of  Indian 
money,  which  they  called  wampum,  or  wampumpeag.  Itmon.e>'- 
consisted  of  small  beads,  most  curiously  wrought  out  of 
shells,  and  perforated  in  the  centre,  so  that  they  might  be 
strung  on  belts,  in  chains  and  bracelets.  These  were  ol 
several  sorts.  The  Indians  in  Connecticut,  and  in  New- 
England  in  general,  made  black,  blue  and  white  wampum. 
Six  of  the  white  beads  passed  for  a  penny,  and  three  of  the 
black  or  blue  ones  for  the  same.  The  five  nations  made 
another  sort,  which  were  of  a  purple  colour.  The  white 
beads  were  wrought  out  of  the  inside  of  the  great  conchs, 
and  the  purple  out  of  the  inside  of  the  muscle  shell.  They 
were  made  perfectly  smooth,  and  the  perforation  was  done 
in  the  neatest  manner.  Indeed,  considering  that  the  Indians 
had  neither  knife,  drill,  nor  any  steel  or  iron  instrument, 
the  workmanship  was  admirable.  After  the  English  set- 
tled in  Connecticut,  the  Indians  strung  these  beads  on 
belts  of  cloth,  in  a  very  curious  manner.  The  squaws 
made  caps  of  cloth,  rising  to  a  peak  over  the  top  of  the 
head,  and  the  fore  part  was  beautified  with  wampum,  curi- 
ously wrought  upon  them.  The  six  nations  now  weave 
and  string  them  in  broad  belts,  which  they  give  in  their 
treaties,  as  a  confirmation  of  their  speeches  and  the  seals 
of  their  friendship.* 

The  Indians  of  Connecticut  and  New-England,  although 
consisting  of  a  great  number  of  different  nations  and  clans, 
appear  all  to  have  spoken  radically  the  same  language. 
From  Piscataqua  to  Connecticut,  it  was  so  nearly  the  same.  Language, 
that  the  different  tribes  could  converse  tolerably  together.f 
The  Moheagari  or  Pequot  language  was  essentially  that  of 
all  the  Indians  in  New-England,  and  of  a  great  part  of  the 
Indians  in  the  United  States. J  The  word  Moheagans,  is  a 
corruption  of  Muhhekaneew,  in  the  singular,  or  of  Muhhe- 
kaneok  in  the  plural  number.  Not  only  the  natives  of 
New-England,  but  the  Penobscots,  bordering  on  Nova-  « 
Scotia,  the  Indians  of  St.  Francis,  in  Canada,  the  Dela- 
wares,  in  Pennsylvania,  the  Shawanese,  on  the  Ohio,  and 
the  Chippewaus,  at  the  westward  of  lake  Huron,  all  spoke 
the  same  radical  language.  The  same  appears  evident 

*Colden's  history,  vol.  i.  p.  3,4,71,72. 
t  Hutchinson,  vol.  i.  p.  479. 

^  Dr.  Edwards'  observations  on  the  language  of  the  Muhhekaneew  lu 
dians, 


54  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  Ilf. 

BOOK  I.  also  with  respect  to  the  Ottowaus,-  Nanticooks,  Munsees, 
<v-*'~v^-'  Menomonees,  Missifaugas,  Saukies,  Ottagaumies,  Killisti- 
1633.    noes,   Nipegons,  Algonkins,  Winnebagoes  and  other  In- 
dians.    The  various  tribes,  who  evidently  spoke  the  same 
original  language,    had  different    dialects ;  yet,    perhaps, 
they  differed  little  more  from  each  other,  than  the  style  of 
a  Londoner  now  does  from  that  of  his  great  grandfather. 
The  want  of  letters  and  of  a  sufficient  correspondence  be- 
tween the  several  nations  may  well  account  for  all  the  va- 
riations to  be  found  among  the  natives  in  New-England, 
and  between  them  and  the  other  tribes  which  have  been 
mentioned.     All  the  New-England  Indians  expressed   the 
pronouns  both   substantive  and  adjective  by  prefixes  and 
suffixes,  or  by  letters  or  syllables  added  at  the  beginnings 
or  ends  of  their  nouns.§     In  this  respect  there  is  a  re- 
markable coincidence  between  this  and  the  Hebrew  lan- 
guage, in  an  instance  in  which  the  Hebrew  entirely  dif- 
fers from  all  the  ancient  and  modern  languages  of  Europe, 
the  indJa°n       From  tnis  a®nity  °f  tne  Indian  language,  with  the  He- 
and  He-     brew,  from  their  anointing  their  heads  with  oil,  their  dan- 
brew  Ian-  cing   in   their    devotions,    their   excessive   howlings  and 
guages.      mourning  for   their  dead,  their  computing  time  by  nights 
and  moons,  their  giving  dowries  to  their  wives,  and  caus- 
ing their  women  at  certain  seasons  to  dwell  by  themselves, 
and  some  other  circumstances,  the  famous  Mr.  John  Eliot, 
the  Indian  apostle,  was  led  to  imagine  that  the  American 
Indians   were  the  posterity  of  the,  dispersed  Israelites.* 
They  used  many  figures  and  parables  in  their  discourses, 
and  some  have  reported  that,  at  certain  seasons,  they  used 
no  knives,   and  never  brake  the  bones  of  the  creatures 
which  they  eat.     It  has  also  been  reported,   that  in  some 
of  their  songs  the  word  Hallelujah  might  be  distinguished.! 
The  Indian  language  abounds  with  gutterals  and  strong 
aspirations,  and  their  words  are  generally  of  a  great  lrngth,+ 
which  render  it  peculiarly  bold  and  sonorous.     The   In- 
dian speeches,  like  those  of  the  eastern  nations,  generally 
were  adorned  with  the  most  bold  and  striking  figures,  and 
have  not  been  inferior  to  any  which  either  the  English  or 
»       French  have  been  able  to  make  to  them.     The  Indians  in 
general,  throughout  the  continent,   were  much  given  to 
speech  making.     As  eloquence  and  war  were,  with  them. 

$  Dr.  Edwards'  observation?  on  the  Indian  language. 
*  Magnalia  b.  iii.  p.  192,  193.         t  Hutchison  vol.  I  p.  478, 
t  Nummatchekodtantamoonganunonash  was  a  single   word,   which  in 
English,    signifies,    Our   luits.      Noowomantammoonkanunnonnash   was 
another,  signifying,  Our  loves.     Kummogkodonattoottummooctiteaongan- 
nunnonash  was  another,  expressing  no  more  than,  Our  question.     Magnet 
iia  b.  iii.  p.  193. 


CHAP.  III.  CONNECTICUT.  55 

the  foundations  of  all  consequence,  the  whole  force  of  their  BOOK  I. 
genius  was  directed  to   these    acquisitions.     In   council,  V^-N/--W 
their  opinions  were  always  given  in  set  speeches  ;  and  to    1633. 
persons  whom  they  highly  respected,  it  was  not  unusual, 
on  meeting  and  parting,  or  on  matters  of  more  than  com- 
mon importance,  to  address  their  compliments  and  opin- 
ions in  formal  harangues.     The  Indians  commonly  spake 
with  an  unusual  animation  and  vehemence. 

The  Indians  in  New-England,    rarely  if  ever  admitted  L  and  R 
the  letters  L  and  R  into  their  dialect ;  but  the  Mohawks,  "ot  used 
whose  language   was  entirely  different,  used  them  both,  "ian  di£ 
Some  of  the  western  Indians,  who  speak  the  same  language  Ject  of  N. 
radically,  with  the  Moheagans,  use  the  L*     The  Mohea-  England, 
gan  language  abounds  with  labials,  but  the  Mohawk  dif- 
fers entirely  from  this,  and  perhaps  from  every  other,  in 
this  respect,  that  it  is  wholly  destitute  of  labials.     The 
Mohawks  esteemed  it  a  laughable  matter  indeed,  for  men 
to  shut  their  mouths  that  they  might  speak.* 

The  Indians  in  Connecticut,  and  in  all  parts  of  New-  Burial  of 
England,  mr>de  great  lamentations  at  the  burial  of  their the  dead' 
dead.  Their  manner  of  burial  was  to  dig  holes  in  the 
ground  with  stakes,  which  were  made  broad  and  sharpen- 
ed at  one  end.  Sticks  were  laid  across  the  bottom,  and 
the  corpse,  which  was  previously  wrapped  in  skins  and 
mats,  was  let  down  upon  them.  The  arms,  treasures,  uten- 
sils, paint  and  ornaments  of  the  dead,  were  buried  with 
them,  and  a  mound  of  earth  was  raised  upon  the  whole. 
In  some  instances  the  Indians  appear  to  have  used  a  kind 
of  embalming,  by  wrapping  the  corpse  in  large  quantities 
of  a  strong  scented  red  powder. t  In  some  parts  of  New- 
England,  the  dead  were  buried  in  a  sitting  posture  with 
their  faces  towards  the  east.  The  women  on  these  occa-  Mourning, 
sions  painted  their  faces  with  oil  and  charcoal,  and  while 
the  burial  was  performing,  they,  with  the  relatives  of  the 
dead,  made  the  most  hideous  shrieks,  howlings  and  la- 
mentations. Their  mourning  continued,  by  turns,  at  night 
and  in  the  morning,  for  several  days-  During  this  term 
all  (he  relatives  united  in  bewailing  the  dead. 

When  the  English  began  the  settlement  of  Connecticut,  Indians  of 
all  the  Indians  both  east  and  west  of  Connecticut  river,  Connecti- 
were  tributaries,  except  the  Pequots,  and  some  few  tribes  cut.tenbu" 
which   were   in   alliance  with  them.     The  Pequots  had 
spread  their   conquests  over  all  that  part  of  the  state  east 
of  the  river.     They  had  also  subjugated  the  Indians  on  the 
soa  coast,  as  far  eastward  as  Guilford.     Vncas  therefore, 

*  GoWen's  history  vol.  i.  p.  16. 
^  Real's  bistorv  X.  P.  vol.  i,  u.  20, 


fit  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  Ill, 

BOOK  I.  after  the  Pequots  were  conquered,  extended  his  claims  as 
<-x~v~x^  far  as  Hammonasset,  in  the  eastern  part  of  that  township.* 
3633.     The  Indians  in  these  parts  were  therefore  tributaries  to  the 
Pequots. 

The  Mohawks  had  not  only  carried  their  conquests  as 
far  southward  as  Virginia,  but  eastward,  as  far  as  Con- 
necticut river.  The  Indians  therefore,  in  the  western  parts 
of  Connecticut,  were  their  tributaries.  Two  old  Mo- 
hawks, every  year  or  two,  might  be  seen  issuing  their  or- 
ders and  collecting  their  tribute,  with  as  much  authority 
and  haughtiness  as  a  Roman  dictator. 

It  is  indeed  difficult  to  describe  the  fear  of  this  terrible 
nation,  which  had  fallen  on  all  the  Indians  in  the  western 
parts  of  Connecticut.  If  they  neglected  to  pay  their  tri- 
bute, the  Mohawks  would  come  down  against  them,  plun- 
der, destroy,  and  carry  them  captive  at  pleasure.  When 
they  made  their  appearance  in  the  country,  the  Connecti- 
cut Indians  would  instantly  raise  a  cry  from  hill  to  hill,  a 
Mohawk?  a  Mohawk  !  and  fly  like  sheep  before  wolves, 
without  attempting  the  least  resistance.!  The  Mohawks 
would  cry  out,  in  the  most  terrible  manner,  in  their  lan- 
guage, importing  "  We  are  come,  we  are  come,  to  suck 
your  blood."|  When  the  Connecticut  Indians  could  not 
escape  to  their  forts,  they  would  immediately  flee  to  the 
English  houses  for  shelter,  and  sometimes  the  Mohawks 
would  pursue  them  so  closely  as  to  enter  with  them,  and 
kill  them  in  the  presence  of  the  family.  If  there  was  time 
to  shut  the  doors  they  never  entered  by  force,  nor  did 
they,  upon  any  occasion,  do  the  least  injury  to  the  English. 
When  they  came  into  this  part  of  the  country  for  war, 
they  used  their  utmost  art  to  keep  themselves  undiscover- 
ed. They  would  conceal  themselves  in  swamps  and  thick- 
ets, watching  their  opportunity,  and  all  on  a  sudden,  rise 
upon  their  enemy  and  kill  or  captivate  them,  before  th'ey 
had  time  to  make  any  resistance. 

iViohawks       About  the  time  when  the  settlement  of  New-Haven  com- 
surprise      menccd,  or  not  many  years  after,  they  came  into  Connec- 
^augus-      tjcu^  ancj  surprjsecl  the  Indian  fort  at  Paugusset.     To  pre- 
vent the  Connecticut  Indians  from  discovering  them,  and 
that  not  so  much  as  a  track  of  them  might  be  seen,  they 
marched  in  the  most  secret  manner,  and  when  they  came 
near   the    fort  travelled  wholly  in  the  river.     Secreting 
themselves  near  the  fort,  they  watched  their  opportunity, 
and  suddenly  attacking  it,  with  their  dreadful  yellings  and 
violence,  they  soon  took  it  by  force,  and  killed  and  capti- 

*  Manuscript"  of  Mr.  Haggles. 
t  Coldeu's  history  vol.  i.  p.  3.        J  Wood's  prospect  of  N.  England 


CHAP.  III.  CONNECTICUT.  57 

vated  whom  they  pleased.  Having  plundered  and  des-  BOOK  I. 
troyed,  at  their  pleasure,  they  returned  to  their  castles,  v^-v-x^ 
west  of  Albany.  1633. 

As  the  Indians  in  Connecticut  were  slaughtered  and  op-  Motives 
pressed,  either  by   the  Pequots  or   Mohawks,  they  were  !udUiC1j§ 
generally  friendly  to  the  settlement  of  the  English  among  ans  to 
them.     They  expected,  by  their  means,  to   be  defended  permit  the 
against  their  terrible  and  cruel   oppressors.     They  alsoE"£llsh 
found  themselves  benefited  by  trading  with  them.     They  ments" 
furnished  themselves  with   knives,   hatchets,  axes,  hoes, 
kettles  and  various  instruments  and  utensils  which  highly 
contributed  to  their  convenience.     They  could,  with  these, 
perform  more  labor  in  one  hour  or  day,  than  they  could  in 
many'days  without  them.     Besides,   they  found  that  they 
could  exchange  an  old  beaver  coat,  or  blanket,  for  two  or 
three  new  ones  of  English   manufacture.     They  found  a 
much  better  market  for  their  furs,  corn,  peltry,  and  all  their 
vendible  commodities. 

The  English  were  also  careful  to  treat  them  with  justice 
and  humanity,  and  to  make  such  presents  to  their  sachems 
•and  great  captains,   as  should  please  and  keep  them  in, 
good  humor. 

By  these  means,  the  English  lived  in  tolerable  peace 
with  all  the  Indians  in  Connecticut,  and  New-England, 
except  the  Pequots,  for  about  forty  years. 

The  Indians,  at  their  first  settlement,   performed  many  Indian 
acts  of  kindness  towards  them.     They  instructed  them  in  ' 

the  manner  of  planting  and  dressing  the  Indian  corn. 
They  carried  them  upon  their  backs,  through  rivers  and 
Waters  ;  and,  as  occasion  required,  served  them  instead  of 
boats  and  bridges.  They  gave  them  much  useful  informa- 
tion respecting  the  country,  and  when  the  English  or  their 
children  were  lost  in  the  woods,  and  were  in  danger  of 
perishing  with  hunger  or  cold,  they  conducted  them  to 
their  wigwams,  fed  them,  and  restored  them  to  their  fami- 
lies and  parents.  By  selling  them  corn,  when  pinched 
with  famine,  they  relieved  their  distresses  and  prevented 
their  perishing  in  a  strange  land  and  uncultivated  wilder- 
ness. 


H 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  IV 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  people  at  Dorchester,  Water  town  and  Newtovsri,  finding 
themselves  straitened  in  the  Massachusetts,  determine  to 
remove  to  Connecticut.  Debates  in  Massachusetts  rela- 
tive to  their  removal.  The  general  court  at  first  prohib- 
ited it,  but  afterwards  gave  its  consent.  The  people  re- 
moved and  settled~the  towns  of  Windsor,  Hartford  and 
Weathersfield.  Hardships  and  losses  of  the  first  winter?. 

fS34.  ^  UCH  numbers  were  constantly  emigrating  to.  New- 
K^  England,  in  consequence  of  the  persecution  of  the 
puritans,  that  the  people  at  Dorchester,  Watertown  and 
Newtownj  began  to  be  much  straitened,  by  the  accession 
of  new  planters.  By  those  who  had  been  at  Connecticut, 
they  had  received  intelligence  of  the  excellent  meadows 
upon  the  river  :  they  therefore  determined  to  remove,  and 
once  more  brave  the  dangers  and  hardships  of  making  set- 
tlements in  a  dreary  wilderness. 

Way.  Upon  application  to  the  general  court  for  the  enlarge - 

mtent  of  their  boundaries,  or  for  liberty  to  remove,  they,  at 
first,  obtained  consent  for  the  latter.     However,  when  it 
was  afterwards  discovered,  that  their  determination  was  to 
plant  a  new  colony  at  Connecticut,  there  arose  a  strong 
Septem?-     opposition  ;  so  that  when  the  court  convened  in  Septem- 
ber          ber,  there  was  a  warm  debate  on  the  subject,  and  a  great 
division  between  the  houses.     Indeed,  the  whole  colony 
was  affected  with  the  dispute. 

Arg-uinfents  jyjr>  Hooker,  who  was  more  engaged  in  the  enterprise 
ine  to  Con- tnan  l^e  °tncr  ministers,  took  up  the  affair  and  pleaded  for 
netticut.  the  people.  He  urged,  that  they  were  so  straitened  for  ao 
commodations  for  their  cattle,  that  they  could  not  support 
the  ministry,  neither  receive,  nor  assist  any  more  of  their 
friends,  who  might  come  over  to  them.  He  insisted  that 
the  planting  of  towns  so  near  together  was  a  fundamental 
error  in  their  policy.  He  pleaded  the  fertility  and  happy 
accommodations  of  Connecticut  :  That  settlements  upon 
the  river  were  necessary  to  prevent  the  Dutch  and  others 
from  possessing  themselves  of  so  fruitful  and  important  a 
part  of  the  country  ;  and  that  the  minds  of  the  people 
were  strongly  inclined  to  plant  themselves  there,  in  prefer- 
ence to  every  other  place,  which  had  come  to  their  knowl- 
edge. 

Arguments      On  the  other  side  it  was  insisted,  That  in  point  of  con- 
gcjence  tiley  OUght  not  to  depart,  as  they  were  uju'ted  tr> 


CHAP.  IV.  CONNECTICUT.  53 

the  Massachusetts  as  one  body,  and  bound  by  oath  to  seek  BOOK  I, 
the  good  of  that  commonwealth:  and  that  on  principles  of  ^^v-*^ 
policy  it  could  not,  by  any   means,  be  granted.     It  was    1634, 
pleaded,  that  as  the  settlements  in  the  Massachusetts  were 
new  and  weak,  they  were  in  danger  of  an  assault  from  their 
enemies  :  That  the  departure  of  Mr.  Hooker  and  the  peo- 
ple of  those  towns,  would  not  only  draw  off  many  from  the 
Massachusetts,  but  prevent  others  from  settling  in  the  colo- 
ny.    Besides,  it  was  said,  that  the  removing  of  a  candle- 
stick was  a  great  judgment :  That  by  suffering  it  they 
should  expose  their  brethren  to  great  danger,  both  from 
the  Dutch  and  Indians.     Indeed,  it  was  affirmed  that  they 
might  be  accommodated  by  the  enlargements  offered  them 
by  the  other  towns. 

After  a  long  and  warm  debate,  the  governor,  two  assist- 
ants,  and  a  majority  of  the  representatives,  were  for  grant- 
ing liberty  for  Mr.  Hooker  and  the  people  to  transplant 
themselves  to  Connecticut.  *J!he  deputy-governor  howev- 
er and  six  of  the  assistants  were  in  the  negative,  and  so  no 
vote  could  be  obtained.* 

This  made  a  considerable  ferment,  not  only  in  the  gene- 
ral court,  but  in  the  colony,  so  that  Mr.  Cotton  was  desired 
to  preach  on  the  subject  to  quiet  the  court  and  the  people 
of  the  colony.  This  also  retarded  the  commencement  of 
the  settlements  upon  the  river.  Individuals,  however, 
were  determined  to  prosecute  the  business,  and  made 
preparations  effectually  to  carry  it  into  execution. 

It  appears,  that  some  of  the  Watertown  people  came 
this  year  to  Connecticut,  and  erected  a  few  huts  at  Py- 
quag,  now  Weathersfield,  in  which  a  small  number  of  men 
made  a  shift  to  winter.! 

While  the  colonists  were  thus  prosecuting  the  business  May  3> 
of  settlement,  in  New-England,  the  right  honourable  James, 163a< 
Marquis  of  Hamilton,  obtained  a  grant  from  the  council  of 
Plymouth,  April  20th,  1635,  of  all  that  tract  of  country 
which  lies  between  Connecticut  river  arul  Narraganset  riv- 
er and  harbour,  and  from  the  mouths  of  each  of  said  rivers 
northward  sixty  miles  into  the  country.  However,  by 
reason  of  its  interference  with  the  grant  to  the  lord  Say 
and  Seal,  lord  Brook,  &c.  or  for  some  other  reason,  the 
deed  was  never  executed.  The  Marquis  made  no  settle- 
ment upon  the  land  and  the  claim  became  obsolete. 

The  next  May,  the  Newtown  people,  determining  to  set- 
tle at  Connecticut,  renewed  their  application  to  the  gene- 

*  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  70. 

t  This  is  the  tradition,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Meeks  of  Weathersfield  i 
manuscripts  says,  Weathersfield  is  the  oldest  t,own  oo  the  river, 


CO  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  IV. 

BOOK  I.  ral  court,   and  obtained  liberty  to  remove  to  any  place 
<^x-v~^>  which  they  should  choose,   with  this  proviso,  that  they 
1635.     should  continue  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Massachu- 
setts.! 

A  number  of  Mr.  Warham's  people  came  this  summer 
into  Connecticut,  and  made  preparations  to  bring  their 
families,  and  make  a  permanent  settlement  on  the  river. 
The  Watertown  people  gradually  removed,  and  prosecut- 
ed their  settlement  at  Weathersfield.  At  the  same  time, 
the  planters  at  Newtown  began  to  make  preparations  for 
removing  to  Hartford  the  next  spring. 

Meanwhile,  twenty  men  arrived  in  Massachusetts,  sent 
over  by  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  to  take  possession  of  a 
great  quantity  of  land  in  Connecticut,  and  to  make  settle-* 
ments  under  the  patent  of  lord  Say  and  Seal,  with  whom 
he  was  a  principal  associate.  The  vessel  in  which  they 
came  over,  on  her  return  to  England,  in  the  fall,  was  cast 
away  on  the  isle  Sable.t 

August.  As  the  Dorchester  men  had  now  set  down  at  Connecti- 
cut, near  the  Plymouth  trading  house,  governor  Bradford 
wrote  to  them,  complaining  of  their  conduct,  as  injurious 
to  the  people  of  Plymouth,  who  had  made  a  fair  purchase 
of  the  Indians,  and*  taken  a  prior  possession.* 

The  Dutch  also,  alarmed  by  the  settlements  making  in 
Connecticut,  wrote  to  Holland  for  instructions  and  aid,  to 
drive  the  English  from  their  settlements  upon  the  river.t 

The  people  at  Connecticut  having  made  such  prepara- 
Oct.  I5tb   tions  as  were  judged  necessary  to  effect  a  permanent  set- 
the  plan-    dement,  began  to  remove  their  families  and  property.     On 
ters  on  the  tne  fifteenth  of  October,  about  sixty  men,  women,  and  chil- 
move Their  dren,  with  their  horses,  cattle,  and  swine,  commenced  their 
families  tojourney  from  the  Massachusetts,    through  the  wilderness, 
Connecti-  to  Connecticut  river.     After  a  tedious  and  difficult  jour-? 
ney,  through  swamps  and  rivers,  over  mountains  and  rough 
ground,   which  were  passed  with  great  difficulty  and  fa- 
tigue, they  arrived  safely  at  the  places  of  their  respective 
destination.     They  were  so  long  on  their  journey,  and  so 
much  time  and  pains  were  spent  in  passing  the  river,  and 
in  getting  over  their  cattle,  that,  after  all  their  exertions, 
winter  came  upon  them  before  they  were  prepared.     This 
was  an  occasion  of  great  distress  and  damage  to  the  plan- 
tations. 

Opt.  8tn,  Nearly  at  the  same  time,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  son  of 
ttrop^ar""  governor  Winthrop,  of  Massachusetts,  arrived  at  Boston, 
rives  at  with  a  commission  from  lord  Say  and  Seal,  lord  Brook, 

Boston.  j  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  82.      t  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  83  and  89 

*  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  86.  t  The  same,  p.  86. 


CHAP.  IV.  CONNECTICUT,  til 

and  other  noblemen  and  gentlemen  interested  in  the  Con-  BOOK  I. 
necticut  patent,  to  erect  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  Connecticut  <^~^**s 
river.     Their  lordships  sent  over  men,  ordnance,  ammuni-    1635. 
lion,  and  2000  pounds  sterling.,  for  the  accomplishment  of 

their  design. | 

Mr.  Winthrop  was  directed,  by  his  commission,  immedi-  His  coiji- 
ately  on  his  arrival,  to  repair  to  Connecticut,  with  fifty  able  mission, 
men,  and  to  erect  the  fortifications,  and  to  build  houses  for 
the  garrison,  and  for  gentlemen  who  might  coine  over  into 
Connecticut.  They  were  first  to  build  houses  for  their 
then  present  accommodation,  and  after  that,  such  as  should 
be  suitable  for  the  reception  of  men  of  quality.  The  lat- 
ter were  to  be  erected  within  the  fort.  It  was  required 
that  the  planters,  at  the  beginning,  should  settle  themselves 
near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  set  down  in  bodies,  that 
they  might  be  in  a  situation  for  entrenching  and  defending 
themselves.  The  commission  made  provision  for  the  re- 
servation of  a  thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  acres  of  good 
land,  for  the  maintenance  of  the  fort,  as  nearly  adjoining 
to  it  as  might  be  with  convenience.* 

Mr.  Winthrop,  having  intelligence  that  the  Dutch  were 
preparing  to  take  possession  of  the  mouth  of  the  river,  as  Mr.  Win- 
soon  as  he  could  engage  twenty  men,   and  furnish   them  throp  dis- 
with  provisions,  dispatched  them  in  a  small  vessel,  of  about  patched  a 
thirty  tons,  to  prevent  their  getting  the  command  of  the  |TS 
river,  and  to  accomplish  the  service  to  which  he  had  been  cut. 
appointed. 

But  a  few  days  after  the  party,  Pent  by  Mr.  Winthrop, 
arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  a  Dutch  vessel  appeared 
off  the  harbor,  from  New-Netherlands,  sent  on  purpose  to 
take  possession  of  the  entrance  of  the  river,  and"  to  erect  Dutch  not 
fortifications.     The  English  had,  by  this  time,  mounted  two  suffered  to 
pieces  of  cannon,   and  prevented  their  landing.!     Thus, ltnd> 
providentially,  was  this  fine  tract  of  country  preserved  for 
our  venerable  ancestors,  and  their  posterity. 

Mr.  Winthrop  was  appointed  governor  of  the  river  Con- 
necticut, and  the  parts  adjacent,  for  the  term  of  one  year. 
He  erected  a  fort,  built  houses,  and  made  a  settlement,  ac- 
cording to  his  instructions.  One  David  Gardiner,  an  ex- 
pert engineer,  assisted  in  the  work,  planned  the  fortifica- 
tions, and  was  appointed  lieutenant  of  the  fort. 

Mr.  Davenport  and  others,  who  afterwards  settled  New- 
Haven,  were  active  in  this  aflair,  and  hired  Gardiner,  in  be- 
half of  their  lordships,  to  come  into  New-England,  and  as- 
sist  in  this  business.:]: 

t  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  88.          *  Appendix,  No,  II. 

t  Wiuthrop's  Journal,  p.  90,  91.        |  Manuscripts  of  Gardiner! 


62  HISTORY  OF1  CHAP.  IV. 

BOOK  I.  As  the  settlement  of  the  three  towns  on  Connecticut  river 
s-^v->^  was  begun  before  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Winthrop,  and  the  de- 
1635.  s'gn  °f  their  lordships  to  make  plantations  upon  it  was 
Agreement  known,  it  was  agreed,  that  the  settlers  on  the  river  should 
respecting  either  remove,  upon  full  satisfaction  made,  by  their  lord- 
l^f  P,!r^  ships,  or  else  sufficient  room  should  be  found  for  them  and 

Grs  in  \_/on~    .     *,  »  _  _ 

necticut..  their  companies  at  some  other  place.! 

The  winter  set  in  this  year  much  sooner  than  usual,  and 
the  weather  was  stormy  and  severe.  By  the  1 5th  of  No- 
vember, Connecticut  river  was  frozen  over,  and  the  snow 
was  so  deep,  and  the  season  so  tempestuous,  that  a  con- 
siderable number  of  the  cattle,  which  had  been  driven  on 
from  the  Massachusetts,  could  not  be  brought  across  the 
river.  The  people  had  so  little  time  to  prepare  their  huts 
and  houses,  and  to  erect  sheds  and  shelters  for  their  cattle, 
that  the -sufferings  of  man  and  beast  were  extreme.  Indeed, 
the  hardships  and  distresses  of  the  first  planters  of  Con- 
necticut scarcely  admit  of  a  description.  To  carry  much 
provision  or  furniture  through  a  pathless  wilderness,  was 
impracticable.  Their  principal  provisions  and  household 
furniture  were,  therefore,  put  on  board  several  small  ves- 
sels, which,  by  reason  of  delays  and  the  tempestuousness 
of  the  season,  were  either  cast  away  or  did  not  arrive,. 
Several  vessels  were  wrecked  on  the  coasts  of  New-Eng- 
land, by  the  violence  of  the  storms.  Two  shallops  laden 
with  goods,  from  Boston  to  Connecticut,  in  October,  wen? 
cast  away  on  Brown's  island,  near  the  Gurnet's  nose  ;  and 
Novem-  the  men,  with  every  thing  on  board,  were  lost.J  A  vessel, 
ter.  with  six  of  the  Connecticut  people  on  board,  which  sailed 

from  the  river  for  Boston,  early  in  November,  was,  about 
the  middle  of  the  month,  cast  away  in  Manametbay.  The 
men  got  on  shore,  and,  after  wandering  ten  days  in  deep 
snow  and  a  severe  season,  without  meeting  with  any  hu- 
man being,  arrived,  nearly  spent  with  cold  and  fatigue,  at 
New-Plymouth. 

Famine  in       By  the  last  of  November,  or  beginning  of  December, 
Connecti-   provisions  generally  failed  in  the  settlements  on  the  river, 
iflth          and  famine  and  death  looked  the  inhabitants  sternly  in  the 
Arrived  in  face.     Some  of  them,  driven  by  hunger,  attempted  their 
Massa-       way,  in  this  severe  season,  through  the  wilderness,  from 
the  26th'     Connecticut  to  Massachusetts.     Of  thirteen,  in  one  com- 
pany, who  made  this  attempt,  one,  in  passing  the  rivers, 
fell  through  the  ice,  and  was  drowned.     The  other  twelve 
were  ten  days  on  their  journey,  and  would  all  have  perish  • 
ed,  had  it  not  been  for  the  assistance  of  the  Indians. 
Indeed,  such  was  the  distress  in  general  that,  by  the  3d 
*  Wiathrop's  Journal,  p.  8«.  .   \  The  san^e,  p.  £7. 


CHAP,  iv,  CONNECTICUT.  es 

and  4th  of  December,  a  considerable  part  of  the  new  set-  BOOK  I. 
tiers  were  obliged  to  abandon  their  habitations.     Seventy  v^-v*^/' 
persons,  men,  women,  and  children,  were  necessitated,  in     1635. 
the  extremity  of  winter,  to  go  down  to  the  mouth  of  the  December 
river,  to  meet  their  provisions,  as  the  only  expedient  to  ^  or  4th< 
preserve  their  lives.     Not  meeting  with  the  vessels  which 
they  expected,  they  all  went  on  board  the  Rebecca,  a  ves- 
sel of  about  60  tons.     This,  two  days  before,  was  frozen 
in  twenty  miles  up  the  river;  but  by  the  falling  of  a  small 
rain  and  the  influence  of  the  tide,  the  ice  became  so  broken 
and  was  so  far  removed,  that  she  made  a  shift  to  get  out. 
She  ran,  however,  upon  the  bar,  and  the  people  were  forced  Dec.  10th, 
to  unlade  her,  to  get  her  off.     She  was  reladen,  and,  in 
five  days,  reached  Boston.     Had  it  not  been  for  these  pro- 
vidential circumstances,  the  people  must  have  perished 
with  famine. 

The  people  who  kept  their  stations  on  the  river  suffer-  The  set- 

ed  in  au  extreme  degree.     After  all  the  help  they  were  tlers  ate  , 
,      •!,"•  i  /•  i      TT  i  acorns  and 

able  to  obtain,  by  hunting,  and  from  the  Indians,  they  we^g,.^. 

obliged  to  subsist  on  acorns,  malt  and  grains.* 

Numbers  of  the  cattle,  which  could  not  be  got  over  the 
river  before  winter,  lived  through  without  any  thing  but 
what  they  found  in  the  woods  and  meadows.     They  win- 
tered as  well,  or  better,  than  those  which  were  brought 
over,  and  for  which  all  the  provision  was  made,  and  pains 
taken,  of  which  the  owners  were  capable.     However,  a 
great  number  of  cattle  perished.  The  Dor'chester,  or  Wind-  Loss  b 
sor  people  lost,  in  this  single  article,  about  two  hundred  cattle, 
pounds  sterling.     Their  other  losses  were  very  consider- 
able. 

It  is  difficult  to  describe,  or  even  to  conceive,  the  appre- 
hensions and  distresses  of  a  people,  in  the  circumstances 
of  our  venerable  ancestors,  during  this  doleful  winter.  All 
the  horrors  of  a  dreary  wilderness  spread  themselves 
around  them.  They  were  encompassed  wiih  numerous, 
fierce  and  cruel  tribes  of  wild  and  savage  men,  who  could 
have  swallowed  up  parents  and  children,  at  pleasure,  in 
fheir  feeble  and  distressed  condition.  They  had  neither 
bread  for  themselves,  nor  children  ;  neither  habitations  nor 
clothing  convenient  for  them.  Whatever  emergency  might 
happen,  they  were  cut  off,  both  by  land  and  water,  from 
any  succour  or  retreat.  What  self-denial,  firmness,  .and 
magnanimity  are  necessary  for  such  enterprises  !  How  dis- 
tressful, in  the  beginning,  was  the  condition  of  those  now 
feir  and  opulent  towns  on  Connecticut  river ! 

For  a  few  years  after  the  settlements  on  the  river  com- 
*  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  90*  91,  to  98. 


64 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  IV. 


First  court 


26. 


People  re- 
turn  to 

tienaents' 


Mr.  Hook- 
er  removes 
to  Connec- 

June.' 


menced,  the"y  bore  the  same  name  with  the  towns  in  the 
Massachusetts,  whence  the  first  settlers  came. 

The  Connecticut  planters,  at  first  settled  under  the  gen- 
eral government  of  the  Massachusetts,  but  they  held  courts 
of  their  own,  which  consisted  of  two  principal  men  from: 
each  town  ;  and,  on  great  and  extraordinary  occasions, 
these  were  joined  with  committees,  as  they  were  called, 
consisting  of  three  men  from  each  town.  These  courts  had 
power  to  transact  all  the  common  affairs  of  the  colony,  and 
with  their  committees,  had  the  power  of  making  war  and 
peace,  and  treaties  of  alliance  and  friendship  with  the  na- 
tives within  the  colony. 

The  first  court  in  Connecticut,  was  holden  at  Newtown, 
APril  26th'  1636'  It  consisted  of  Roger  Ludlow,  Esq. 
Mr.  John  Steel,  Mr.  William  Swain,  Mr.  William  Phelps, 
Mr.  William  Westwood,  and  Mr.  Andrew  Ward.  Mr. 
Ludlow  had  been  one  of  the  magistrates  of  Massachusetts 
in  1630,  and  in  1631  had  been  chosen  lieutenant-governor 
of  that  colony.  At  this  court  it  was  ordered,  that  the  in- 
habitants should  not  sell  arms  nor  ammunition  to  the  In- 
dians. Various  other  affairs  were  also  transacted  relative 
to  the  good  order,  settlement,  and  defence  of  these  infant 
towns.* 

Several  of  'the  principal  gentlemen  interested  in  the  set- 
tlement  of  Connecticut,  Mr.  John  Haynes,  who  at  this 
lime  was  governor  of  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Henry  Wolcott, 
Mr.  Wells,  the  ministers  of  the  churches,  and  others  had  not 
yet  removed  into  the  colony.  As  soon  as  the  spring  ad- 
vanced, and  the  travelling  would  admit,  the  hardy  men  be- 
gan to  return  from  the  Massachusetts,  to  their  habitations 
on  the  river.  No  sooner  were  buds,  leaves  and  grass  so 
grown,  that  cattle  could  live  in  the  woods,  and  obstruc- 
tions removed  from  the  river,  so  that  vessels  could  go  up 
with  provisions  and  furniture,  than  the  people  began  to  re- 
turn in  large  companies,  to  Connecticut.  Many,  who  had 
not  removed  the  last  year,  prepared,  with  all  convenient 
dispatch,  for  a  journey  to  the  new  settlements  upon  the 
river. 

About  the  beginning  of  June,  Mr.  Hooker,  Mr.  Stone, 
and  about  a  hundred  men,  women  and  children,  took  their 
departure  from  Cambridge,  and  travelled  more  than  a 
hundred  miles,  through  a  hideous  and  trackless  wilderness, 
to  Hartford.  They  had  no  guide  but  their  compass  ;  made 
their  way  over  mountains,  through  swamps,  thickets,  and 
rivers,  which  were  not  passable  but  with  great  difficulty. 
They  had  no  cover  but  the  heavens,  nor  any  lodgings  but 
*  Records  of  Connecticut. 


GHAP.  IV.  CONNECTICUT.  65 

those  which   simple  nature  afforded  them.     They  drove  BOOK  I. 
with  them  a  hundred  and  sixty  head  of  cattle,  and  by  the  V.X-N^-X^ 
way,  subsisted  on  the  milk  of  their  cows.     Mrs.  Hooker    1636. 
was  borne  through  the  wilderness  upon  a  litter.     The  peo- 
ple generally  carried  their  packs,  arms,  and  some  utensils. 
They  were  nearly  a  fortnight  on  their  journey. 

This  adventure  was  the  more  remarkable,  as  many  of 
this  company  were  persons  of  figure,  who  had  lived,  in 
England,  in  honor,  affluence  and  delicacy,  and  were  entire 
strangers  to  fatigue  and  danger. 

The  famous  Mr.  Thomas  Shepard,  who,  with  his  peo- 
ple, came  into  New-England  the  last  summer,  succeeded 
Mr.  Hooker  at  Cambridge.  The  people  of  his  congrega- 
tion purchased  the  lands  which  Mr.  Hooker  and  his  com- 
pany had  previously  possessed. 

The  removal  of  Dorchester  people  to  Windsor  is  said  to  Mr.  Mav- 
have  been  disagreeable  to  their  ministers,  but,  as  their  erick  died 
whole  church  and  congregation  removed,  it  was  necessary 
that  they  should  go  with  them.     However,  Mr.  Maverick 
,     died  in  March,  before  preparations  were  made  for  his  re- 
moval.    He  expired  in  the  60th  year  of  his  age.     He  was 
characterized  as  a  man  of  great  meekness,  and  as  labori- 
ous and  faithful   in  promoting   the  welfare   both  of  the 
church  and  commonwealth. 

Mr.  Warham  removed  to  Windsor  in  September,  but  he 
did  not  judge  it  expedient  to  bring  his  family  until  better 
accommodations  could  be  made  for  their  reception*  Soon 
after  the  removal  of  Mr.  Warham  from  Dorchester,  a  new 
church  was  gathered  in  that  town,  and  Mr.  Mather  was  or- 
dained their  pastor. 

Mr.  Phillips,  pastor  of  the  church  at  Watertown,  did 
not  remove  to  Weathersfield.  Whether  it  was  against  his 
inclination,  or  whether  the  people  did  not  invite  him,  does 
not  appear.  They  chose  Mr.  Henry  Smith  for  their  min- 
ister, who  came  from  England  in  office. 

The  colony  of  New-Plymouth  professed  themselves  to  Plymouth 
be  greatly  aggrieved  at  the  conduct  of  the  Dorchester  peo-  people 
pie,  in  settling  on  the  lands,  where  they  had  made  a  pur->  a|Sriev: 
chase,  and  where  they  had  defended  themselves  and  that6  ' 
part  of  the  country  against  the  Dutch.     They  represented 
that  it  had  been  a  hard  matter  that  the  Dutch  and  Indians 

^had  given  them  so  much  trouble  as  they  had  done,  but  that 
it  was  still  more  grievous  to  be  supplanted  by  their  profess- 
ed friends.  Mr.  Winslow  of  Plymouth,  made  a  journey  to 
Boston,  in  the  spring,  before  governor  Haynes  and  some 
other  principal  characters  removed  to  Connecticut,  with  a 
view  to  obtain  compensation  for  the  injury  done  to  the 


6tf-  HISTORY  OP  CHAP.  IV. 

BOOK  I.  Plymouth  men,  who  had  built  the  trading  house  upon  the 

•>-^-v-x^  river.     The  Plymouth  people   demanded  a  sixteenth  part 

1636.     of  the  lands  and  100  pounds  as  a  compensation  ;  but  the. 

Dorchester  people  would  not  comply  with  their  demands.* 

There  however  appeared  to  be  so  much  justice,  in  making 

them  some  compensation,  for  the  purchase  they  had  made, 

and  the  good  services  which  they  had  done,  that  some  time 

after,  the  freeholders  of  Windsor  gave  them  fifty  pounds, 

forty  acres  of  meadow,  and  a  large  tract  of  upland  for  their 

satisfaction. t 

June  7th  ^  a  court  holden  at  Dorchester,  it  was  ordered,  that  eve- 
ry town  should  keep  a  watch,  and  be  well  supplied  with 
ammunition.  The  constables  were  directed  to  warn  the 
watches  in  their  turns,  and  to  make  it  their  care  that  thev 
should  be  kept  according  to  the  direction  of  the  court. 
They  also  were  required  to  take  care,  that  the  inhabitant? 
were  well  furnished  with  arms  and  ammunition,  and  kept 
in  a  constant  state  of  defence.  As  these  infant  settlement- 
were  filled  and  surrounded  with  numerous  savages,  the 
people  conceived  themselves  in  danger  when  they  lay  down 
and  when  they  rose  up,  when  they  went  out  and  when 
they  came  in.  Their  circumstances  were  such,  that  it  was 
judged  necessary  for  every  man  to  be  a  soldier* 
September  At  a  third  court,  therefore,  holden  at  Watertown,  an  or- 
1st.  der  was  given,  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  several  towns 

should  train  once  a  month,  and  the  officers  were  authorized 
to  train  those  who  appeared  very  unskilful  more  frequent- 
ly, as  circumstances  should  require.     The  courts  were  hol- 
den at  each  town  by  rotation,  according  to  its  turn, 
spring-          A  settlement  was  made,  this  year,  at  Springfield,  by  Mr. 

field  set-      r>  j   L-  c  r>        L  TH.-     t 

tied.          ryncneon  and  his  company  from  Koxbury.      1  his  for  a- 
bout  two  years  was  united  in  government  with  the  towns 
in  Connecticut.     In  November,  Mr.  Pyncheon  for  the  first 
time  appears  among  the  members  of  the  court. 
Govern-         All  the  powers  of  government,  for  nearly  three  years, 
went  at      seem  to  have  been  in  the  magistrates,   of  whom  two  were 
appointed  in  each  town.     These  gave  all  orders,  and  di- 
rected all  the  affairs  of  the  plantation.     The  freemen  ap- 
pear to  have  had  no  voice  in  making  the  laws,  or  in  any 
part  of  the  government,  except  in  some  instances  of  gene- 
ral and  uncommon  concern.     In  these  instances,  commit- 
tees were  sent  from  the  several  towns.     Juries  were  em- 
ployed injury  cases,  from  the  first  settlement  of  the  colony. 
This  was  a  summer  and  year  of  great  and  various  la- 

*  Wintbrop's  Journal,  p.  96. 

t  Governor  Wotcott's  manuscripts  compared  with  governor  WintbropV 
•journal. 


UHAP.  IV.  CONNECTICUT.  G7 

bors,  demanding  the  utmost  exertion  and  diligence.     Ma-  BOOK  I. 
ny  of  the  planters  had  to  remove  themselves  and  effects  ^^-^^^/ 
from  a  distant  colony.     At  the  same  time,  it  was  absolute-    1636. 
ly  necessary,  that  they  should  turn  the  wilderness  into  gar-  Labors  of 
dens  and  fields,   that  they  should  plant  and  cultivate  the  this  ^nfj 
earth,  and  obtain  some  tolerable  harvest,  unless  they  would 
again  experience  the  distresses  and  losses  of  the  preceding 
year.     These  were  too  great,  and  too  fresh  in  their  memo- 
ries, not  to  rouse  all  their  exertion  and  forethought.     It 
was  necessary  to  erect  and  fortify  their  houses,  and  to 
make  better  preparations  for  the  feeding  and  covering  of 
cheir  cattle.     It  was  of  equal  importance  to  the  planters, 
not  only  to  make  roads  for  their  particular  convenience, 
but   from  town  to  town  ;  that,  on  any  emergency,  they 
might  fly  immediately  to  each  other's  relief.     It  was  with 
great  difficulty  that  these  purposes  could  be  at  first  ac- 
complished.    The  planters  had  not  been  accustomed  to 
telling  the  groves,  to  clearing  and  cultivating  new  lands. 
They  were  strangers  in  the  country,  and  knew  not  what 
kinds  of  grain  would  be  most  congenial  with  the  soil,  and 
produce  the  greatest  profits,  nor  had  they  any  experience 
how  the  ground  must  be  cultivated,   that  it  might  yield   a 
plentiful    crop.     They  had  few  oxen,  or  instruments  for 
husbandry.     Every  thing  was  to  be  prepared,  or  brought 
from  a  great  distance,  and  procured  at  a  dear  rate.     Be- 
sides all  these  labors  and  difficulties,  much  time  was  taken 
up  in  constant  watchings,  trainings,  and  preparations  for 
the  defence  of  themselves  and  children.     The  Pequots  had, 
already,  murdered  a  number  of  the  English ;  some  of  the 
Indians,  in  Connecticut,  were  their  allies;  and  they  had 
maintained  a  great  influence  over  them  all.     They  were  a 
treacherous  and  designing  people  ;  so  that  there  could  be 
no  safety,  but  in  a  constant  preparation  for  any  emergency. 
Some  of  the  principal  characters,  who  undertook  this 
great  work  of  settling  Connecticut,  and  were  the  civil  and  Fathersof 
religious  fathers  of  the  colony,  were  Mr.  Haynes,  Mr.  Lud-  Connecti- 
low,  Mr.  Hooker,  Mr.  Warham,  Mr.  Hopkins,  Mr.  Wells,  cut- 
Mr.  Willis,  Mr.  Whiting,    Mr.  Wolcott,  Mr.  Phelps,  Mr. 
Webster,    and  captain  Mason.     These,  were  of  the  first 
class  of  settlers,  and  all,  except  the  ministers,  were  chosen 
magistrates  or  governors  of  the  colony.     Mr.  Swain,  Mr. 
Talcott,  Mr.  Steel,  Mr.  Mitchell,  and  others,  were  capital 
men.     Mr.  John  Haynes,  Mr.  Hooker,  Mr.  Hopkins,  Mr. 
Stone,  Mr.  George  Wyllys,  Mr.  Wells,  Mr.  Whiting,  Mr. 
Thomas  Webster,  and  Mr.  John  Talcott,  were  all  of  Hart- 
lord.     Mr.  Ludlow,  Mr.  Henry  Wolcott,  Mr.   Warham, 
Mr.  Williani  Phelps,  and  captain  Jqhn  Mason,  were  somt. 


68  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  IV. 

BOOK  I.  of  the  principal  planters  of  Windsor.     Mr.  William  Swain, 
v^-x/-^/  Mr.  Thurston   Rayner,  Mr.  Henry  Smith,  Mr.  Andrew 
1636.    Ward,  Mr.  Mitchell,  and  Mr.  John  Deming,  were  some  of 
the  chief  men,  who  settled  the  town  of  Weathersfield. 
These  were  the  civil  and  religious  fathers  of  the  colony. 
They  formed  its  free  and  happy  constitution,  were  its  leg- 
islators, and  some  of  the  chief  pillars  of  the  church  and 
commonwealth.     They,  with  many  others  of  the  same  ex- 
cellent character,  employed  their  abilities  and  their  estates 
for  the  prosperity  of  the  colony. 

While  the  three  plantations  on  the  river  were  making 
the  utmost  exertions  fora  permanent  settlement,  Mr.  Win- 
thpop  was  no  less  active,  in  erecting  fortifications  and  con- 
venient buildings  at  its  entrance.  Though  he  had,  the  last 
year,  sent  on  one  company  after  another,  yet  the  season 
was  so  far  advanced,  and  the  winter  set  in  so  early,  and 
with,  such  severity,  that  little  more  could  be  done  than  just 
to  keep  the  station.  When  the  spring  advanced,  the  works 
were,  therefore,  pressed  on  with  engagedness.  Mr.  Win- 
throp  and  his  people  were  induced,  not  only  in  faithful- 
ness to  their  trust,  but  from  fears  of  a  visit  from  the  Dutch, 
and  from  the  state  of  that  warlike  people,  the  Pequots  in 
the  vicinity,  to  hasten  and  complete  them,  with  the  utmost 
dispatch.  A  good  fort  was  erected,  and  a  number  of  hou- 
ses were  built.  Some  cattle  were  brought  from  the  Massa- 
chusetts, for  the  use  of  the  garrison.  Small  parcels  of 
gronnd  were  improved,  and  preparations  made  for  a  com- 
fortable subsistence,  and  good  defence. 

There  were,  at  me  close  of  this  year,  about  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men  in  the  three  towns  on  the  river,  and 
there  were  twenty  men  in  the  garrison,  at  the  entrance  of 
it,  under  the  command  of  lieutenant  Gardiner.  The  whole 
consisted,  probably,  of  about  eight  hundred  persons,  or  of 
a  hundred  and  sixty  or  seventy  families, 


.CHAP.  V.  CONNECTICUT.  60 

BOOK  I. 

CHAPTER  V.  1£536, 

The  war  with  the  Pequots.  The  origin  of  it.  The  murder 
of  captains  Stone  and  Norton  ;  of  Mr.  Oldham  and  oth- 
ers. Mr.  Endicot's  expedition  against  them.  The  Pe- 
quots kill  a  number  of  the  garrison  at  the  ^rnouth  of  the 
river,  and  besiege  the  fort.  Captain  Mason  is  sent  down 
from  Connecticut  with  a  reinforcement.  The  enemy  make 
a  descent  on  Weathersfield ;  torture  and  mock  the  En- 
glish. The  court  at  Connecticut  declares  war  against 
them.  Captain  Mason  takes  Mistic  fort.  Sassacus  des- 
troys his  royal  fortress,  and  flees  to  the  westward.  A 
second  expedition  is  undertaken  against  the  Pequots  con- 
jointly, by  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut.  The  great 
swamp  fight.  The  Pequots  subdued.  Sassacus,  flying 
to  the  Mohawks,  zoas  beheaded.  The  captivated  and  sur- 
viving Pequots,  after  the  war,  were  given  to  the  Mohea- 
gans,  and  Narragansets,  and  their  name  extinguished. 

THE  Indians  in  general,  were  ever  jealous  of  the  Eng- 
lish, from  the  first  settlement  of  New-England,  and 
wished  to  drive  them  from  the  country.  Various  circum- 
stances however,  combined  to  frustrate  their  designs.  The 
English,  on  their  first  settlement  at  New-Plymouth,  enter- 
ed into  such  friendly  treaties  with  some  of  the  principal 
tribes,  and  conducted  themselves  with  such  justice,  pru- 
dence and  magnanimity  towards  them  and  the  Indians  in 
•general,  as  had  the  most  happy  influence  to  preserve  the 
peace  of  the  country.  The  animosities  of  the  Indians 
among  themselves,  and  their  implacable  hatred  of  each  oth- 
er, with  their  various  separate  interests,  contributed  to  the 
same  purpose.  Some  of  them  wished  for  the  friendship 
and  neighbourhood  of  the  English,  to  guard  them  from  one 
enemy,  and  others  of  them  to  protect  them  from  another. 
All  wished  for  the  benefit  of  their  trade ;  and  it  is  proba- 
ble, that  they  had  no  apprehensions,  at  first,  that  a  handful 
of  people  would  ever  overrun,  and  fill  the  country.  It  was 
therefore  nearly  sixteen  years  before  they  commenced 
open  hostilities  upon  their  English  neighbours.  But  no 
sooner  had  they  begun  to  trade  and  make  settlements  at 
Connecticut,  than  that  great,  spirited,  and  warlike  nation, 
the  Pequots,  began  to  murder  and  plunder  them,  and  to  ,T 

j         i  i  MI    i     •  Murder  01 

wound  and  kill  their  cattle.  captains 

In  1634,  a  number  of  Indians,  who  were  not  native  Pe-  stone  and 
qu9ts,  but  in  confederacy   with  them:  murdered  captain 


70  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  V. 

BOOK  I.  Stone  and  captain  Norton,  with  their  whole  crew,  con- 

\^-v^*s  sjsting  of  eight  men  :  they  then  plundered  and  sunk  the 
1634.  vessel.  Captain  Stone  was  from  St.  Christopher's,  in  the 
West-Indies,  and  came  into  Connecticut  river,  with  a  view 
of  trading  at  the  Dutch  house.  After  he  had  entered  the 
river,  he  engaged  a  number  of  Indians  to  pilot  two  of  his 
men  up  the  river,  to  the  Dutch  :  but  night  coming  on,  they 
went  to  sleep,  and  were  both  murdered  by  their  Indian- 
guides.  The  vessel,  at  night,  was  laid  up  to  the  shore. 
Twelve  of  those  Indians,  who  had  several  times  before 
been  trading  with  the  captain,  apparently  in  an  amicable 
manner,  were  on  board.  Watching  their  opportunity, 
when  he  was  asleep,  and  several  of  the  crew  on  shore, 
they  murdered  him  secretly  in  his  cabin,  and  cast  a  cov- 
ering over  him,  to  conceal  it  from  his  men :  they  then  fell 
upon  them,  and  soon  killed  the  whole  company,  except 
captain  Norton.  He  had  taken  the  cook  room,  and  for  a 
long  time  made  a  most  brave  and  resolute  defence.  That 
he  might  load  and  fire  with  the  greatest  expedition,  he  had 
placed  powder  in  an  open  vessel,  just  at  hand,  which,  in 
the  hurry  of  the  action,  took  fire,  and  so  burned  and  blind- 
ed him,  that  he  could  make  no  further  resistance.  Thus, 
after  all  his  gallantry,  he  fell  with  his  hapless  companions. 
Part  of  the  plunder  was  received  by  the  Pequots,  and 
another  part  by  the  eastern  Nehanticks.  Sassacus  and 
Ninigret,  the  sachems  of  those  Indians,  were  both  privy  to 
the  affair,  and  shared  in  the  goods  and  articles  taken  from 
the  vessel.  It  was  supposed  that  the  Indians  had  pre-con- 
certed this  massacre.* 

The  November  following,  the  Pequots  sent  a  messenger 

The  Pe-     to  Boston,  to  desire'  peace  with  the  English.     He  made  an. 

qnots  de-  offer  of  a  great  quantity  of  beaver  skins  and  wampumpeag, 
e'  to  persuade  the  governor  to  enter  into  a  league  with  them. 
The  governor  answered  the  messenger,  that  the  Pequots 
must  send  men  of  greater  quality  than  he  was  ;  and  that  he 
would  then  treat  with  them.  The  Pequots  then  sent  two 
messengers  to  the  governor,  carrying  a  present,  and  ear- 
nestly soliciting  peace.  The  governor  assured  them,  that 
the  English  were  willing  to  be  at  peace  with  them  ;  but  in- 
sisted, that,  as  they  had  murdered  captain  Stone  and  his 
men,  they  must  deliver  up  the  murderers,  and  make  full 
compensation.  The  messengers  pretended,  that  captain 
Stone  had  ;used  the  Indians  ill,  and  provoked  them  to  kill 
him :  that  their  sachem,  who  was  concerned  in  the  affair, 
had  been  killed  by  tlie  Dutch,  and  that  the  Indians  who 
perpetrated  the  murder,  were  all  dead  but  two  :  and  tha' 
*•  Mason's  history,  and  Hubbard's  narrative. 


CHAP.  V.  CONNECTICUT.  Vt 

if  they  were  guilty,  they  would  desire  their  sachem  to  die-  BOOK  I. 
liver'them  up  to  justice.    They  offered  to  concede  all  their  M-^~V~^/ 
right  at  Connecticut  river,  if  the  English  should  desire  to  ;1635» 
settle  there  ;  and  engaged  to  assist  them  as  far  as  was  in  Treaty 
their    power,   in   making  their  settlements.      They  also  £lth 
promised  that  they  would  give  the   English  four  hundred 
fathoms  of  wampum,  forty  beaver,  and  thirty  otter  skins. 
After  long  and  mature  deliberation,   the  governor  and  his 
council  entered  into  a  treaty  with  them,  on  the  conditions 
which  they  had  proposed.     The  English  were  to  send  a 
vessel  with  cloths,  to  trade  with  them  fairly,  as  with  friends 
and  allies.* 

The  reasons  of  their  so  earnestly  soliciting  peace,  at  this 
time,  were,  that  the  Narragansets  were  making  war  furi- 
ously upon  them ;  and  the  Dutch,  to  revenge  the  injuries 
done  them,  had  killed  one  of  their  sachems,  with  several  of 
their  men,  and  captivated  a  number  more.  They  wished 
not,  at  this  critical  time,  to  increase  the  number  of  their 
enemies.  They  artfully  suggested  to  their  new  allies,  the 
governor  and  council  of  Massachusetts,  their  desire",  that 
they  would  be  mediators  between  them  and  the  Narragan- 
sets. They  also  intimated  their  willingness,  that  part  of 
the  present  which  they  were  to  sencl,  might  be  given  to 
them,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  a  reconciliation.  Such 
was  the  pride  and  stoutness  of  their  spirits,  and  so  much 
did  they  stand  upon  a  point  of  honour,  that  though  they 
wished  for  peace  with  their  enemy,  yet  they  would  not  di- 
rectly offer  any  thing  for  that  purpose.  This  treaty  was 
signed  by  the  parties,  but  hostages  were  not  taken  to  se- 
cure the  performance  of  the  articles,  and  the  Pequots  never 
performed  one  of  them.  Whatever  their  designs  were  at 
that  time,  they  afterwards  became  more  and  more  mis- 
chievous, hostile  and  bloody. 

The  next  year,  John  Oldham,  who  had  been  fairly  tra- 
ding at  Connecticut,  was  murdered  near  Block  Island.  He 
had  with  him  only  two  boys  and  two  Narraganset  Indians. 
These  were  taken  and  carried  off.  One  John  Gallup,  as 
he  was  going  from  Connecticut  to  Boston,  discovered  Mr. 
Oldham's  vessel  full  of  Indians,  and  he  saw  a  canoe,  hav- 
ing Indians  on  board,  go  from  her,  laden  with  goods.  Sus- 
pecting that  they  had  murdered  Mr.  Oldham,  he  hailed 
them,  but  received  no  answer.  Gallup  was  a  bold  man, 
and  though  he  had  with  him  but  one  man  and  two  boys,  he 
immediately  bore  down  upon  them,  and  fired  duck  shot  so 
thick  among  them,  that  he  soon  cleared  the  deck.  The 

*  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  75,  Compared  with  HxibbarcT?  narrative,  p.  15, 
16,  17, 


72  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  V. 

BOOK  I.  Indians  all  got  under  the  hatches.  He  then  stood  off,  and 
SJ^'N^N-'  running  down  upon  her  quarter  with  a  brisk  gale,  nearly 
1636.  overset  her ;  and  so  frightened  the  Indians,  that  six  of 
them  leaped  into  the  sea,  and  were  drowned.  He  then 
steered  off  again,  and  running  down  upon  her  a  second 
time,  bored  her  with  his  anchor,  and  raked  her  fore  and  aft 
with  his  shot.  But  the  Indians  kept  themselves  so  close, 
that  he  got  loose  from  her;  and  running  down  a  third  time 
upon  the  vessel,  he  gave  her  such  a  shock,  that  five  more 
leaped  overboard,  and  perished,  as  the  former  had  done. 
He  then  boarded  the  vessel,  and  took  two  of  the  Indians, 
and  bound  them.  Two  or  three  others,  armed  with  swords, 
in  a  little  room  below,  could  not  be  driven  from  their  re- 
treat. Mr.  Oldham's  corpse  was  found  oh  board;  the  head 
split,  and  the  body  mangled  in  a  barbarous  maffner.  He 
was  a  Dorchester  man,  one  of  Mr.  Warham's  congregation. 
In  these  circumstances,  Gallup,  fearing  that  the  Indians 
whom  he  had  taken  might  get  loose,  especially  if  they  were 
kept  together,  and  having  no  place  where  he  could  keep 
them  apart,  threw  one  of  them  overboard.  Gallup  and  his 
company  then,  as  decently  as  circumstances  would  permit, 
put  the  corpse  into  the  sea.  They  stripped  the  vessel,  and 
took  her  rigging,  and  the  goods  which  had  not  been  carri- 
ed off,  on  board  their  own.  She  was  then  taken  in  tow, 
with  a  view  to  carry  her  in ;  but  the  night  coming  on,  and 
the  wind  rising-,  Gallup  was  obliged  to  let  her  go  adrift, 
and  she  was  lost.  The  Indians  who  perpetrated  the  mur- 
der were  principally  the  Block-Islanders,  with  a  number 
of  the  Narragansets,  to  whom  these  Indians,  at  this  time, 
were  subject.  Several  of  the  Narraganset  sachems  were 
in  the  plot,  and  it  was  supposed  that  the  Indians  whom  Old- 
ham  had  with  him,  were  in  the  conspiracy.  Several  of  the 
murderers  fled  to  the  Pequots,  and  were  protected  by  them. 
They  were,  therefore,  considered  as  abettors  of  the  mur- 
der.- 

Mr.  Endi-       The  governor  and  council  of  Massachusetts,  therefore, 
con's  ex-   t|,e  next  vear    dispatched  captain  Endicott,  with  ninety 

pethtjon.  J  »u      T     T 

volunteers,   to  avenge  these  murders,  unless  the  Indians 

should  deliver  up  the  murderers,  and  make  reparation  for 
the  injuries  which  they  had  done.  The  Narraganset  sa- 
chems sent  home  Mr.  Oldham's  two  boys,  and  made  such 
satisfaction,  and  gave  such  assurances  of  their  good  con- 
duct, for  the  future,  as  the  English  accepted ;  but  the  other 
Indians  made  no  compensation.  Captain  Endicott  was, 
therefore,  instructed  to  proceed  to  Block-Island,  put  the 
men  to  the  sword,  and  take  possession  of  the  island.  The 
women  and  children  were  to  be  spared.  Thence  he  was 


CHAP.  v.  CONNECTICUT.  73 

to  sail  to  the  Pcquot  country,  and  demand  of  the  Pequots  BOOK  I. 
the  murderers  of  captains  Stone  and  Norton,  and  of  the  N-*»-V~XW> 
other  Englishmen  who  were  of  their  company.  He  was  1636* 
also  to  demand  a  thousand  fathoms  of  wampum  for  dama- 
ges, and  a  number  of  their  children  for  hostages,  until  the 
murderers  should  be  delivered,  and  satisfaction  made.  If 
they  refused  to  comply  with  these  terms,  he  was  directed 
to  take  it  by  force  of  arms.  He  had  under  him  captains 
John  Underbill  and  Nathaniel  Turner.  They  sailed  from 
Boston  on  the  25th  of  August.  When  he  arrived  at  Block-  Aug.^25, 
Island,  forty  or  fifty  Indians  appeared  on  the  shore,  and 
opposed  his  landing ;  but  his  men  soon  landed,  and,  after  a 
little  skirmishing,  the  Indians  fled  to  the  woods.  The  In- 
dians secreted  themselves  in  swamps,  thickets,  and  fast- 
nesses, where  they  could  not  be  found.  There  were  two 
plantations  on  the  island,  containing  about  sixty  wigwams, 
some  of  which  were  very  large  and  fair.  The  Indians 
had,  also,  about  two  hundred  acres  of  corn.  After  the 
English  had  spent  two  days  on  the  island,  burning  the  wig- 
wams, destroying  their  corn,  and  staving  their  canoes,  they 
sailed  for  the  Pequot  country.  When  they  had  arrived  in 
Pequot  harbour,  captain  Endicott  acquainted  the  Pequots 
with  the  design  of  his  coining,  demanded  satisfaction  for 
the  murders  which  they  had  committed  against  the  English, 
and  compensation  for  the  damages  which  they  had  done 
them.  In  a  few  hours,  nearly  three  hundred  of  the  Pe- 
quots collected  upon  the  shore ;  but  soon  after  they  were 
fully  informed  of  his  business,  they  began  to  withdraw  into 
the  woods,  and,  instead  of  treating,  answered  him  with, 
their  arrows,  from  the  adjacent  rocks  and  fastnesses.  He 
landed  his  men  on  both  sides  of  the  harbour,  burnt  their 
wigwams,  and  destroyed  their  canoes,  but  made  no  spirited 
attack  upon  them,  nor  pursuit  after  them.  As  their  corn 
was  standing,  no  pains  were  taken  for  its  destruction. 
They  killed  an  Indian  or  two,  and  then  returned  to  Boston. 
They  all  arrived  on  the  14th  of  September,  unharmed  ei- Sept.  14. 
ther  by  sickness  or  the  sword.*  Enough,  indeed,  had 
been  done  to  exasperate,  but  nothing  to  subdue  a  haughty 
and  warlike  enemy. 

Sassacus  and  his  captains  were  men  of  great  and  inde-  Views  and 
pendent  spirits;  they  had  conquered  and  governed  the  na-  feelings  of 
tions  around  them  without  controul.  They  viewed  the  Eng-  Sassacu?- 
lish  as  strangers  and  mere  intruders,  who  had  no  right  to 
the  country,  nor  to  controul  its  original  proprietors,  inde- 
pendent princes  and  sovereigns.     They  had  made  settle- 
ments in  Connecticut  without  their  consent,  and  brought 
*  Wiflthrop's  Journal,  p.  105,  106,  107. 

K 


74  HISTORY  OF  HAf.  V, 


I.  home  the  Indian  kings  whom  they  had  conquered,  and  re- 
stored  to  them  their  authority  and  lands.  They  had  built 
1636.  a  fort,  and  were  making  a  settlement,  without  their  appro- 
bation-, in  their  very  neighbourhood.  Indeed,  they  had 
now  proceeded  to  attack  and  ravage  their  country.  They 
were  now,  therefores  all  kindled  into  resentment  and  rage; 
they  determined  upon,  and  breathed  nothing  but  war  and 
revenge*  They  determined  to  extirpate,  or  drive  all  the 
English  from  New-England. 

Poifcy  of  For.  this  purpose,  they  conceived  the  plan  of  uniting  the 
the  Pe-  Indians  generally  against  them.  They  spared  no  art  nor 
pains  to  make  peace  with  the  Narragansets,  and  to  engage 
them  in  the  war  against  the  English.  They  represented, 
that  the  English,  who  were  .merely  foreigners,  were  over- 
spreading the  country,  and  depriving  the  original  inhabit- 
ants of  their  ancient  rights  and  possessions  :  that,  unless 
effectual  measures  were  immediately  taken  to  prevent  it. 
they  would  soon  entirely  dispossess  the  original  proprie- 
tors, and  become  the  lords  of  the  continent.  They  insist- 
ed, that,  by  a  general  combination,  they  could  either  de- 
stroy, or  drive  them  from  the  country.  With  great  advan- 
tage did  they  represent  the  facility  with  which  it  might  be 
effected.  They  said  there  would  be  no  necessity  of  com- 
ing to  open  battles  :  that,  by  killing  their  cattle,  firing' 
their  houses,  laying  ambushes  on  the  roads,  in  the  fields. 
and  wherever  they  could  surprise  and  destroy  them,  they 
might  accomplish  their  wishes.  They  represented,  that,  it 
the  English  should  effect  the  destruction  of  the  Pequots, 
Savage  re-  they  would  also  soon  destroy  the  Narragansets.  So  just 
\enge  prc-  ant]  politic  were  these  representations,  that  nothing  but 
vents  un-  ^ai  tnjrst  for  revenge  which  inflames  the  savage  heart. 
could  have  resisted  their  influence.  Indeed,  it  is  said. 
that,  for  a  time,  the  Narragansets  hesitated. 

The  governor  of  Massachusetts,  to  prevent  an  union  be- 
tween these  savage  nations,  and  to  strengthen  the  peace 
between  the  Narraganset  Indians  and  the  colony,  sent  for 
Miantonimoh,  their  chief  sachem,  inviting  him  to  come  to 
Boston.  Upon  this.  Miantonimoh,  with  another  of  the 
Narraganset  sachems,  two  of  the  sons  of  Canonicus,  with 
a  number  of  their  men,  went  to  Boston,  and  entered  into 
the  following  treaty. 

Treaty  That  there  should  be  a  firm  peace  between  them  and  the 

with  the     English,   and  their  posterity  :    That  neither  party  should 

Narragan-  m^e  peace  with  the  Pequots,  without  the  consent  of  the 

other:  That  they  should  not  harbor  the  Pequots,  and  that 

they  should  return  all  fugitive  servants,   and  deliver  over 

to  the  English,  or  put  to  death,  all  murderers.     The  En- 


CHAP.  V.  CONNECTICUT.  57 

glish  were  to  give  them  notice,  when  they  went  out  against  BOOK  I, 
the  Pequots,  and  they  were  to  furnish  them  with  guides.  ^*-v*~> 
It  was  also  stipulated,  that  a  free  trade  should  be  maintain-    1636. 
ed  between  the  parties. 

Captain  Underbill  and  twenty  men,  appointed  to  rein-p       ts 
force  the  garrison  at  Saybrook,   lying  wind  bound  oG*  Pe-  fight  in 
quot  harbor,  after  Mr.  Endicott's  departure,    a  party  of  their  own 
them  went  on  shore  to  plunder  the  Pequots,  and  bring  ofifdefence- 
iheir  corn.     After  they  had  plundered  a  short  time,  and 
brought  off  some  quantity  of  corn,   the  Pequots  attacked 
diem,  and  they  fought  a  considerable  part  of  the  afternoon. 
At  length,   the  enemy  retired,  and  they  returned  to  their 
boats.     They  had  one  man  wounded,  and  imagined  they 
killed  and  wounded  several  of  the  Indians. 

About  the  beginning  of  October,  the  enemy,  concealing 
themselves  in  the  high  grass,  in  the  meadows,  surprised 
rive  of  the  garrison  at  Saybrook,  as  they  were  carrying  Surprise 
home  their  hay.  One  Butterfield  was  taken  and  tortured 
to  death.  The  rest  made  their  escape  ;  but  one  of  them 
had  five  arrows  shot  into  him.  From  this  disaster,  the 
place  received  the  name  of  Butterfield's  meadow. 

Eight  or  ten  days  after,  Joseph  Tilly,  a  master  of  a  small 
vessel,  was  captivated  by  the  enemy,  as  he  was  going 
down  Connecticut  river.     He  came  to  anchor  two  or  three  ^taken 
miles  above  the  fort,  and  taking  a  canoe,  and  one  man  and  tortu>- 
with  him,  went  a  fowling.     No  sooner  had  he  discharged  red- 
his  piece,  than  a  large  number  of  Peq-uots,   arising  from 
their  concealment,   took  him,  and  killed  his  companion. 
Tilly  was  a  man  of  great  spirit  and  understanding,  and 
determined  to  show  himself  a  man.     The  Indians  used 
iiim  in  the  most  barbarous  manner,   first  cutting  off  his 
hands,  and  then  his  feet,  and  so  gradually  torturing  him  to 
death.     But  as  all  their  cruelties  could  not  effect  a  groan, 
they  pronounced  him  a  stout  man. 

The  enemy  now  kept  up  a  constant  watch  upon  the  riv- 
er, and  upon  the  people  at  Saybrook.  A  house  had  been  , 
erected,  about  two  miles  from  the  fort,  and  six  of  the  gar- 
rison were  sent  to  keep  it.  As  three  of  them  were  fowl- 
ing, at  a  small  distance  from  the  house,  they  were  sudden- 
ly attacked,  by  nearly  a  hundred  Pequots.  Two  of  them 
were  taken.  The  other  cut  his  way  through  them,  sword 
in  hand,  and  made  his  escape  ;  but  he  was  wounded  with 
two  arrows.* 

Before  winter,  the  garrison  were  so  pressed  by  the  en-  The  lort " 

/         .  ,  .    compared 

emy,  that  they  were  obliged  to  keep  almost  wholly  within  within 

*  Hubbard's  Narrative.  Win<l>rop's  Journal,  and  Mason's  Hhtory  ofth*  fhAO* 
fequot  war. 


7tJ  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  V. 

BOOK  I.  the  reach  of  their  guns.     The  Pequots  razed  all  the  out- 
VX-N^-X»>  houses,  burnt  the  stacks  of  hay,  and  destroyed  almost  eve- 
1636.    ry  thing,  which  was  not  within  the  command  of  the  fort. 
The  cattle  which  belonged  to  the  garrison,  were  killed  and 
wounded.     Some  of  them  came  home,  with  the  arrows  of 
the  enemy  sticking  in  them.     Indeed,  the  fort  was  but  lit- 
tle better  than  in  a  state  of  siege,  a  great  part  of  the  win- 
ter.    The  enemy  so  encompassed  it  about,  and  watched 
all  the  motions  of  the  garrison,  that  it  was  dangerous,  at 
any  time,  to  go  out  of  the  reach  of  die  cannon. 

When  the  spring  came  on,  they  became  still  more  mis- 
chievous and  troublesome.  They  kept  such  a  constant 
watch  upon  the  river,  that  men  could  not  pass  up  and 
down,  with  any  safety,  without  a  strong  guard.  They 
waylaid  the  roads  and  fields,  and  kept  Connecticut  in  a 
state  of  constant  fear  and  alarm. 

In  March,  lieutenant  Gardiner,  who  commanded  the  fort 

March       a[  Saybrook,  going  out  with  ten  or  twelve  men,  to  burn  the 
1637.  Men  r  i    -j  u  i        r  i      j          j 

killed  at     marshes,  was  waylaid  by  a  narrow  neck  ot  land,  and  as 

Saybrook.  soon-as  he  had  passed  the  narrow  part  of  the  neck,  the  en- 
emy rose  upon  him,  and  killed  three  of  his  men.  The 
rest  made  their  escape  to  the  fort ;  but  one  of  them  was 
mortally  wounded,  so  that  he  died  the  next  day.  The 
lieutenant  did  not  escape  without  a  slight  wound.  The 
enemy  pursued  them  in  great  numbers,  to  the  very  fort, 
and  compassed  it  on  all  sides;  They  challenged  the  En- 
glish to  come  out  and  fight,  and  mocked  them,  in  the 
groans,  pious  invocations,  and  dying  language  of  their 
friends,  whom  they  had  captivated,  when  they  were  tor- 
turing them  to  death.  They  boasted,  That  they  could 
kill  English  men  "  all  one  flies."  The  cannon  loaded 
with  grape  shot  were  fired  upon  them,  and  they  retired. 

Some  time  after,  the  enemy,  in  a  number  of  canoes,  be- 
i  dow°~  se*  a  sna^°P»  which  was  going  down  the  river,  with  three 
the  river,  men  on  board.  The  men  fought  bravely,  but  were  over- 
powered with  numbers.  The  enemy  shot  one  through  the 
head  with  an  arrow,  and  he  fell  overboard  ;  the  other  two 
were  taken.  The  Indians  ripped  them  up,  from  the  bot- 
tom of  their  bellies  to  their  throats,  and  cleft  them  down 
their  backs  :  they  then  hung  them  up  by  their  necks  upon 
trees,  by  the  side  of  the  river,  that  as  the  English  passed 
by,  they  might  see  those  miserable  objects  of  their  ven- 
geance. 

The  Pequots  tortured  the  captives  to  death  in  the  most 
cruel  manner.  In  some,  they  cut  large  gashes  in  their 
flesh,  and  then  poured  embers  and  live  coals  into  the 
tvounds.1  When,  in  their  distress,  they  groaned,  and  in  a 


CHAP.  V.  CONNECTICUT.  77 

pious  manner  committed  their  departing  spirits  to  their  Re-  BOOK  I. 
deemer,  these  barbarians  would  mock  and  insult  them  in^^-x-v-^/ 
their  dying  agonies  and  prayers.  1637. 

On  the  21st  of  February,  the  court  met  at  Newtown,  and  Feb.  21st. 

letters  were  written  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  rep-  „  u^  a\ 
..         •  f       •  f    i  •  i    *ir       r<     i-    liaruoru. 

resenting  the  dissatisfaction  oj  the  court  with  Mr.  Endi- 

cott's  expedition,  the  consequences  of  which  had  been  so 
distressful  to  Connecticut.  The  court  expressed  their  de- 
sires that  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  would  more  effectu- 
ally prosecute  the  war  with  the  Pequots.*  It  was  also 
represented  to  be  the  design  of  Connecticut  to  send  a  force 
against  them. 

A?  this  court  it  was  decreed,  that  the  plantation  called 
Newtown,  should  be  named  Hartford ;  and  that  Water- 
town  should  be  called  Weathersfield.  It  was  soon  after 
decreed,  that  Dorchester  should  be  called  Windsor.  Hart- 
ford was  named  in  honor  to  Mr.  Stone,  who  was  born  at 
Hartford,  in  England. 

Captain  Mason  was  soon  after  dispatched  with  twenty  March, 
men,  to  reinforce  the  garrison  at  Saybrook,  and  to  keep  the 
enemy  at  a  greater  distance.     After  his  arrival  at  the  fort, 
the  enemy  made  no  further  attacks  upon  it,  but  appeared 
very  much  to  withdraw  from  that  quarter. 

A  party  of  them  took  a  different  route,  and,  in  April, 
waylaid  the  people  at  Weathersfield,  as  they  were  going  .    ., 
into  their  fields  to  labour,  and   killed  six  men  and  three  bamLre at 
women.     Two  maicjs  were  taken  captive  :    besides,  they  Weathers- 
killed  twenty  cows,  and  did  other  damages  to  the  inhabi- field* 
tants. 

Soon  after  this,  captain  Underbill,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed, in  the  fall  preceding,  to  keep  garrison  at  Say- 
brook,  was  sent  from  the  Massachusetts,  with  twenty  men, 
to  reinforce  the  garrison.  Upon  their  arrival  at  Say- 
brook,  captain  Mason  and  his  men  immediately  returned 
to  Hartford. 

The  affairs  of  Connecticut,  at  this  time  wore  a  most.  Gloomy 
gloomy  aspect.  They  had  sustained  great  losses  in  cattle 
and  goods  in  the  preceding  years,  and  even  this  year  they 
were  unfortunate  with  respect  to  their  cattle.  They  had 
no  hay  but  what  they  cut  from  the  spontaneous  produc- 
tions of  an  uncultivated  country.  To  make  good  English 
meadow,  was  a  work  of  time.  The  wild,  coarse  grass, 
which  the  people  cut,  was  often  mowed  too  late,  and  but 
poorly  made.  They  did  not  always  cut  a  sufficient  quan- 
tity, even  of  this  poor  hay.  They  had  no  corn,  or  proven- 
der, with  which  they  could  feed  them :  and,  amidst  the 

*  Winlhrop's  journal,  p.  123. 


78  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  V. 

BOOK  f.  multiplicity  of  affairs,  which,  at  their  first  settlement,  de- 
^-x-v-x^  nianded  their  attention,  they  could  not  provide  such  shel- 
1637.  ters  for  them,  as  were  necessary  during  the  long  and  se- 
vere winters  of  this  northern  climate.  From  an  union  of 
these  circumstances,  some  of  their  cattle  were  lost,  and 
those  which  lived  through  winter,  were  commonly  poor, 
and  many  of  the  cows  lost  their  young.  Notwithstanding 
all  the  exertions  the  people  had  made  the  preceding  sum- 
mer, they  had  not  been  able,  in  the  multiplicity  of  their  af- 
fairs, and  under  their  inconveniences,  to  raise  a  sufficiency 
of  provisions.  Their  provisions  were  not  only  very  coarse, 
but  very  dear,  and  scanty.  The  people  were  not  only  in- 
experienced in  the  husbandry  of  the  country,  but  they  had 
but  few  oxen  or  ploughs.*  They  performed  almost  the 
whole  culture  of  the  earth  with  their  hoes.  This  rendered 
it  both  exceedingly  slow  and  laborious. 

Every  article  bore  a  high  price.  Valuable  as  money 
was,  at  that  day,  a  good  cow  could  not  be  purchased  un- 
der thirty  pounds  ;  a  pair  of  bulls  or  oxen  not  under  forty 
pounds.  A  mare  from  England  or  Flanders,  sold  at  thirty 
pounds ;  and  Indian  corn  at  about  five  shillings  a  bushel : 
Jabour,  and  other  articles  bore  a  proportionable  price. 

In  addition  to  all  these  difficulties,  a  most  insidious  and 
dreadful  enemy  were  now  destroying  the  lives  and  proper- 
ty of  the  colonists,  attempting  to  raise  the  numerous  In- 
dian tribes  of  the  country  against  them,  and  threatened  the 
utter  ruin  of  the  whole  colony.  The  inhabitants  were  in  a 
feeble  state,  and  few  in  number.  They  wanted  all  their 
men  at  home,  to  prosecute  the  necessary  business  of  the 
plantations.  They  had  not  a  sufficiency  of  provisions  for 
themselves:  there  would  therefore  be  the  greatest  difficulty 
in  furnishing  a  small  army  with  provisions  abroad.  They 
^  could  neither  hunt,  fish,  nor  cultivate  their  fields,  nor  trav- 

el at  home,  or  abroad,  but  at  the  peril  of  their  lives.  They 
were  obliged  to  keep  a  constant  watch  by  night  and  day  ; 
to  go  armed  to  their  daily  labours,  and  to  the  public  wor- 
ship. They  were  obliged  to  keep  a  constant  watch  and 
guard  at  their  houses  of  worship,  on  the  Lord's  day,  and 
at  other  seasons,  whenever  they  convened  for  the  public 
worship.  They  lay  down  and  rose  up  in  fear  and  danger. 
If  they  should  raise  a  party  of  men  and  send  them  to  fight 
the  enemy  on  their  own  ground,  it  would  render  the  settle- 
ments proportionably  weak  at  home,  in  case  of  an  assault 
from  the  enemy.  Every  thing  indeed  appeared  dark  and 

*  It  seems,  that  at  this  period  there  were  but  thirty  ploughs  in  the  whojo 
colony  of  Massachusetts.  Winthrop's  journal,  p.  114.  It  is  not  probabk 
that  there  were  ten,  perhaps  not  five,  in  Cowietticut. 


CHAP.  V.  CONNECTICUT.  79 

threatening.     But  nothing  could  discourage  men,  who  had  BOOK  I. 
an  unshaken  confidence    in  the  divine  government,   and  ^"v-^- 
were  determined  to  sacrifice  every  other  consideration,  for    1637. 
the  enjoyment  of  the  uncorrupted  gospel,  and  the  propaga- 
tion of  religion  and  liberty  in  America. 

In  this  important  crisis,  a  court  was  summoned,  at  Hart-  Court 
ford,  on  Monday  the  1st  of  May.  As  they  were  to  delib-Ma-v  lst' 
erate  on  matters  in  which  the  lives  of  the  subjects  and  the 
very  existence  of  the  colony  were  concerned,  the  towns 
for  the  first  time,  sent  committees.  The  spirited  measures 
adopted  by  this  court,  render  the  names  of  the  members 
•worthy  of  perpetuation.  The  magistrates  were  Roger 
Ludlow,  Esq.  Mr.  Welles,  Mr.  Swain,  Mr.  Steel,  Mr. 
Phelps  and  Mr.  Ward.  The  committees  were  Mr.  Whit- 
ing, Mr.  Webster,  Mr.  Williams,  Mr.  Hull,  Mr.  Chaplin, 
Mr.  Talcott,  Mr.  Geifords,  Mr.  Mitchel  and  Mr.  Sherman. 

The  court,  on  mature  deliberation,  considering  that  the  n,^1^ 
Pequots  had  killed  nearly  thirty  of  the  English  ;  that  they  war  a- 
had  tortured  and  insulted  their  captives,  in  the  most  horri-  gainst  the 
hie  manner ;  that  they  were  attempting  to  engage  all  the  Pe(luots' 
Indians  to  unite  for  the  purpose  of  extirpating  the  English  ; 
and  the  danger  the  whole  colony  was  in,  unless  some  capi- 
tal blow  could  be  immediately  given  their  enemies,  deter- 
mined, that  an  offensive  war  should  be  carried  on  against 
them,  by  the  three  towns  of  Windsor,  Hartford  and  Weath- 
ersfield.     They  voted,  that  90  men  should  be  raised  forth- 
with ;  42   from  Hartford,    30  from  Windsor,  and  1 6  from 
Weathersfield.     Notwithstanding  the  oecessities  and  pov- 
erty of  the  people,  all  necessary  supplies  were  voted  for 
this  little  army.*     No  sooner  was  this  resolution  adopted, 
than  the  people  prosecuted  the  most  vigorous  measures,  to 
carry  it  into  immediate  and  effectual  execution. 

The  report  of  the  slaughter  and  horrid  cruelties  prac-  Ma?sa- 
tised  by  the  Pequots,  against  the  people  of  Connecticut, 
roused  the  other  colonies  to  harmonious  and  spirited  exer- 
tions  against  the  common  enemy.     Massachusetts  deter- 
mined  to  send  200,  and  Plymouth  40  men,  to  assist  Con-  Conaecti- 
necticut  in  prosecuting  the  war.     Captain  Patrick  with  40  cut- 
men  was  sent  forward,  before  the  other  troops,  from  Mas- 
sachusetts and  Plymouth,  could  be  ready  to  march,  with  a 
view,  that  he  might  seasonably  form  a  junction  with  the 
party  from  Connecticut. 

On  Wednesday,  the  10th  of  May,  the  troops  from  Con-  Mayioth, 
necticut  fell  down  the  river,  for  the  fort  at  Saybro.ok.  They  £jj  J^J8 
consisted  of  90  Englishmen  and  about  70  Moheagan  and  the  river, 
fiver  Indians.     They  embarked  on  board  a  pink,  a  pin- 
*  Recorder  of  Connecticut. 


30  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.   V. 

BOOK  1.  nace  and  a  shallop.     The  Indians  were  commanded  by 
v^-v^ta/  Uncas,  sachem  of  the  Moheagans.     The  whole  was  com- 
1637.    manded  by  captain  John  Mason,  who  had  been  bred  a  sol- 
dier in  the  old  cduntries.     The  Rev.  Mr.  Stone  of  Hart- 
ford went  their  chaplain.     On  Monday  the  15th,  the  troops 
May  15.     arrived  at  Saybrook  fort.     As  the  water  was  low,  this  lit- 
tle fleet  several   times  ran  aground.     The  Indians,  impa- 
tient of  delays,  desired  to  be  set  on  shore,  promising  to 
join   the  English  at  Saybrook.      The  captain  therefore 
granted  their  request.     On  their  march,  they  fell  in  with 
Fuccess  of  about  forty  of  the  enemy,  near  the  fort,  killed  seven  and 
Uucas.       took  one  prisoner. 

The  prisoner  had  been  a  perfidious  villain.  He  had  liv- 
^lsgbarb^'  ed  in  the  fort,  some  time  before,  and  could  speak  English 
ment  of  his  we^*  But  after  the  Pequots  commenced  hostilities  against 
prisoner,  the  English,  he  became  a  constant  spy  upon  the  garrison, 
and  acquainted  Sassacus  with  every  thing  he  could  dis- 
cover. He  had  been  present  at  the  slaughter  of  all  the 
English  who  had  been  killed  at  Saybrook.  Uncas  and  his 
men  insisted  upon  executing  him  according  to  the  manner 
of  their  ancestors  ;  and  the  English,  in  the  circumstances 
in  which  they  then  were,  did  not  judge  it  prudent  to  inter- 
pose. The  Indians,  kindling  a  large  fire,  violently  tore 
him  limb  from  limb.  Barbarously  cutting  his  flesh  in  pie- 
ces, they  handed  it  round  from  one  to  another,  eating  it, 
singing  and  dancing  round  the  fire,  in  their  violent  and  tu- 
multuous manner.  The  bones  and  such  parts  of  their  cap- 
tive, as  were  not  consumed  in  this  dreadful  repast,  were 
committed  to  the  flames  and  burnt  to  ashes. 

jjason"and      This  success  was  matter  of  joy,   not  only  as  it  was  a 
his  council  check  upon  the  enemy,  but  as  it  was  an  evidence  of  the 
divided  in  fidelity  of  Uncas   and  his  Indians,  of  which  the  English 
opimon.      j^j  }jeen  before  in  doubt.     There  were  other  circumstan- 
ces, however,  which  more  than  counterbalanced  this  joy. 
The  army   lay  wind  bound  until  Friday,  and  captain  Ma- 
son and  his  officers  were  entirely  divided  in  opinion,  with 
respect  to  the  manner  of  prosecuting  their  enterprise.  The 
court,  by  the  commission  and  instructions  which  it  had  giv- 
en, enjoined  the  landing  of  the  men  at  Pequot   harbour, 
and  that  from   thence  they  should  advance  upon  the  ene- 
my.    The  captain  was  for  passing  by  them,  and  sailing  to 
Debates  in  the  Narraganset  country.     He  was  fixed  in  this   opinion, 
tho  council  ]jecause  Jie  found  that,  expecting  the  army  at  Pequot  har- 
bour,   they  kept   watch   upon    the  river  night   and  day. 
Their  number  of  men  greatly  exceeded  his  :    He  was  in- 
formed, at  Saybrook,  that  they  had  sixteen  fire  arms,  with 
powder  and  shot.     The  harbour  was  compassed  with  rocks 


CHAP.  V.  CONNECTICUT.  81 

and  thickets,  affording  the  enemy  every  advantage.  They  BOOK  I. 
were  upon  the  Jand,  and  exceedingly  light  of  foot.  He  was  v-x~vx^ 
therefore  of  the  opinion,  that  they  would  render  it  very  1637. 
difficult  and  dangerous  to  land,  and  that  he  might  sustain 
s'uch  loss,  as  would  discourage  his  men  and  frustrate  the 
design  of  the  expedition.  If  they  should  make  good  their 
landing,  he  was  sure  that,  while  they  directed  their  march 
through  the  country,  to  the  enemy's  forts,  they  would  way- 
lay and  attack  them,  with  their  whole  force,  at  every  diffi- 
cult pass.  Beside,  if  they  should  find,  on  trial,  that  they 
were  not  able  to  defeat  the  English,  they  would  run  off  to 
swamps  and  fastnesses,  where  they  could  not  be  found ; 
and  they  should  not  be  able  to  effect  any  thing  capital  a- 
gainst  them*  He  was  not  without  hopes  that,  by  going  to 
Narraganset,  he  might  surprise  them.  There  was  also 
some  prospect,  that  the  Narragansets  would  join  him  in  the 
expedition,  and  that  he  might  fall  in  with  some  part  of  the 
troops  from  Massachusetts. 

His  officers  and  men  in  general  were  for  attending  their 
instructions,  and  going  at  all  hazards  directly  to  the  forts. 
The  necessity  of  their  affairs  at  home,  the  danger  of  the  In- 
dians attacking  their  families  and  settlements,  in  their  ab- 
sence, made  them  wish,  at  once  (o  dispatch  the  business, 
on  which  they  had  been  sent.  They  did  not  relish  a  long 
inarch  through  the  wilderness.  They  also  imagined  that 
they  might  be  discovered,  even  should  they  determine  to 
march  from  Narraganset  to  the  attack  of  the  enemy.  In 
this  division  of  opinion,  Mr.  Stone  was  desired  by  the  offi- 
cers most  importunately  to  pray  for  them,  That  their  way 
might  be  directed,  and  that,  notwithstanding  the  present 
embarrassment,  the  enterprise  might  be  crowned  with  suc- 
cess. 

Mr.  Stone  spent  most  of  Thursday  night  in  prayer,  and  Mr.  Stone 
the  next  morning  visiting  captain  Mason,  assured  him,  that  prays, 
he  had  done  as  he  was  desired  ;  adding,  that  he  was  en- 
tirely satisfied  with  his  plan.  The  council  was  again  call- 
ed, and,  upon  a  full  view  of  all  the  reasons,  unanimously 
agreed  to  proceed  to  Narraganset.  It  was  also  determin- 
ed, that  twenty  men  should  be  sent  back  to  Connecticut, 
to  strengthen  the  infant  settlements,  while  the  rest  of  the 
troops  were  employed  in  service  against  the  enemy;  and, 
that  captain  Underbill,  with  nineteen  men  from  the  garri- 
son at  Saybrook  fort,  should  supply  their  places. 

On  Friday,  May  19th,  the  captain  sailed  for  Narragan-  Mayisth, 
set  bay,  and  arrived  on  Saturday  at  the  desired  port.    On  *xPedl- 

-»*        i  »     .  •  •   TT     i     i  MI  u    tion  a- 

Ulonaay,  captain  Mason  and   captain  Underbill  march-  gainst  iiie 
Uh  a  guard  to  the  plantation  of  Canonicus,  aud  ac- P«<juots. 

L 


8$  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  V. 

BOOK  I.  quainted  him  with  the  design  of  their  coming.  A  messen- 
v^-v^s^  gerwas  immediately  dispatched  to  Miantonimoh,  the  chief 
1637.  sachem  of  the  Narragansets,  to  acquaint  him  also  with  the 
expedition.  The  next  day  Miantonimoh  met  them,  with 
his  chief  counsellors  and  warriors,  consisting  of  about  200 
men.  Captain  Mason  certified  him,  that  the  occasion  of 
his  coming  with  armed  men,  into  his  country,  was  to  a- 
venge  the  intolerable  injuries  which  the  Pequots,  his  as 
well  as  their  enemies,  had  done  the  English  :  and,  that  he 
desired  a  free  passage  to  the  Pequot  forts.  After  a  solemn 
consultation  in  the  Indian  manner,  Miantonimoh  answered, 
That  he  highly  approved  of  the  expedition,  and  that  he 
would  send  men.  He  observed,  however,  that  the  English. 
were  not  sufficient  in  number  to  fight  with  the  enemy.  He 
said  the  Pequots  were  great  captains,  skilled  in  war,  and 
rather  slighted  the  English.  Captain  Mason  landed  his 
men,  and  marched  just  at  night  to  the  plantation  of  Canon- 
icus,  which  was  appointed  to  be  the  place  of  general  ren- 
dezvous. That  night  there  arrived  an  Indian  runner  in 
the  camp,  with  a  letter  from  raptain  Patrick,  who  had  ar- 
rived with  his  party  at  Mr.  Williams'  plantation  in  Provi- 
dence. Captain  Patrick  signified  his  desire,  that  captain 
Mason  would  wait  until  he  could  join  him.  Upon  delibe- 
ration it  was  determined  not  to  wait,  though  a  junction  was 
greatly  desired.  The  men  had  already  been  detained 
much  longer  than  was  agreeable  to  their  wishes.  When 
they  had  absolutely  resolved  the  preceding  day  to  march 
the  next  morning,  the  Indians  insisted  that  they  were  but 
in  jest ;  that  Englishmen  talked  much,  but  would  not  fight. 
It  was  theVefore  feared,  that  any  delay  would  have  a  bad 
effect  upon  them.  It  was  also  suspected  that,  if  they  did 
not  proceed  immediately,  they  should  be  discovered,  as 
there  were  a  number  of  squaws  who  maintained  an  inter- 
course between  the  Pequot  and  Narraganset  Indians.  The 
army  therefore,  consisting  of  77  Englishmen,  60  Mohea- 
ganand  river  Indians,  and  about  200  Narragansets,  march- 
Wednes-  ed  on  Wednesday  morning,  and  that  day  reached  the  eas- 
dayMay  tern  Nihantick,  about  eighteen  or  twenty  miles  from  the 
64th,  place  of  rendezvous  the  night  before.  This  was  a  frontier 
to  the  Pequots,  and  was  the  seat  of  one  of  the  Narraganset 
sachems.  Here  the  army  halted,  at  the  close  of  the  day. 
But  the  sachem  and  his  Indians  conducted  themselves  in  a 
haughty  manner  toward  the  English,  and  would  not  suffer 
them  to  enter  within  their  fort.  Captain  Mason  therefore 
placed  a  strong  guard  round  the  fort ;  and  as  the  Indians 
would  not  suffer  him  to  enter  it,  he  determined  that  none  of 
them  should  come  out.  Knowing  the  perfidy  of  the  Indians, 


CHAP.  V.  CONNECTICUT.  $3 

and  that  it  was  customary  among  them  to  suffer  the  near-  BOOK  I. 
est  relatives  of  their  greatest  enemies  to  reside  with  them,  v^~v-^/ 
he  judged  it  necessary,  to  prevent  their  discovering  him  to    1G37. 
ihe  enemy. 

In  the  morning,  a  considerable  number  of  Miantonimoh's  Thursday 
men  came  on  and  joined  the  English.  This  encouraged  25th. 
many  of  the  Nihantieks  also  to  join  them.  They  soon  for- 
med a  circle,  and  made  protestations,  how  gallantly  they 
would  fight,  and  what  numbers  they  would  kill.  When 
the  army  marched,  the  next  morning,  the  captain  had  with 
him  nearly  500  Indians.  He  marched  twelve  miles,  to  the 
ford  in  Pawcatuck  river.  The  day  was  very  hot,  and  the 
men,  through  the  great  heat,  and  a  scarcity  of  provision, 
began  to  faint.  The  army,  therefore,  made  a  considerable 
halt,  and  refreshed  themselves.  Here  the  Narraganset  In- 
dians began  to  manifest  their  dread  of  the  Pequots,  and  to 
enquire  of  captain  Mason,  with  great  anxiety,  what  were 
his  real  designs.  He  assured  them,  that  it  was  his  design 
to  attack  the  Pequots  in  their  forts.  At  this,  they  appear- 
ed to  be  panic-struck,  and  filled  with  amazement.  Many 
of  them  drew  off,  and  returned  to  Narraganset.  The  ar- 
my marched  on  about  three  miles,  and  came  to  Indian  cora 
fields  ;  and  the  captain,  imagining  that  he  drew  near  the 
enemy,  made  a  halt :  he  called  his  guides  and  council,  and 
demanded  of  the  Indians  how  far  it  was  to  the  forts.  They 
represented,  that  it  was  twelve  miles  to  Sassacus's  fort, 
and  that  both  forts  were  in  a  manner  impregnable.  We- 
quosh,  a  Pequot  captain  or  petty  sachem,  who  had  revolt- 
ed from  Sassacus  to  the  Narragansets,  was  the  principal 
guide,  and  he  proved  faithful.  He  gave  such  information, 
respecting  the  distance  of  the  forts  from  each  other,  and 
the  distance  which  they  were  then  at, -from  the  chief  sa- 
chem's, as  determined  him  and  his  officers  to  alter  the  re- 
solution which  they  had  before  adopted,  of  attacking  them 
both  at  once  5  and  to  make  a  united  attack  upon  that  at 
Histic.  He  found  his  men  so  fatigued,  in  marching  through 
a  pathless  wilderness,  with  their  provisions,  arms,  and  am- 
munition, and  so  affected  with  the  heat,  that  this  resolution 
appeared  to  be  absolutely  necessary.  One  of  captain  Un- 
derhill's  men  became  lame,  at  the  same  time,  and  began 
to  fail.  The  army,  therefore,  proceeded  directly  to  Mis- 
tic,  and  continuing  their  march,  came  to  a  small  swamp 
between  two  hills,  just  at  the  disappearing  of  the  day  light. 
The  officers,  supposing  that  they  were  now  near  the  fort, 
pitched  their  little  camp,  between  or  near  two  large  rocks, 
in  Groton,  since  called  Porter's  rocks.  The  men  were 
feint  and  weary,  and  though  the  rocks  were  their  pillows., 


84  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  V. 

BOOK  I.  their  rest  was  sweet.     The  guards  and  sentinels  were  con- 
SX-N^>^  siderably  advanced,  in  the  front  of  the  army,  and  heard 
1637.    the  enemy  singing,  at  the  fort,  who  continued  their  rejoic- 
ings even  until  midnight.     They  had  seen  the  vessels  pass 
the  harbor,  some  days  before,  and  had  concluded,  that  the 
English  were  afraid,  and  had  not  courage  to  attack  them. 
They  were,  therefore,  rejoicing,  singing,  dancing,  insulting 
them,  and  wearying  themselves,  on  this  account. 

The  night  was  serene,  and,  towards  morning,  the  moon 
shone  clear.  The  important  crisis  was  now  come,  when 
the  very  existence  of  Connecticut,  under  providence,  was 
to  be  determined  by  the  sword,  in  a  single  action  ;  and  to 
be  decided  by  the  good  conduct  of  less  than  eighty  brave 
men.  The  Indians  who  remained,  were  now  sorely  dis- 
mayed, and  though,  at  first,  they  had  led  ihe  van,  and  boas- 
ted of  great  feats,  yet  were  how  all  fallen  back  in  the  rear. 
Attack  on  About  two  hours  before  day,  the  men  were  roused  with 
May'Wth.'  a^  expedition,  and  briefly  commending  themselves  and 
their  cause  to  God,  advanced  immediately  towards  the 
fort.  After  a  march  of  about  two.  miles,  they  came  to  the 
foot  of  a  large  hill,  where  a  fine  country  opened  before 
them.  The  captain,  supposing  that  the  fort  could  not  be 
far  distant,  sent  for  the  Indians  in  the  rear,  to  come  up. 
Uncas  and  Wequosh,  at  length,  appeared.  He  demanded 
of  them  where  the  fort  was.  They  answered,  on  the  top 
of  th<3  hill.  He  demanded  of  them  where  were  the  other 
Indians.  They  answered,  that  they  were  much  afraid. 
The  captain  sent  to  them  not  to  fly,  but  to  surround  the 
fort,  at  any  distance  they  pleased,  an-d  see  whether  En- 
glishmen would  fight.  The  day  was  nearly  dawning,  and 
no  time  was  now  to  be  lost.  The  men  pressed  on,  in  two 
divisions,  captain  Mason  to  the  north-eastern,  and  captain 
Underhill  to  the  western  entrance.  As  the  object  which 
they  had  been  so  long  seeking,  came  into  view,  and  while 
they  reflected  they  were  to  fight  not  only  for  themselves, 
but  their  parents,  wives,  children,  and  the  whole  colony, 
the  martial  spirit  kindled  in  their  bosoms,  and  they  were 
wonderfully  animated  and  assisted.  As  captain  Mason  ad- 
vanced within  a  rod  or  two  of  the  fort,  3  dog  barked,  and 
an  Indian  roared  out,  Owanux  !  Owanux !  That  is,  En- 
glishmen !  Englishmen !  The  troops  pressed  on,  and  as 
the  Indians  were  rallying,  poured  in  upon  them,  through 
the  pallisadoes,  a  general  discharge  of  their  muskets,  and 
then  wheeling  off  to  the  principal  entrance,  entered  the 
fort  sword  in  hand.  Notwithstanding  the  suddenness  of 
the  attack,  the  blaze  and  thunder  of  their  arms,  the  enemy 
made  a  manly  and  desperate  resistance.  Captain  Mason 


CHAP.  V.  CONNECTICUT.  85 

,and  his  party,  drove  the  Indians  in  the  main  street  towards  BOOK  I. 
the  west  part  of  the  fort,  where  some  bold  men,  who  had  ^x-\^~>*/ 
forced  their  way,  met  them,  and  made  such  slaughter  ic>37, 
among  them,  that  the  street  was  sopn  clear  of  the  enemy. 
They  secreted  themselves  in  and  behind  their  wigwams, 
and  taking  advantage  of  every  covert,  maintained  an  ob- 
stinate defence.  The  captain  and  his  men  entered  the 
wigwams,  where  they  were  beset  with  many  Indians,  who 
took  every  advantage  to  shoot  them,  arid  lay  hands  upon 
them,  so  that  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  they  could 
defend  themselves  with  their  swords.  After  a  severe  con- 
flict, in  which  many  of  the  Indians  were  slain,  some  of  the 
English  killed,  and  others  sorely  wounded,  the  victory  still 
hung  in  suspense.  The  captain  finding  himself  much  ex- 
hausted, and  out  of  breath,  as  well  as  his  men,  by  the  ex- 
traordinary exertions  which  they  had  made ;  in  this  criti- 
cal state  of  the  action,  had  recourse  to  a  successful  expedi- 
ent. He  cries  out  to  his  men,  WE  MUST  BURN  THEM.  He, 
immediately  entering  a  wigwam,  took  fire,  and  put  it  into  Fortburat, 
the  mats,  with  \vhich  the  wigwams  were  covered.  The  fire 
instantly  kindling,  spread  with  such  violence  that  all  the 
Indian  houses  were  soon  wrapped  in  one  general  flame. 
As  the  fire  increased,  the  English  retired  without  the  fort, 
and  compassed  it  on  eveiy  side.  Uncas  and  his  Indians, 
with  such  of  the  Narragansets  as  yet  remained,  took  cour- 
age, from  the  example  of  the  English,  and  formed  another 
circje  in  the  rear  of  them.  The  enemy  were  now  seized 
•with  astonishment,  and  forced,  by  the  flames,  from  their 
lurking  places,  into  open  light,  became  a  fair  mark  for 
the  English  soldiers.  Some  climbed  the  pallisadoes,  and 
were  instantly  brought  down  by  the  fire  of  the  English  mus- 
kets. Others,  desperately  sallying  forth  from  their  burn- 
ing cells,  were  shot,  or  cut  in  pieces  with  the  sword.  Such 
terror  fell  upon  them,  that  they  would  run  back  from  the 
English,  into  the  very  flames.  Great  numbers  perished  in 
the  conflagration. 

The  greatness  and  violence  of  the  fire,  the  reflection  of 
the  light,  the  flashing  and  roar  of  the  arms,  the  shrieks  and 
yellings  of  the  men,  women  and  children,  in  the  fort,  and 
the  shoutings  of  the  Indians  without,  just  at  the  dawning  of 
the  morning,  exhibited  a  grand  and  awful  scene.      In  a  Si*  hun- 
little  more  than  an  hour  this  whole  work  of  destruction  ^f  *l£~ 
"was  finished.     Seventy  wigwams  were  burnt,  and  five  or  stroy«L 
six  hundred  Indians  perished,  either  by  the  sword,  or  in 
the  flames.*     A  hundred  and  fifty  warriors  had  been  sent 

*  Captain  Mason,  in  his  history,  says  six  or  seven  hundred.  From  the 
number  of  Wigwams,  gind  the  reinforcea}««tj  the  probability  is,  thai  about 
§ix  hundred  were  destroyed. 


86  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  V. 

BOOK  I.  on,  the  evening  before,  who,  that  very  morning,  were  to 

N^-V-X^  have  gone  forth  against  the  English.     Of  these,  and  all 

1637.     who  belonged  to  the  fort,  seven  only  escaped,  and  seven 

were  made  prisoners..      It  had  been  previously  concluded 

not  to  burn  the  fort,  but  to  destroy  the  enemy,  and  take 

the  plunder ;  but  the  captain  afterwards  found  it  the  only 

expedient  to  obtain  the  victory,  and  save  his  men.      Thus 

parents  and  children,  the  sannup  and  squaw,  the  old  man 

and  the  babe,  perished  in  promiscuous  ruin, 

Da  r  Though  the  victory  was  complete,  yet  the  army  were  in 
and  dis-  great  danger  and  distress.  The  men  had  been  exceeding- 
tress  of  the  Jy  fatigued,  by  the  heat,  and  long  marches  through  rough 
army.  ancj  Difficult  places  ;  and  by  that  constant  watch  and  guard 
Avhich  they  had  been  obliged  to  keep.  They  had  now  been 
greatly  exhausted,  by  the  sharpness  of  the  action,  and  the 
exertions  which  they  had  been  necessitated  to  make.  Their 
loss  was  very  considerable.  Two  men  were  killed,  and 
nearly  twenty  wounded.  This  was  more  than  one  quar- 
ter of  the  English.  Numbers  fainted  by  reason  of  fa- 
tigue, the  heat,  and  want  of  necessaries.  The  surgeon, 
their  provisions,  and  the  articles  necessary  for  the  wound- 
ed, were  on  board  the  vessels,  which  had  been  ordered  to 
sail  from  the  Narraganset  bay,  the  night  before,  for  Pequot 
harbour ;  but  there  was  no  appearance  of  them  in  the 
sound.  They  were  sensible  that,  by  the  burning  of  the 
fort,  and  the  noise  of  war,  they  had  alarmed  the  country ; 
and  therefore  were  in  constant  expectation  of  an  attack,  by 
a  fresh  and  numerous  enemy  from  the  other  fortress,  and 
from  every  quarter  whence  the  Pequots  might  be  collected. 
A  number  of  the  friendly  Indians  had  been  wounded, 
and  they  were  so  distracted  with  fear,  that  it  was  difficult 
even  to  speak  with  their  guide  and  interpreter,  or  to  know 
any  thing  what  they  designed.  The  English  were  in  an 
enemies  country,  and  entire  strangers  to  the  way  in  which 
they  must  return.  The  enemy  were  far  more  numerous 
than  themselves,  and  enraged  to  the  highest  degree.  An- 
other circumstance  rendered  their  situation  still  more  dan- 
gerous, their  provisions  and  ammunition  were  nearly  ex- 
pended. Four  or  five  men  were  so  wounded  that  it  was 
necessary  to  carry  them,  and  they  were  also  obliged  to 
bear  about  twenty  fire  arms,  so  that  not  more  than  forty 
men  could  be  spared  for  action. 

After  an  interval  of  about  an  hour,  while  the  officers 
were  in  consultation  what  course  they  should  take,  their 
vessels,  as  though  guidecj  by  the  hand  of  providence,  to 
serve  the  necessities  of  these  brave  men,  came  full  in 
view  ;  and,  under  a  fair  gale,  were  steering  directly  into 


CHAP.  V.  CONNECTICUT.  87 

the  harbour.     This,  in  the  situation  of  the  army  at  that  BOOK  I. 
time,  was  a  most  joyful  sight.  v-x-^^s-/ 

Immediately,  upon  the  discovery  of  the  vessels,  about    1637. 
three  hundred  Indians  came  on  from  the  other  fort.    Cap- 
tain Mason,  perceiving  their  approach,  led  out  a  chosen 
party   to  engage  them,  and  try  their  temper.      He  gave 
them  such  a  warm  reception,  as  soon  checked  and  put 
them  to  a  stand.      This  gave  him  great  encouragement, 
and  he  ordered  the  army  to  march  for  Pequot  harbour. 
The  enemy,  upon  this,  immediately  advanced  to  the  hill, 
where  the  fort  stood  ;  and  viewing  the  destruction  which 
had  been  made,  stamped  and  tore  their  hair  from  their  The  ene' 
heads.     After  a  short  pause,  and  blowing  themselves  up  to™^  stea™P' 
the  highest  transport  of  passion,  they  leaped  down  the  hill  their  hair, 
after  the  arrny,  in  the  most  violent  manner,  as  though  they  Pursue  the 
were  about  to  run  over  the  English.     Captain  Underbill,  English, 
who,  with  a  number  of  the  best  men,  was  ordered  to  de- 
fend the  rear,  soon  checked  the  eagerness  of  their  pursuit, 
and  taught  them  to  keep  at  a  more   respectful   distance. 
The  friendly  Indians  who  had  not  deserted,  now  kept  close 
to  the  English,  and  it  was  believed  that,  after  the  enemy 
came  on,   they  were  afraid  to  leave  them.      The  enemy 
pursued  the  army  nearly  six  miles,  sometimes  shooting  at 
a  distance,  from  behind  rocks  and  trees,  and   at  other 
times,  pressing  on  more  violently,  and  desperately  haz- 
arding themselves  in  the  open  field. 

That  the  English  might  all  be  enabled  to  fight,  captain 
Mason  soon  hired  the  Indians  to  carry  the  wounded  men 
and  their  arms.  The  English  killed  several  of  the  enemy 
while  they  pursued  them,  but  sustained  no  loss  themselves. 
When  they  killed  a  Pequot,  the  other  Indians  would  shout, 
run  and  fetch  his  head.  At  length,  the  enemy  finding  that 
they  could  make  no  impression  upon  the  army,  and  that 
wounds  and  death  attended  their  attempts,  gave  over  the 
pursuit. 

The  army  then  marched  to  the  harbor,  with  their  colors 
flying,  and  were  received  on  board  the  vessels,  with  great 
mutual  joy  and  congratulation. 

In  about  three  weeks  from  the  time  the  »en  embarked 
at  Hartford,  they  returned  again  to  their  respective  habita-  j0y  in 
tioris.     They  were  received  with  the  greatest  exultation.  Connecti* 
As  the  people  had  been  deeply  affected  with  their  danger,  cut% 
and  full  of  anxiety  for  their  friends,  while  nearly  half  the 
effective  men  in  the  colony  were  in  service,  upon  so  haz- 
ardous an  enterprise,  so  sudden  a  change,  in  the  great  vic- 
tory obtained,  and  in  the  safe  return  of  so  many  of  their 
ehikiren  and  neighbors,  filled  them  with  exceeding  joy  and 


S8 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  V, 


BOOK  I. 


Gallantry 
and  (food 
conduct. 


i'equots 
destroy 
their  fort 
and  dec. 


thankfulness.  Every  family,  and  every  worshipping  as- 
sembly, spake  the  language  of  praise  and  thanksgiving. 

Several  circumstances  attending  this  enterprise,  were 
much  noticed  by  the  soldiers  themselves,  and  especially  by 
all  the  pious  people.  It  was  considered  as  very  providen- 
tial, that  the  army  should  march  nearly  forty  miles,  and  a 
considerable  part  of  it  in  the  enemies  country,  and  not  Be 
discovered  until  the  moment  they  were  ready  to  commence 
the  attack.  It  was  judged  remarkable,  that  the  vessels 
should  come  into  the  harbour  at  the  very  hour  in  which 
they  were  most  needed.  The  life  of  captain  Mason  was 
very  signally  preserved.  As  he  entered  a"  wigwam  for  fire 
to  burn  the  fort,  an  Indian  was  drawing  an  arrow  to  the 
very  head,  and  would  have  killed  him  instantly  ;  but  Davis, 
one  of  his  sergeants,  cut  the  bow  string  with  his  cutlass, 
and  prevented  the  fatal  shot.*  Lieutenant  Bull  received 
on  arrow  into  a  hard  piece  of  cheese,  which  he  had  in  his 
clothes,  and  by  it  was  saved  harmless.  Two  soldiers,  John 
Dyer  and  Thomas  Stiles,  both  servants  of  otic  man,  were 
shot  in  the  knots  of  their  neckcloths,  and  by  them  preserved 
from  instant  death.t 

Few  enterprises  have  ever  been  achieved  with  more  per- 
sonal bravery  or  good  conduct.  In  few  have  so  great  a 
proportion  of  the  effective  men  of  a  whole  colony,  state,  or 
nation  been  put  to  so  great  and  immediate  danger.  In  few, 
have  a  people  been  so  deeply  and  immediately  interested, 
as  the  whole  colony  of  Connecticut  was  in  this,  in  that  un- 
common crisis.  In  these  respects,  even  the  great  arnra- 
menls  and  battles  of  Europe  are,  comparatively,  of  little' 
importance.  In  this,  under  the  divine  conduct,  by  seventy- 
seven  brave  men,  Connecticut  was  saved,  and  the  most 
warlike  and  terrible  Indian  nation  in  New-England,  defeat- 
ed and  ruined. 

The  body  of  the  Pequots,  returning  from  the  pursuit  of 
captain  Mason,  repaired  to  Sassacus,  at  the  royal  fortress, 
and  related  the  doleful  story  of  their  misfortunes.  They 
charged  them  all  to  his  haughtiness  and  misconduct,  and 
threatened  him,  and  his,  with  immediate  destruction.  His 
friends  and  chief  counsellors  interceded  for  him ;  and,  at 
their  intreaty,  his  men  spared  his  life.  Then,  upon  con- 
sultation, they  concluded,  that  they  could  not,  with  safety, 
remain  any  longer  in  the  country.  They  were,  indeed,  so 
panic  struck,  that,  burning  their  wigvvSms  and  destroying 
'heir  fort,  they  fled  and  scattered  into  various  parts  of  the 
country.  Sassacus,  Mononotto,  and  seventy  or  eighty  of 
iheir  chief  counsellors  and  warriors,  took  their  route  to- 
wards Hudson's  river. 


*  HubbartTs  Narrative. 


t  Mason's  History. 


CHAP.  V.  CONNECTICUT.  ft» 

Just  before  captain  Mason  went  out  upon  the  expedition  BOOK  I. 
against  the  Pequots,  the  Dutch  performed  a  very  neigh-  \^~^s~*s 
hourly  office  for  Connecticut.     The  two  maids,  who  had    1637. 
been  captivated  at  Weathersfield,  had,  through  the  human-  Captiva- 

ity  and  mediation  of  Mononotto's  squaw,  been  spared  from  te  j  maidj 
j  i  i  •     11  j        rf<i      T\   i  L.  •      redeemed* 

death,  and  kindly  treated.  1  he  Dutch  governor,  receiv- 
ing intelligence  of  their  circumstances,  determined  to  re- 
deem them  at  any  rate,  and  dispatched  a  sloop  to  Pequot 
harbour  for  that  purpose.  Upon  its  arrival,  the  Dutch 
made  large  offers  for  their  redemption,  but  the  Pequots 
would  not  accept  them.  Finally,  as  the  Dutch  had  a  num- 
ber of  Pequots  on  board,  whom  they  had  taken,  and  finding 
that  they  could  do  no  better,  they  offered  the  Pequots  six 
of  their  own  men  for  the  two  maids.*  These  they  accept- 
ed, and  the  Dutch  delivered  the  young  women  at  Say- 
brook,  just  before  captain  Mason  and  his  party  arrived. 
Of  them  he  received  particular  information  respecting  the 
enemy. 

An  Indian  runner,  dispatched  by  Mr.  Williams,  at  Provi- 
dence, soon  carried  the  news  of  the  success  of  Connecticut 
against  the  Pequots,  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts. 
The  governor  and  his  council,  judging  that  the  Pequots 
had  received  a  capital  blow,  sent  forward  but  a  hundred 
and  twenty  men.  These  were  commanded  by  Mr.  Stough- 
ton,  and  the  Rev.  Mr,  Wilson,  of  Boston,  was  sent  his 
chaplain. 

This  party  arrived  at  Pequot  harbour  the  latter  part  of 
June.     By  the  assistance  of  the  Narraganset  Indians,   the  June, 
party  under  captain  Stoughton  surrounded  a  large  body  of 
Pequots  in  a  swamp.     They  took  eighty  captives.     Thirty  Pequots 
were  men ;  the  rest  were  women  and  children.     The  men,  taken, 
except  two  sachems,  were  killed,  but  the  women  and  chil- 
dren were  saved. t     The  sachems  promised  to  conduct  the 
English  to  Sassacus,  and  for  that  purpose  were  spared  for 
the  present. 

The  court  at  Connecticut  ordered  that  forty  men  should  June  26. 
be  raised  forthwith  for  the  further  prosecution  of  the  war 
against  the  Pequots,  to  be  commanded  by  captain  Mas.on. 

The  troops  from  Connecticut  made  a  junction  with  thd 
party  under  the  command  of  captain  Stbughton,  at  Pequot. 
Mr.  Ludlow,  with  other  principal  gentlemen  from  Connec- 
ticut, went  also  with  the  army,  to  advise  with  respect  to  the 
measures  to  be  adopted  in  the  further  prosecution  of  the 
war.  Upon  general  consultation,  it  was  concluded  to 
pursue  the  Pequots,  who  had  fled  to  the  westward.  The 

*  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  128. 

t  Hubba,rd's  Narrative,  p.  34,  and  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  130,  13£. 

M 


HISTORY  Of  CHAP.  V. 

army  inarched  immediately,  and  soon  discovered  the  pla- 
ces, where  the  enemy  had  rendezvoused,  at  their  several 
removes.  As  these  were  not  far  distant  from  each  other, 
it  appeared  that  they  moved  slowly,  having  their  women 
and  children  with  them.  They  also  were  without  provis- 
ions, and  were  obliged  to  dig  for  clams,  and  to  range  the 
groves  for  such  articles  as  they  afforded.  The  English 
found  some  scattering  Pequots,  as  they  scoured  the  coun- 
try, whom  they  captivated,  and  from  whom  they  obtain- 
ed intelligence  relative  to  the  Pequots  whom  they  were 
Origin  of  pursuing.  But  finding,  that  the  sachems,  whom  they  had 
aachem's  spared,  would  give  them  no  information,  they  beheaded 
head.  them,  on  their  march,  at  a  place  called  Menunkatuck, 
since  Guilford ;  from  which  circumstance,  the  spot  on 
which  the  execution  was  done,  bears  the  name  of  sachem's 
head  to  the  present  time.  In  three  days  they  arrived  at 
New-Haven  harbour.  The  vessels  sailed  along  the  shore 
while  the  troops  marched  by  land.  At  New-Haven,  then 
called  Quinnipiack,  a  great  smoke,  at  a  small  distance,  was 
discovered  in  the  woods.  The  officers  supposing,  that 
they  had  now  discovered  the  enemy,  ordered  the  army 
immediately  to  advance  upon  them  ;  but  were  soon  in- 
formed that  they  were  not  in  that  vicinity.  The  Connec- 
ticut Indians  had  kindled  the  fires  whence  the  smoke  arose. 
The  troops  soon  embarked  on  board  the  vessels.  After 
staying  several  days  at  New-Haven,  the  officers  received 
intelligence  from  a  Pequot,  whom  they  had  previously  sent 
to  make  discoveryr  that  the  enemy  were  at  a  considerable 
distance,  in  a  great  swamp,  to  the  westward.  Upon  this 
information,  the  army  marched  with  all  possible  dispatch 
to  a  great  swamp,  in  Fail-field,  where  were  eighty  or  a  hun- 
dred Pequot  warriors,  and  nearly  two  hundred  other  In- 
dians* The  swamp  was  such  a  thicket,  so  deep  and  bog- 
gy, that  it  was  difficult  to  enter  it,  or  make  any  move- 
Gr&at  rnent  without  sinking  in  the  mire.  Lieutenant  Davenport 

I     •  I  •  •  1  11 

swamp       and  others,  rushing  eagerly  into  it,  were  sorely  wounded, 

fkht,  July  i         •    .u          i         :  .u 

iltb.         and  several  were  soon  so  deep  in  the  mud,  that  they  could 

not  get  out  without  assistance.  The  enemy  pressed  (hem 
so  hard,  that  they  were  just  ready  to  seize  them  by  the 
hair  of  their  head.  A  number  of  brave  mm  were  obliged 
to  rescue  them  sword  in  hand.  Some  of  the  Indians  were 
slain,  and  the  men  were  drawn  out  of  the  mire.  The 
swamp  w%s  surrounded,  and  after  a  considerable  skirmish 
the  Indians  desired  a  parley.  As  the  officers  were  not  wil- 
ling to  make  a  promiscuous  destruction  of  men,  women  and 
children,  and  as  the  sachem  and  Indians  of  the  vicinity  had 
ficd  into  the  swamp,  though  they  had  done  the  colonies  no 


CHAP.V.  CONNECTICUT.  9! 

injury,  a  parley  was  granted.  Thomas  Stanton,  a  ma-n  well  BOOK  I. 
acquainted  with  the  manners  and  language  of  the  Indians,  v^»->y--v 
was  sent  to  treat  with  them.  He  was  authorized  to  offer  1637. 
life  to  all  the  Indians  who  had  shed  no  English  blood. 
Upon  this  offer,  the  sachem  of  the  place  came  out  to  the 
English,  and  one  company  of  old  men,  women  and  chil- 
dren after  another,  to  the  number  of  about  two  hundred. 
The  sachem  of  the  place  declared  for  himself  and  his  In- 
dians, that  they  had  neither  shed  the  blood  of  the  English 
nor  done  them  any  harm.  But  the  Pequot  warriors  had 
too  great  a  spirit  to  accept  of  the  offer  of  life,  declaring, 
that  they  would  fight  it  out.  They  shot  their  arrows  at 
Stanton,  and  pressed  so  hard  upon  him,  that  the  soldiers 
were  obliged  to  fly  to  his  rescue.*  The  fight  was  then  re- 
newed, the  soldiers  firing  upon  them  whenever  an  oppor- 
tunity presented.  But  by  reason  of  an  unhappy  division  Division 
among  the  officers,  a  great  part  of  the  enemy  escaped.  a™on»  tfaB 
Some  were  for  forcing  the  swamp  immediately,  but  this 
was  opposed,  as  too  dangerous.  Others  were  for  cutting 
it  down,  as  they  had  taken  many  hatchets,  with  which  they 
were  of  the  opinion  it  might  be  effected.  Some  others 
were  for  making  a  pallisado  and  hedge  round  it,  but  neither 
of  these  measures  could  be  adopted.!  As  night  came  on, 
the  English  cut  through  a  narrow  part  of  it,  by  which  the 
circumference  was  greatly  lessened  ;  so  that  the  soldiers, 
at  twelve  feet  distance  from  each  other,  were  able  com- 
pletely to  compass  the  enemy.  In  this  manner  they  en- 
closed and  watched  them  until  it  was  nearly  morning.  A 
thick  fog  arose  just  before  day,  and  it  became  exceedingly 
dark.  At  this  juncture,  the  Indians  took  the  opportunity 
to  break  through  the  English.  They  made  their  first  at- 
tempt upon  captain  Patrick's  quarters,  yelling  in  their 
hideous  manner  and  pressing  on  with  violence,  but  they 
were  several  times  driven  back.  As  the  noise  and  tumult 
of  war  increased,  captain  Mason  sent  a  party  to  assist  cap- 
tain Patrick.  Captain  Trask  also  marched  to  reinforce 
him.  As  the  battle  greatly  increased,  the  siege  broke  up. 
Captain  Mason  marched  to  give  assistance  in  the  action. 
Advancing  to  the  turn  of  the  swamp,  he  found  that  the  ene- 
iny  were  pressing  out  upon  him ;  but  he  gave  them  so  warm 
a  reception,  that  they  were  soon  glad  to  retire.  While  he 
was  expecting  that  they  would  make  another  attempt  up- 
on him,  they  faced  about,  and  falling  violently  on  captain 
Patrick,  broke  through  his  quarters  and  fled.  These  were  Enemy 
their  bravest  warriors,  sixty  or  seventy  of  whom  made  es 
their  escape.  About  twenty  \vere  killed,  arid  one  hundred 
•*  Ilubbard's  Narrative,  p,  3B,  t  Mason's  history. 


92 
BOOK  I. 


1637. 
Captives 
divided . 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  V. 


Sachem's 
\vfe  and 
children. 


Qovenant 
at  Hart- 
ford, Sept. 
{Slat,  1638, 


and  eighty  were  taken  prisoners.  The  English  also  took 
hatchets,  wampum,  kettles,  trays  and  other  Indian  utensils. 
The  Pequot  women  and  children,  who  had  been  capti- 
vated, were  divided  among  the  troops.  Some  were  car- 
ried to  Connecticut,  and  others  to  the  Massachusetts.  The 
people  of  Massachusetts  sent  a  number  of  the  women  and 
boys  to  the  West-Indies,  and  sold  them  for  slaves.  It  was 
suppesed  that  about  seven  hundred  Pequots  were  des- 
troyed. The  women  who  were  captivated,  reported,  that 
thirteen  sachems  had  been  slain,  and  that  thirteen  yet  sur- 
vived. Among  the  latter  were  Sassacus  and  Mononotto, 
the  two  chief  sachems.  These  with  about  twenty  of  their 
best  men  fled  to  the  Mohawks.  They  carried  off  with  them, 
wampum  to  the  amount  of  50Q  pounds.*  The  Mohawks 
surprised  and  slew  them  all,  except  Mononotto.  They 
wounded  him,  but  he  made  his  escape.  The  scalp  of  Sas- 
sacus was  sent  to  Connecticut  in  the  fall,  and  Mr.  Ludlow 
and  several  other  gentlemen,  going  into  Massachusetts,  in 
September,  carried  a  lock  of  it  to  Boston,  as  a  rare  sight, 
and  a  sure  demonstration  of  the  death  of  their  mortal  ene- 

my.t 

Among  the  Pequot  captives  were  the  wife  and  children 
of  Mononotto.  She  was  particularly  noticed,  by  the  Eng- 
lish, for  her  great  modesty,  humanity  and  good  sense. 
She  made  it  as  her  only  request,  that  she  might  not  be  in- 
jured either  as  to  her  offspring  or  personal  honor.  As  a  re- 
quital of  her  kindness  to  the  captivated  maids,  her  life  and 
the  lives  of  her  children  were  not  only  spared,  but  they 
were  particularly  recommended  to  the  care  of  governor 
Winthrop.  He  gave  charge  for  their  protection  and  kind 
treatment. 

After  the  swamp  fight,  the  Pequots  became  so  weak  and 
scattered,  that  the  Narragansets  and  Moheagans  constant- 
ly killed  them,  and  brought  in  their  heads  to  Windsor  and 
Hartford.  Those  who  survived  were  so  hunted  and  ha- 
rassed, that  a  number  of  their  chief  men  repaired  to  the 
English,  at  Hartford,  for  relief.  They  offered,  if  their 
lives  might  be  spared,  that  they  would  become  the  ser- 
vants of  the  English  and  be  disposed  of  at  their  pleasure. 
This  was  granted,  and  the  court  interposed  for  their  pro- 
tection. 

Uncas  and  Miantonimoh,  with  the  Pequots,  by  the  di- 
rection of  the  magistrates  of  Connecticut,  met  at  Hartford  ; 
and  it  was  demanded  by  them,  how  many  of  the  Pequots 
were  yet  living  ?  they  answered,  about  two  hundred,  be-j 

*  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  136. 

+  "Wjnihrop's  Journal,  p.  134,  135,  136, 


CHAP.  V.  CONNECTICUT. 

sides  women  and  children.  The  magistrates  then  entered  BOOK  I. 
into  a  firm  covenant  with  them,  to  the  following  effect :  that  v«x~v^s^ 
there  should  be  perpetual  peace  between  Miantonimoh  1638. 
and  Uncas,  and  their  respective  Indians ;  and  that  all  past 
injuries  should  be  remitted,  and  for  ever  buried  :  that  if  any 
injuries  should  be  done,  in  future,  by  one  party  to  the 
other,  that  they  should  not  immediately  revenge  it,  but  ap- 
peal to  the  English  to  do  them  justice.  It  was  stipulated, 
that  they  should  submit  to  their  determination,  and  that 
if  either  party  should  be  obstinate,  that  then  they  might 
enforce  submission  to  their  decisions.  It  was  further  a- 
greed,  that  neither  the  Moheagans,  nor  Narragansets 
should  conceal,  or  entertain  any  of  their  enemies  ;  but  de- 
liver up  or  destroy  all  such  Indians  as  had  murdered  any 
English  man  or  woman.  The  English  then  gave  the  Pequot 
Indians  to  the  Narragansets  and  Moheagans ;  eighty  to 
Miantonimoh,  twenty  to  Ninnigret,  and  the  other  hundred 
to  Uncas ;  to  be  received  and  treated  as  their  men.  It  was 
also  covenanted,  that  the  Pequots  should  never  more  in- 
habit their  native  country,  nor  be  called  Pequots,  but  Nar- 
ragansets and  Moheagans.  It  was  also  further  stipulated, 
That  neither  the  Narragansets  nor  Moheagans  should  pos- 
sess any  part  of  the  Pequot  country  without  the  consent  of 
the  English.  The  Pequots  were  to  pay  a  tribute,  at  Con- 
necticut annually,  of  a  fathom  of  wampumpeag  for  every 
Sannop,  of  half  a  fathom  for  every  young  man,  and  of  a 
hand  for  every  male  papoose.  On  these  conditions  the 
magistrates,  in  behalf  of  the  colony,  stipulated  a  firm  peace 
with  all  the  Indians.* 

The  conquest  of  the  Pequots  struck  all  the  Indians  in 
New-England  with  terror,  and  they  were  possessed  with 
such  fear  of  the  displeasure  and  arms  of  the  English,  that 
jhey  had  no  open  war  with  them  for  nearly  forty  years. 

This  happy  event  gave  great  joy  to  the  colonies.  A 
day  of  public  thanksgiving  was  appointed  ;  and,  in  all  the 
churches  of  New-England,  devout  and  animated  praises 
were  addressed  to  Him,  who  giveth  his  people  the  victory y 
andcauseth  them  to  dwell  safely. 
*.  Records  of  Connecticut. 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VI. 


1637.  CHAPTER  VI, 


of  the  war.  Great  scarcity  in  Connecticut,  and 
means  taken  to  relieve  the  necessities  of  the  people.  Set- 
tlement of  New-Haven.  Plantation  covenant.  Means 
for  the  defence  of  the  colony.  Captain  Mason  made  ma- 
jor-general. Civil  constitution  of  Connecticut,  formed  by 
voluntary  compact.  First  general  election  at  Connecticut. 
Governors  and  magistrates.  General  rights  of  the  people, 
and  principal  laws  of  the  colony.  Constitution  and  laws 
of  New-Haven.  Purchase  and  settlement  of  several  towns 
in  Connecticut  and  New-Haven. 

IHOUGH  the  war  with  the  Pequots  was  now  happily 
terminated,  yet  the  effects  of  it  were  severely  felt  by 
the  inhabitants.  The  consequences  were,  scarcity  and  a 
debt,  which,  in  the  low  state  of  the  colony,  it  was  exceed- 
ingly difficult  to  pay.  Almost  every  article  of  food  or  cloth- 
ing was  purchased  at  the  dearest  rate :  and  the  planters 
had  not  yet  reaped  any  considerable  advantage  from  their 
farms.  Such  a  proportion  of  their  labourers  had  been  em- 
ployee} in  the  war,  and  the  country  was  so  uncultivated, 
that  all  the  provision  which  had  been  raised,  or  imported, 
was  in  no  measure  proportionate  to  the  wants  of  the  peo- 
ple. The  winter  was  uncommonly  severe,  which  increas- 
ed the  distress  of  the  colony.*  The  court  at  Connecticut 
foreseeing  that  the  people  would  be  in  great  want  of  bread, 
contracted  with  Mr.  Pyncheon  for  five  hundred  bushels  of 
Indian  corn,  which  he  was  to  purchase  of  the  Indians,  and 
a  greater  quantity,  if  it  could  be  obtained.  The  inhabit 
tants  were  prohibited  to  bargain  for  it  privately,  and  limit- 
ed to  certain  prices,  lest  it  should  raise  the  price,  while  he 
was  making  the  purchase.  A  committee  was  also  appoint- 
ed by  the  court,  to  send  a  vessel  to  Narraganset,  to  buy  of 
the  natives  in  that  quarter.!  But* notwithstanding  every  pre- 
ficarcity  in  caution  which  was  taken,  the  scarcity  became  such,  that 
Connecti-  corn  rose  to  the  extraordinary  price  of  twelve  shillings  by 
the  bushel.J  In  this  distressful  situation  a  committee  was 
sent  to  an  Indian  settlement  called  Pocomtock,  since  Deer- 

*The  snow  lay  from  the  4th  of  November  until  the  23d  of  March.  It 
was,  at  some  times,  three  and  four  feet  deep.  Once  in  the  winter  it  snow- 
ed for  two  hours  together,  flakes  as  big  as  English  shillings.  Winthrop's 
Journal,  p.  154. 

i  Records  of  Connecticut. 

$  Mason's  history.  Twelve  shillings  sterling  at  that  time,  was  doubt- 
less equal  to  eighteen  or  twenty  shillings  lawful  money. 


CHAP.  VI.  CONNECTICUT.  *$ 

field,  where  they  purchased  such  quantities,  that  the  In-  BOOK  I. 
dians  came  down  to  Windsor  and  Hartford,  with  fifty  ca-  \~*~v*>s 
noes  at  one  time,  laden   with  Indian  corn.§      The   good    1638. 
people  considered  this  as  a  great  deliverance.      Those,  Relieved, 
who,  in  England,  had  fed  on  the  finest  of  the  wheat,  in  the 
beginning  of  affairs  in  Connecticut,  were  thankful  for  such 
coarse  fare  as  Indian  bread,  for  themselves  and  children. 

In  this  low  state  of  the  colony,  the  court  found  it  neces- 
sary to  order  the  towns  immediately  to  furnish  themselves 
with  magazines  of  powder,  lead  and  shot,  and  every  man 
to  be  completely  armed,  and  furnished  with  ammunition. 
The  court  were  also  obliged  to  impose  a  tax  of  550  pounds, 
to  be  collected  immediately,  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the 
war.  This  appears  to  have  been  the  first  public  tax  in 
Connecticut.  Agawam,  since  named  Springfield,  though 
it  sent  no  men  to  the  war,  yet  bore  its  proportion  of  the 
expense.*  The  first  secretary  and  treasurer  appears  to 
have  been  Mr.  Clement  Chaplin.  He  was  authorised  to  yybruary 
issue  his  warrants  for  gathering  the  tax  which  had  been  im-  9th. 
posed. 

Captain  John  Mason  was    appointed  major-general  of 
the  militia  of  Connecticut.      The  reverend  Mr.  Hooket  March 
was   desired  to  deliver  him  the  military  staff.      This  he  8t^- 
doubtless  performed  with  that  propriety  and  dignity  which 
was  peculiar  to  himself,  and  best  adapted  to  the  occasion. 
The  general  was  directed  to  call  out  the  militia  of  each 
town,  ten  times  in  a  year,  to  instruct  them  in  military  disci- 
pline.    He  received  out  of  the  public  treasury  40  pounds 
annually,  for  his  services. 

As  it  was  of  the  highest  importance  to  the  colony  to  cul- 
tivate peace,  and  a  good  understanding  with  the  Indians, 
laws  were  enacted  to  prevent  all  persons  from  offering  them 
the  least  private  insult  or  abuse. 

While  the  planters  of  Connecticut  were  thus  exerting 
themselves  in  prosecuting  and  regulating  the  affairs  of  that 
colony,  another  was  projected  and  settled  at  Quinnipiack,! 
afterwards  called  New-Haven.    On  the  26th  of  July,  1637,  Mr.  Dat- 
Mr.  John  Davenport,  Mr.  Samuel  Eaton,  Theophilus  Eat-  enport  ar- 
on  and  Edward  Hopkins,  Esquires.  Mr.  Thomas  Gregson, 
and  many  others  of  good  characters  ~and  fortunes,  arrived 
at  Boston.     Mr.  Davenport  had  been  a  famous  minister  in 
the  city  of  London,  and  was  a  distinguished  character  for 
piety,  learning,  and  good  conduct.      Many  of  his  congro- 

$  Mason's  History, 

*  The  tax  was  laid  on  the  towns  in  tho  proportions  following: :  Atrawam, 
56  pounds  :  16  :  0.     Windsor,  158  pounds :  2  :  U.     Hartford,  "251  pounds 
2:0.     And  WeatltersfieJd.  [i>4  pounds  :  0  :  0, 

t  This  is  *oinetitnes  spell  Qwilli{nack;  and 


9fi  HISTORY  OF"  CHAP.  Vf.' 

BOOK  I.  gallon,  on  account  of  the  esteem  which  they  had  for  his 
v-*""v~x~'  person  and  ministry,  followed  him  into  New-England.    Mr. 
1638.    Eaton  and  Mr.  Hopkins  had  been  merchants  in  London, 
possessed  great  estates,  and  were  men  of  eminence  for 
their  abilities  and  integrity.     The  fame  of  Mr.  Davenport, 
the  reputation  and  good  estates  of  the  principal  gentlemen 
of  this  company,  made  the  people  of  the  Massachusetts  ex- 
ceedingly desirous   of  their  settlement  in  that  common- 
Offers  to  '  wealth.     Great  pains  were  taken,  not  only  by  particular 
retain  him  persons  and  towns,  but  by  the  general  court, ,  to  fix  them 

,Maf.sa"   in  the  colony.     Charlestown  made  them  large  offers  ;  and 
tnuetts.     ,T  J  .  i_   T  i 

INewbury  proposed  to  give  up  the  whole  town  to  them. 

The  general  court  offered  them  any  place  which  they  should 
choose.*  But  they  were  determined  to  plant  a  distinct 
colony.  By  the  pursuit  of  the  Pequots  to  the  westward, 
the  English  became  acquainted  with  that  fine  tract  along 
the  shore,  from  Saybrook  to  Fairfield,  and  with  its  several 
harbours.  It  was  represented  as  fruitful,  and  happily  sit- 
uated for  navigation  and  commerce.  The  company  there- 
fore projected  a  settlement  in  that  part  of  the  country. 

In  the  fall  of  1637,  Mr.  Eaton,  and  others,  who  were  of 
the  company,  made  a  journey  to  Connecticut,  to  explore 
the  lands  and  harbours  on  the  sea  coast.  They  pitched 
upon  Quinnipiack  for  the  place  of  their  settlement.  They 
erected  a  poor  hut,  in  which  a  few  men  subsisted  through 
the  winter. 

On  the  30th  of  March,  1638,  Mr.  Davenport,  Mr.  Prud- 
Mr.  Samuel  Eaton,-  and  Theophilus  Eaton,  Esquire,1 
with  the  people  of  their  company,  sailed  from  Boston  for 
Quinnipiack.     In  about  a  fortnight  they  arrived  at  their 
April  l»th,  desired  port.     On  the  18th  of  April,   they  kept  their  first 
the  first      sabbath  in  the  place.  The  people  assembled  under  a  large 
ke'uit'      spreading  oak,  and  Mr.  Davenport  preached  to  them  from 
New-Ha-   Matthew  vi.  1.     He  insisted  on  the  temptations  of  the  wil- 
ven.          derness,  made  such  observations,  and  gave  such  directions 
and  exhortations  as  were  pertinent  to  the  then  present  state 
of  his  hearers.     He  left  this  remark,  That  he  enjoyed  a 
good  day. 

One  of  the  principal  reasons  which  these  colonists  as- 
Rea^ons     signed  for  their  removing  from  Massachusetts,  was,  that 
for  remov-  tney  snould  be  more  out  of  the  way  and  trouble  of  a  general 
governor  of  New-England,  who,  at  this  time,  was  an  object 
of  great  fear  in  all  the  plantations.     What  foundation  there 
was  for  the  hope  of  exemption  from  the  controul  of  a  gene- 
ral governor,  by  this  removal,  had  one  been  sent,  does  not 
•appear.     It  is  probable,  that  the  motive  vfhich  had  the 
*  Wmtfirop's  Journal,  p.  151. 


GHAP.  VI.  CONNECTICUT.  9? 

greatest  influence  with  the  principal  men,  was  the  desire  BOOK  I. 
of  being  at  the  head  of  a  new  government,  modelled,  both  ^*~v~**s 
in  civil  and  religious  matters,  agreeably  to  their  own  ap-  1633, 
prehensions.  It  had  been  an  observation  of  Mr.  Daven- 
port's, That  whenever  a  reformation  had  been  effected  in 
the  church,  in  any  part  of  the  world,  it  had  rested  where  it 
had  been  left  by  the  reformers.  It  could  not  be  advanced 
another  step.  He  was  now  embarked  in  a  design  of  form- 
ing a  civil  and  religious  constitution,  as  near  as  possible 
to  scripture  precept  and  example.  The  principal  gentle- 
men, who  had  followed  him  into  America,  had  the  same 
views.  In  laying  the  foundations  of  a  new  colony,  there 
was  a  fair  probability,  that  they  might  accommodate  all 
matters  of  church  and  commonwealth  to  their  own  feelings 
and  sentiments.  But  in  the  Massachusetts,  the  principal 
men  were  fixed  in  the  chief  seats  of  goversment,  which 
they  were  likely  to"  keep,  and  their  civil  and  religious  poli- 
ty was  already  formed.  Besides,  the  antinomian  controver- 
sy and  sentiments,  which  had  taken  such  root  at  Boston, 
were  exceedingly  disagreeable  to  Mr.  Davenport,  and  the 
principal  gentlemen  of  his  company.  He  had  taken  a  de- 
cided, though  prudent  part,  against  them.  He,  with  his 
leading  men,  might  judge,  that  the  people  who  came  with 
them  would  be  much  more  out  of  danger  of  the  corruption, 
and  that  they  should  be  more  entirely  free  from  the  trouble 
of  those  sentiments,  in  a  new  plantation,  than  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts. These  might  all  unite  their  influence  with  Mr* 
Davenport  and  others,  to  determine  them  to  remove  and 
begin  a  new  colony. 

Soon  after  they  arrived  at  Quinnipiack,  in  the  close  of  a 
day  of  fasting  and  prayer,  they  entered  into  what  they 
termed  a  plantation  covenant.  In  this  they  solemnly  bound  Plantation 
themselves,  "  That,  as  in  matters  that  concern  the  gather-  covenant 
ing  and  ordering  of  a  church,  so  also  in  all  public  offices,  a 
which  concern  civil  order,  as  choice  of  magistrates  and 
officers,  making  and  repealing  laws,  dividing  allotments  of 
inheritance,  and  all  things  of  like  nature,  they  would,  all  of 
them,   be  ordered  by  the  rules  which  the  scripture  held 
forth  to  them."     This  was  adopted  as  a  general  agree- 
ment, until  there  should  be  time  for  the  people  to  become 
more  intimately  acquainted  with  each   other's   religious 
views,  sentiments,  and  moral  conduct ;  which  was  suppo- 
tfed  to  be  necessary  to  prepare  the  way  for  their  covenant- 
ing together,  as  Christians,  in  church  state. 

The  aspects  of  Providence  on  the  country,  about  this 
time,  were  very  gloomy,  and  especially  unfavourable  to 
nfcw  plantations,  The  spring,  after  a  long  and  severe 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  VL 


Crcat 
earth- 
quake, 
June  1st. 


thg  6rst 
purchase 
at  New- 
Jfaven, 
Ror.  24th, 
1638. 


ter,  was  unusually  backward.  Scarcely  any  thing  grew, 
for  several  weeks.  The  planting  season  was  so  cold  that 
the  corn  rotted  in  the  ground,  and  the  people  were  obliged 
to  replant  two  or  three  times.*  This  distressed  man  and 
beast,  and  retarded  all  the  affairs  of  the  plantations.  It 
rendered  the  gloom  and  horrors  of  the  wilderness  still 
more  horrible.  The  colonists  had  terrible  apprehensions 
of  scarcity  and  famine.  But  at  length  the  warm  season 
came  on,  and  vegetation  exceeded  all  their  expectations. 

On  the  1st  of  June,  between  the  hours  of  three  and  four 
in  the  afternoon,  there  was  a  great  and  memorable  earth- 
quake throughout  New-England.  It  came  with  a  report 
like  continued  thunder,  or  the  rattling  of  numerous  coach- 
es upon  a  paved  street.  The  shock  was  so  great  that,  in 
many  places,  the  tops  of  the  chimnies  were  thrown  down, 
and  the  pewter  fell  from  the  shelves.  It  shook  the  waters 
and  ships  in  the  harbours,  and  all  the  adjacent  islands. 
The  duration  of  the  sound  and  tremor  was  about  four  min- 
utes. The  earth,  at  turns,  was  unquiet  for  nearly  twenty 
days.  The  weather  was  clear,  the  wind  westerly,  and  the 
course  of  the  earthquake  from  west  to  east. 

The  planters  at  Quinnipiack  determined  to  make  an  ex- 
tensive settlement;  andj  if  possible,  to  maintain  perpetual 
peace  and  friendship  with  the  Indians.  They,  therefore^ 
paid  an  early  attention  to  the  making  of  such  purchases 
and  amicable  treaties,  as  might  most  effectually  answer 
their  designs. 

On  the  24th  of  November,  1638,  Theophilus  Eaton, 
Esq.  Mr.  Davenport,  and  other  English  planters,  entered 
into  an  agreement  with  Momauguin,  sachem  of  that  part  of 
the  country,  and  his  counsellors,  respecting  the  lands.  The 
articles  of  agreement  are  to  this  effect : 

That  Momauguin  is  the  sole  sachem  of  Quinnipiack, 
and  had  an  absolute  power  to  aliene  and  dispose  of  the 
same  i  That,  in  consequence  of  the  protection  which  he 
had  tasted,  by  the  English,  from  the  Pequots  and  Mo- 
hawks,! he  yielded  up  all  his  right,  title,  arid  interest  to 
all  the  land,  rivers,  ponds,  and  trees,  with  all  the  liberties 
and  appurtenances  belonging  to  the  same,  unto  Theophi-* 
lus  Eaton,  John  Davenport,  and  others,  their  heirs  and  as- 
signs, for  ever.  He  covenanted,  that  neither  he,  nor  his 
Indians,  would  terrify,  nor  disturb  the  English,  nor  injure 

*  Wrnthrop's  Journal,  p.  155.    Ibid.     See  also  Morton  and  Autchinson. 

t  The  Indians  of  Quinnipiack,  in  this  treaty,  declared,  that  they  still  re- 
membered the  heavy  taxes  of  the  Pequots  and  Mohawks  ;  and  that,  by 
reason  of  their  fear  of  them,  they  could  not  stay  in  their  own  country,  but 
had  been  obliged  to  flee.  By  these  powerful  enemie?,  they  had  been  redu- 
ced to  about  forty  men* 


CHAP.  VI.  CONNECTICUT.  99 

them  in  any  of  their  interests ;  but  that,  in  every  respect,  BOOK  I. 
they  would  keep  true  faith  with  them.  v-^-vx-* 

The  English  covenanted  to  protect  Momauguin  and  his  1638, 
Indians,  when  unreasonably  assaulted  and  terrified  by  other 
Indians ;  and  that  they  should  always  have  a  sufficient 
quantity  of  land  to  plant  on,  upon  the  east  side  of  the  har- 
bour,* between  that  and  Saybrook  fort.  They  also  cove- 
nanted, that  by  way  of  free  and  thankful  retribution,  they 
gave  unto  the  said  sachem,  and  his  council  and  company, 
twelve  coats  of  English  cloth,  twelve  alchymy  spoons, 
twelve  hatchets,  twelve  hoes,  two  dozen  of  knives,  twelve 
porringers,  and  four  cases  of  French  knives  and  scissors. t 

This  agreement  was  signed  and  legally  executed,  by 
Momauguin  and  his  council  on  the  one  part,  and  Theophi- 
lus  Eaton  and  John  Davenport  on  the  other.  Thomas 
Stanton,  who  was  the  interpreter,  declared  in  the  presence 
of  God,  that  he  had  faithfully  acquainted  the  Indians  with 
the  said  articles,  and  returned  their  answers. 

In  December  following,  they  made  another  purchase  of  Second 
a  large  tract,  which  lay  principally  north  of  the  former, 
This  was  of  Montowese,  son  of  the  great  sachem  at  Malta- 
beseck.     This  tract  was  ten  miles  in  length,  north  and 
south,  and  thirteen  miles  in  breadth.     It  extended  eight 
miles  east  of  the  river  Quinnipiack,  and  five  miles  west  of  Tract  pur* 
it  towards  Hudson's  river.     It  included  all  the  lands  with-  chased- 
in  the  ancient  limits  of  the  old  towns  of  New-Haven,  Bran- 
ford,  and  Wallingford,  and  almost  the  whole  contained  in 
the  present  limits  of  those  towns,  and  of  the  towns  of  East- 
Haven,  Woodbridge,  Cheshire,  Hamden,  and  North-Ha- 
ven.]:    These  have  since  been  made  out  of  the  three  old 
towns. 

The  New-Haven  adventurers  were  the  most  opulent 
company  which  came  into  New-England,  and  they  design^ 
ed  to  plant  a  capital  colony.  They  laid  out  their  town  plat 
in  squares,  designing  it  for  a  great  and  elegant  city.  In 
the  centre  was  a  large,  beautiful  square.  This  was  encom- 
passed with  others,  making  nine  in  the  whole. 

The  first  principal  settlers  were  Theophilus  Eaton,  Esq. 
Mr.  Davenport,  Mr.  Samuel  Eaton,  Mr.  Thomas  Gregson, 
Mr.  Robert  Newman,  Mr.  Matthew  Gilbert,  Mr.  Nathaniel 
Turner,  Mr.  Thomas  Fugill,  Mr.  Francis  Newman.  Mr. 
Stephen  Goodyear,  and  Mr.  Joshua  Atwater. 

Mr.  Eaton  had  been  deputy-governor  of  the  East  India^ 

*  This  was  in  the  present  town  of  East-Haven. 

t  Records  of  New-Haven. 

J  For  this  last  tract  of  ten  miles  north  and  south,  and  thirteen  east  and 
•^est,  the  English  gave  thirteen  coats,  and  allowed  the  Indians  ground  to 
plant,  and  liberty  to. hunt  within  tl»e  loads.  Records  of  New-Haven, 


100  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VJ, 

BOOK  I.  company,  and  was  three  years  himself  in  the  East  Indies. 

\-*'~v--w  He  served  the  company  so  well,  that  he  received  from  them 

1638.     presents  of  great  value.     He  had  been  on  an  embassy 

from  the  court  of  England  to  the  king  of  Denmark.     He 

was-  a  London  merchant,  who  had,  for  many  years,  traded 

to  the  East  Indies,  had  obtained  a  great  estate,  and  brought 

over  a  large  sum  of  money  into  New-England.  t     Others 

were  merchants  of  fair  estates,  and  they  designed  to  have 

been  a  great  trading  city. 

There  appears  no  act  of  civil,  military,  OJT  ecclesiastical 
authority,  during  the  first  year;  nor  is  there  any  appear- 
ance, that  this  colony  was  ever  straitened  for  bread,  as  the 
other  colonies  had  been. 

Mr.  Prudden,  and  his  company,  who  came  with  Mr.  Da- 
venport, continued  the  first  summer  at  Quinnipiack,  and 
were  making  preparations  for  the  settlement  of  another 
-township. 

When  Mr.  Davenport  removed  to  Quinnipiack,  Mr. 
Hopkins  came  to  Hartford,  and  soon  after  incorporated 
with  the  settlers  of  Connecticut. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  three  towns  upon  Connecticut 

river,  finding  themselves  without  the  limits  of  the  Massa- 

chusetts patent,  conceived  the  plan  of  forming  themselves, 

by  voluntary  compact,  into  a  distinct  commonwealth. 

Theorid-       ^n  tne  *4th  °^  January,  1639,j  all    the  free   planters 

nalconsti-  convened  at  Hartford,  and,  on  mature  deliberation,  adopt- 

tutionof     e(]  a  constitution  of  government.     They  introduce  their 

cuTjan*1'  constitution,  with  a  declaration  to  this  effect,  That  for  the 

14th  1639.  establishment  of  order  and  government,   they  associated, 

and  conjoined  themselves  to  be  one  public  state  or  com- 

monwealth; and  did,  for  themselves  and  successors,  and 

such  as  should  be,  at  any  time,  joined  to  them,  confederate 

together,  to  maintain  the  liberty  and  purity  of  the  gospel, 

which  they  professed,  and  the  discipline  of  the  churches, 

according  to  its  institution  ;  and  in  all  civil  affairs,  to  be 

governed  according  to  such  laws,  as  should  be  made  agree- 

ably to  the  constitution,   which  they  were  then  about  to 


Two  gene- 

rai  assem-       1  he  constitution,   which  then  iollows,   ordains,    1  hat 

biles  annu-  there  shall  be,  annually,  two  general  courts,  or  assemblies  ; 

I'  t  The  tradition  is,  that  he  brought  to  New-Haven  a  very  great  estate, 

in  plate  and  money.  The  East  India  company  made  his  wife  a  present  of 
a  bason  and  ewer,  double  gilt,  and  curiously  wrought  with  gold,  weighing 
more  than  sixty  pounds. 

^  This  stands  on  the  records  of  the  colony,  January  14th,  1638,  which  is 
owing  to  the  manner  of  dating  at  that  time.  The  first  settlers  of  the  col- 
ony, began  their  year  on  the  25th  of  March  ;  and  until  this  time,  they  da- 
ted 1638  ;  but  it  was  most  evidently  1639,  as  the  December  preceding, 
y*s  ICSii,  and  the  April  following,  1639. 


CHAP.  VI,  CONNECTICUT.  101 

one  on  the  second  Thursday  in  April,  and  -the  other  on  the  BOOK  I. 
second  Thursday  in  September :  That  the  first,  shall  be  ^^~^~>*s 
the  court  of  election,  in  which  shall  be  annually  chosen,    1638. 
at  least,  six  magistrates,  and  all  other  public  officers.     It  How  con* 
ordains,  that  a  governor  should  be  chosen,   distinct  from  Posed- 
the  six  magistrates,  for  one  year,  and  until  another  should 
be  chosen  and  sworn :  and  that  the  governor  and  magis- 
trates should  be  sworn  to  a  faithful  execution  of  the  laws 
of  the  colony,  and  in  cases  in  which  there  was  no  express 
law  established,,  to  be  governed  by  the  divine  word.     A- 
greeably  to  the  constitution,  the  choice  of  these  officers 
was  to  be  made  by  the  whole  body  of  the  freemen,  conven- 
ed in  general  election.     It.  provided,  that  all  persons,  who 
had  been  received  as  members  of  the  several  towns,  by  a  Officer? 
majority  of  the  inhabitants,  and  had  taken  the  oath  of  fidel- how  ch<£ 
ity  to  the  commonwealth,  should  be  admitted  freemen  of 
the  colony.     It  required,  that  the  governor  and  magistrates 
should  be  elected  by  ballot  •,  the  governor  by  the  greatest 
number  of  votes,  and  the  magistrates  by  a  majority.     How- 
ever, it  provided,  that  if  it  should  so  happen,  at  any  time, 
that  six  should  not  have  a  majority,"  that  in  such'case,  those 
who  had  the  greatest  number  of  suffrages,  should  stand  as 
duly  elected  for  that  year.     No  person  might  be  governor, 
unless  he  were  a  member  of  some  regular  church,  and  had 
previously  beep  a  magistrate  in  the  colony.     Nor   could 
any  man  be  elected  to  the  office,   more  than  once  in  two 
years.     No  one  could  be  chosen  into  the  magistracy  who 
was  not  a  freeman  of  the  colony,  and  had  been  nominated, 
either  by  the  freemen,  or  the  general  court.     The  assem- 
bly were  authorised  to  nominate,  in  cases  in  which  they  „ 
•    i       i     -^  v  XT   •*!  i_  •      Governor 

judged   it  expedient.     Neither  the  governor,  nor  magis-  ancl  magia 

trates,  might  execute  any  part  of  their  office  until  they  had  trates  to 
been  publicly  sworn,  in  the  face  of  the  General  Assembly.  be  sworn. 

The  constitution  also  ordained,  that  the  several  towns 
should  send  their  respective  deputies  to  the  election  :  and  Assemblies 
that  when  it  was  finished,  they  should  proceed  to  do  any  h™  ^on" 
public  service,  as  at  any  other  courts  :  and,  that  the  as- 
sembly, in  September,  should  be  for  the  enacting  of  laws, 
and  other  public  services.  It  authorised  the  governor,  ei- 
ther by  himself  or  his  secretary,  to  issue  his  warrants  for 
calling  the  assemblies,  one  month  at  least,  before  the  time 
of  their  appointed  meetings.  .  Upon  particular  emergen- 
cies, he  might  convene  them  in  seventeen  days,  or  even  up- 
on shorter  notice,  stating  the  reasons  in  his  warrant.  Up= 
on  the  reception  of  the  governor's  warrants,  in  April  and 
September,  the  constables  of  the  respective  towns  were 
obliged  to  warn  all  the  freemen  to  elect  and  send  theis 
Deputies, 


102  HISTORY  OP  GHAP.  VL 

BOOK  I.      The  constitution  ordained,  that  the  three  towns  of  Wind? 
\^-v~x*/  sor,  Hartford  ard  Weathersfield,  should  each  of  them  send 
1639.     four  deputies  to  every  general  court;  and,  that  the  other 
Number  of  towns,  which  should  be  added  to  the  colony  in  future, 
deputies  to  should  send  such  a  number  as  the  court  should  determine, 
proportionate  to  the  body  of  their  freemen.     The  constitu- 
tion declared  the  deputies  to  be  vested  with  the  whole 
Powers  of  power  of  the  respective  towns  which  they  represented.     It 
the  house    authorised  them  to  meet  separately,  and  determine  their 
own  e^ec^ons?  to   fine   any  person  who  should  obtrude 
himself  upon  them,  when  he  had  not  been  duly  chosen,  and 
to  fine  any  of  their  members  for  disorderly  conduct,  when, 
they  were  assembled. 

Constables  Further,  the  constitution  provided,  that  in  case  the  gov- 
to  convoke  ernor  and  the  major  part  of  the  magistrates  should,  upon 
any  urgent  occasion,  neglect  or  refuse  to  call  an  assembly, 
the  freemen  should  petition  them  to  summon  one ;  and, 
if,  upon  the  petition  of  a  major  part  of  the  freemen  in  the 
colony,  they  still  refused  or  neglected,  then  the  constables 
of  the  several  towns  should,  upon  the  petition  of  the  major 
part  of  the  freemen,  convoke  an  assembly.  It  also  or- 
dained, that  when  this  assembly  was  convened,  it  should 
have  power  of  choosing  a  moderator;  and  when  it  was 
thus  formed,  should  exercise  all  the  powers  of  any  other 
general  assembly.  Particularly  it  was  authorised  to  call 
any  court,  magistrate,  or  any  other  person  before  it,  and  to 
displace,  or  inflict  penalties  according  to  the  nature  of  the 
offence. 

All  general  assemblies,  called  by  the  governor,  were, 
to  consist  of  the  governor,  four  magistrates,  and  the  major 
part  of  the  deputies.  When  there  was  an  equal  vote,  the. 
governor  had  a  casting  voice.  The  constitution  also  pro- 
vided, that  no  general  court  should  be  adjourned  or  dissolv- 
ed, without  the  consent  of  a  major  part  of  the  members  : 
and  that,  whenever  a  tax  was  laid  upon  the  inhabitants, 
the  sum  to  be  paid  by  each  town  should  be  determined 
by  a  committee,  consisting  of  an  equal  number  from  each 
of  the  respective  towns. 

The  form  of  oaths  to  be  administered  to  the  governor  and 
magistrates  was  also  adopted  in  the  general  convention  of 
the  free  planters.  This,  for  substance,  was  the  original 
constitution  of  Connecticut.* 

With  such  wisdom  did  our  venerable  ancestors  provide 
for  the  freedom  and  liberties  of  themselves  and  their  pos- 
terity.    Thus  happily   did  they  guard  agaisst  every  en- 
croachment on  the  rights  of  the  subject.     This,  probably-} 
*  Appendix,,  No.  Ill-, 


£HAP.  VI.  CONNECTICUT.  103 

is   one  of  the  most  free  and  happy    constitutions  of  civil  BOOK  I; 
government  whicfe  has  ever  been  formed.     The  formation  s-x-v-%^ 
of  it,  at  so  early  a  period,  when  the  light  of  liberty  was    1639; 
wholly  darkened  in  most  parts  of  the  earth,  and  the  rights 
of  men  were  so  little  understood  in  others,  does  great  hon- 
or to  their  ability,  integrity,  and  love  to  mankind.     To 
posterity  indeed,  it  exhibited  a  most  benevolent  regard; 
It  has  continued,  with  little  alteration,  to  the  present  time. 
The  happy  consequences  of  it,  which,  for  more  than  a  cen- 
tury and  half,  the  people  of  Connecticut  have  experienced, 
are  without  description. 

Agreeably  to  the  constitution,  the  freemen  convened  at  General 
Hartford,  on  the  second  Thursday  in  April,   and  elected  Election  at 

,L    •       az  c      *u  •    ~  Hartford 

their  officers  for  the  year  ensuing.  ^e  gecon,i 

John  Haynes,  Esq.  was  chosen  governor,   and  Roger  Thursday 
Ludlow,    George    Wyllys,    Edward    Hopkins,    Thomas in  APril- 
Wells,  John  Webster  and  William  Phelps,  Esquires,  were 
chosen  magistrates.     Mr.  Ludlow,  the  first  of  the  six  mag- 
istrates, was  deputy  governor.     Mr.  Hopkins  was  chosen 
secretary,  and  Mr.  Wells  treasurer. 

The  deputies  sent  to  this  first  general  assembly,  in  Con- 
necticut, were  Mr.  John  Steele,  Mr.  Spencer,  Mr.  John 
Pratt,  Mr.  Edward  Stebbins,  Mr.  Gaylord,  Mr.  Hemy 
Wolcott,  Mr.  Stoughton,  Mr.  Ford,  Mr.  Thurston  Rayner, 
Mr.  James  Boosy,  Mr.  George  Hubbard,  and  Mr.  Rich- 
ard Crab. 

The  general  assembly  proceeded  as  they  had  leisure,  Firsf  la^» 
and  as  occasion  required,  to  enact  a  system  of  laws.  The  ^j^l  °' 
laws  at  first  were  few,  and  time  was  taken  to  consider  and  * 
digest  them.  The  first  statute  in  the  Connecticut  code  is 
a  kind  of  declaration,  or  bill  of  rights.  It  ordains,  that  no 
man's  life  shall  be  taken  away ;  no  man's  honor  or  good 
name  be  stained,  no  man's  person  shall  be  arrested,  res- 
trained, banished,  dismembered,  nor  any  wise  punished : 
That  no  man  shall  be  deprived  of  his  wife  or  children  ;  no 
man's  goods  or  estate  shall  be  taken  away  from  him,  nor 
any  wise  endamaged,  under  colour  of  law,  or  countenance 
of  authority,  unless  it  should  be  by  the  virtue  of  somo 
express  law  of  the  colony  warranting  the  same,  establish- 
ed by  the  general  court,  and  sufficiently  published  ;  or  in 
case  of  the  defect  of  such  law,  in  aoy  particular  case,  by 
some  clear  and  plain  rule  of  the  word  of  God,  in  which  the 
whole  court  shall  concur.!  It  was  also  ordained  that  all 
persons  in  the  colony,  whether  inhabitants  or  not,  should 
enjoy  the  same  law  and  justice  without  partiality  or  delay. 
These  general  precepts  bore  the  same  aspect,  and  breath^- 
t  Old  code  of  C<M»aectigut, 


164  HISTORY  OP  CHAP.  VI, 

BOOK  I.  ed  the  same  spirit  of  liberty  and  safety,  with  respect  to 
*~*^s~^  the  subjects  universally,  which  is  exhibited  in  the  consti- 
1639.     tution. 

The  planters  of  Quinnipiack  continued  more  than  a 
year  without  any  civil  or  religious  constitution,  or  corn- 
pact,  further  than  had  been  expressed  in  their  plantation 
covenant. 

Meanwhile,  Mr.  Henry  Whitfielcf,  William  Leet,  Esq. 
Samuel  Desborough,  Robert  Kitchel,  William  Chittenden 
and  others,  who  were  part  of  Mr.  Davenport's  and  Mr. 
Eaton's  company,  arrived  to  assist  them  in  their  new  set- 
tlement. These  were  principally  from  Kent  and  Surry, 
in  the  vicinity  of  London.  ]Vlr.  Whitfield's  people,  like 
Mr.  Davenport's,  followed  him  into  New-England.  There 
were  now  three  ministers,  with  many  of  the  members  of 
their  former  churches  and  congregations,  collected  in  this 
infant  colony,  and  combined  in  the  same  general  agree-1 
ment. 

.tune  4th,        Qn  the  4th  of  June,  all  the  free  planters  at  Quinnipiack 
planters6    convened  in  a  large  barn  of  Mr.  Newman's,  and,  in  a  very 
at  Quinni-  formal  and  solemn  manner,  proceeded  to  lay  the  founda- 
piack,  as-  tions  of  their  civil  and  religious  polity* 
forma*0        Mr.  Da venport  introduced  (he  business,  by  a   sermon 
constitu-     from   the   words   of  the  royal  preacher,  "  Wisdom  hath 
tk>n.          builded  her  house,  she  hath  hewn  out  her  seven  pillars. " 
His  design  was  to  show,  that  the  church,  the  house  of  God, 
should  be  formed  of  seven  pillars,  or  principal  brethren, 
to  whom  all  the  other  members  of  the  church  should  be 
added.     After  a  solemn  invocation  of  the  Divine  Majesty, 
he  proceeded  to  represent  to  the  planters,  that  they  were 
met  to  consult  respecting  the  settlement  of  civil  govern- 
ment according  to  the  will  of  God,  and  for  the  nomination 
of  persons,  who,   by  universal  consent,  were,   in  all  res- 
pects the  best  qualified  for  the  foundation  work  of  a  church* 
He  enlarged  on  the  great  importance  of  the  transactions 
before  them,  and  desired,  that  no  man  would  give  his  voice, 
in  any   matter,  until  he  fully  understood  it ;  and,  that  all 
would  act,  without  respect  to  any  man,  but  give  their  vote 
in  the  fear  of  God.     He  then  proposed  a  number  of  ques- 
tions in  consequence  of  which  the  following  resolutions 
were  passed. 

Its  fumla-       I.  That  the  scriptures  hold  forth  a  perfect  rule  for  the 
mental  ar-  direction  and  government  of  all  men  in  all  duties  which 
they  are  to  perform  to  God  and  men,  as  well  in  families 
and  commonwealth,  as  in  matters  of  the  church. 

II.  That  as  in  matters  which  concerned  the  gathering 
and  ordering  of  a  church,  so  likewise  in  all  public  office^ 


CHAP.  VI.  CONNECTICUT.  10 

which  concern  civil  order,  as  the  choice  of  magistrates  and  BOOK  I. 
officers,  making  and  repealing  laws,  dividing  allotments  of^^-N/'-w 
inheritance,  and  all  things  of  like  nature,   they  would  all     1639. 
be  governed  by  those  rules,  which  the  scripture  held  forth 
to  them. 

III.  "  That  all  those  who  had  desired  to  be  received  as 
free  planters,  had.settled  in  the  plantation,  with  a  purpose, 
resolution  and   desire,  that  they  might  be  admitted  into 
church  fellowship  according  to  Christ." 

IV.  "  That  all  the  free  planters  held  themselves  bound 
to  establish  such  civil  order  as  might  best  conduce  to  the 
securing  of  the  purity  and  peace  of  the  ordinance  to  them- 
selves and  their  posterity  according  to  God." 

When  these  resolutions  had  been  passed  and  the  people 
nad  bound  themselves  to  settle  civil  government  according 
to  the  divine  word,  Mr.  Davenport  proceeded  to  represent 
UHto  them  what  men  they  must  choose  for  civil  rulers  ac- 
cording to  the  divine  word,  and  that  they  might  most  ef- 
fectually secure  to  them  and  their  posterity  a  just,  free  and 
peaceable  government.  Time  was  then  given  to  discuss 
and  deliberate  upon  what  he  had  proposed.  After  full  dis- 
eussion  and  deliberation  it  was  determined-^- 

V.  "  That  church  members  only  should  be  free  burgess*- 
es  ;  and  that  they  dnly  should  choose  magistrates  among- 
themselves,  to  have  power  of  transacting  all  the  public  civ- 
il affairs  of  the  plantation  :    Of  making  and  repealing  laws, 
dividing   inheritances,  deciding  of  differences  that  may 
arise,  and  doing  all  things  and  businesses  of  like  nature." 

That  civil  officers  might  be  chosen  and  government  pro- 
ceed according  to  these  resolutions,  it  was  necessary  that 
a  church  should  be  formed.  Without  this  there  could  be 
neither  freemen  nor  magistrates.  Mr.  Davenport  there- 
fore proceeded  to  make  proposals  relative  to  the  forma- 
tion of  it,  in  such  a  manner,  that  no  blemish  might  be  left 
on  the  "  beginnings  of  church  work."  It  was  then  re- 
solved to  this  effect, 

VL  "  That  twelve  men  should  be  chosen,  that  their  fit- 
ness for  the  foundation  work  might  be  tried,  and  that  it; 
should  be  in  the  power  of  those  twelve  men,  to  choose  sev- 
en to  begin  the  church." 

It  was  agreed  that  if  seven  men  could  not  be  found  among 
the  twelve  qualified  for  the  foundation  work,  that  such  other 
persons  should  be  taken  into  the  number,  upon  trial,*  as 
Should  be  judged  most  suitable.!  The  form  of  a  solemn 

*  Appendix  No.  IV. 

t  The  twelve  persons  chosen  for  trial,  out  of  whom  the  seven  pillars  of 
Ibe  hoiilre  were  choeen,  were  Theophilus  Eaton,  Jobn  Davenport,  Robert 


10$  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  V'f. 

BOOK  J.  charge,  or  oath,  was  drawn  up  and  agreed  upon  at  this  meet- 

s^-v-^/  ing  to  be  given  to  all  the  freemen. 

1639'.  Further,  it  was  ordered,  that  all  persons,  who  should  be 
received  as  free  planters  of  that  corporation,  should  sub- 
mit to  the  fundamental  agreement  above  related,  and  in 
testimony  of  their  submission  should  subscribe  their  names 

Ad£Hst22.  among  the  freemen.*  After  a  proper  term  of  trial,  Theo- 
philus  Eaton,  Esq.  Mr.  John  Davenport,  Robert  Newman, 
Matthew  Gilbert,  Thomas  Fugill,  John  Punderson  and 
Jeremiah  DLxon,  Were  chosen  for  the  seven  pillars  of  the 
church; 

General         October  25lh,  1639,  the  court,  as  it  is  termed,  consist- 

election  at  •      Qf  tnege  geven  persons  only,   convened,   and   after  a 

tfuinmpi-         v  t\       _  •»«•    •  i  i'  i 

ack,  Oct.   solemn  address  to  the  bupreme  Majesty,  they  proceeded 
25th,  1639.  to  form  the  body  of  freemen  and  to  elect  their  civil  officers. 
The  manner  was  indeed  singular  and  curious. 

In  the  first  place,  all  former  trust,  for  managing  the  pub- 
P1™06'  lie  affairs  of  the  plantation,  was  declared  to  cease,  and  be 
utterly  abrogated.  Then  all  those  who  had  been  admitted 
to  the  church  after  the  gathering  of  it,  in  the  choice  of  the 
seven  pillars,  and  all  the  members-  of  other  approved 
churches,  who  desired  it,  and  offered  themselves,  were  ad- 
mitted members  of  the  court.  A  solemn  charge  was  then 
publicly  given  them,  to  the  same  effect  as  the  freemen's 
charge,  or  oath,  which  they  had  previously  adopted.  The 
purport  of  this  was  nearly  the  same  with  the  oath  of  fideli- 
ty, and  with  the  freemen's  administered  at  the  present 
time.  Mr.  Davenport  expounded  several  scriptures  to 
them,  describing  the  character  of  civil  magistrates  given 
in  the  sacred  oracles.  To  this  succeeded  the  election  of 
officers.  Theophilus  Eaton,  Esq.  was  chosen  governor, 
Mr.  Robert  Newman,  Mr.  Matthew  Gilbert,  Mr.  Nathan- 
iel Turner,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Fugill,  were  chosen  magis- 
trates. Mr.  Fugill  was  also  chosen  secretary,  and  Robert 
Seely,  marshal. 

Charge  to  Mr.  Davenport  gave  governor  Eaton  a  charge  in  open 
GOT.  Ea-  court,  from  Deut.  i.  16,  17.  "  And  1  charged  your  judges 
at  that  time,  saying,  Hear  the  causes  between  your  breth- 
ren, and  judge  righteously  between  every  man  and  his 
brother,  and  the  stranger  that  is  with  him.  Ye  shall  not 
respect  persons  in  judgment,  but  ye  shall  hear  the  small  as 
well  as  the  great ;  ye  shall  not  be  afraid  of  the  face  of  man  ; 
for  the  judgment  is  God's  :  and  the  cause  that  is  too  hard 
for  you,  bring  it  unto  me,  and  I  will  hear  it." 
Newman,  Matthew  Gilbert,  Richard  Malbon,  Nathaniel  Turner,  Ezekiel 
Chevers,  Thomas  Fugill,  John  Punderson,  William  Andrews  and  Jeremiah 
Dixon. 

*  Sixty-three  subscribed  on  the  4th  day  of  June,  and  there  were  added 
so6n  after  about  fifty  other  names. 


CHAP.  vi.  CONNECTICUT.  10? 

It  was  decreed.,  by  the  freemen,  that  there  should  be  a  BOOK  I. 
general  court  annually,  in  the  plantation,  on  the  last  week  V^-N/~X^ 
in  October.     This   was  ordained  a  court  of  election   in     1633. 
which  all  the   officers  of  the  colony  were  _  to  be  chosen. 
This  court  determined,  that  the  word  of  God  should  be  the 
only  rule   for  ordering  the  affairs  of  government  in   that 
commonwealth. 

This  was  the  original,  fundamental  constitution  of  the 
government  of  New-Haven.  All  government  was  original- 
ly in  the  church,  and  the  members  of  the  church  elected 
the  governor,  magistrates,  and  all  other  officers.  The 
magistrates,  at  first,  were  no  more  than  assistants  of  the 
governor,  they  might  not  act  in  any  sentence  or  determi- 
nation of  the  court.*  No  deputy  governor  was  chosen, 
nor  were  any  laws  enacted  except  the  general  resolutions 
which  have  been  noticed  ;  but  as  the  plantation  enlarged, 
and  new  towns  were  settled,  new  orders  were  given ;  the 
general  court  received  a  new  form,  laws  were  enacted,  and 
the  civil  polity  of  this  jurisdiction  gradually  advanced,  in 
its  essential  parts,  to  a  near  resemblance  of  the  govern- 
ment of  Connecticut. 

While  these  affairs  were  transacted  at  Quinnipiack,  plan-  MilfoFd 
tations    commenced    at   Wopowage   and    Menunkatuck.  ^rd    "'/ 
Wopowage  was  purchased  February  12th,  1639,t  and  Me-  chased  and 
nunkatuck  the  September  following.     Both  were  settled  settled, 
this  year.     The  churches  of  Mr,  Prudden  and  Mr.  Whit- 
field  were  both  formed  upon  the  plan  of  Mr.  Davenport's  ; 
each  consisting  of  seven  principal  men,  or  pillars.     They 
appear  to  have  been  gathered  at  the  same  time.     The  plan-  Ayg.  2W, 
ters  were  in  the  original  agreement  made  in  Mr.  Newman's 
barn,  on  the  4th  of  June.     The  principal  men,  or  pillars  in 
the  town  of  Wopowage,  were  Mr.  Peter  Prudden,  William 
Fowler,  Edmund   Tapp,   Zechariah   Whitman,    Thomas 
Buckingham,   Thomas  Welch,   and  John  Astwood.     The 
principal  planters  of  Menunkatuck,  were  Henry  Whitfield, 
Robert  Kitchel,  William  Leet,  Samuel  Desborough,  Will- 
iam Chittenden,  John  Bishop,   and  John  Caffinge.     The 
lands  in  Milford  and  Guilford,  as  well  as  in  New-Haven, 
were  purchased  by  these  principal  men,  in  trust,  for  all  the 
inhabitants  of  the  respective  towns.     Every  planter,  after 
paying   his  proportionable  part  of  the  expenses,  arising 
from  laying  out  and  settling  the  plantation,  drew  a  lot  or 
lots  of  land,  in  proportion  to  the  money  or  estate  which  he 
had  expended  in  the  general  purchase,  and  to  the  number 

*  Records  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven. 

i  On  tfee  records  it  was  1638.  but  according  to  the  present  mode  o* 
dating  1639. 


10*  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VI. 

BOOK  I.  of  heads  in  his  family.     These  principal  men  were  judges 
v-x-v^x^  in  the  respective  towns,  composing  a  court,  to  judge  be- 
1639.    tween  man  and  man,  divide  inheritances  and  punish  of- 
fences according  to  the  written  word,  until  a  body  of  laws 
should  be  established. 

Most  of  the  principal  settlers  of  Milford  were  from 
Weathersfield.*  They  first  purchased  of  the  Indians  all 
that  tract  which  lies  between  New-Haven  and  Stratford 
river,  and  between  the  sound  on  the  south,  and  a  stream 
called  two  mile  brook  on  the  north,  which  is  the  boundary 
line  between  Milford  and  Derby.  This  tract  comprised 
all  the  lands  within  the  old  town  of  Milford,  and  a  small 
part  of  the  town  of  Woodbridge.  The  planters  made 
other  purchases  which  included  a  large  tract  on  the  west 
side  of  Stratford  river,  principally  in  the  tov,rn  of  Hunting- 
ton.  In  the  first  town  meeting  in  Milford,  the  number  of 
free  planters,  or  of  church  members,  was  forty  four. 

The  Indians  were  so  numerous  in  this  plantation,  that 
the  English  judged  it  necessary  for  their  own  safety,  to. 
compass  the  whole  town  plat,  including  nearly  a  mile 
square,  with  a  fortification.  It  was  so  closely  inclosed 
with  strong  pallisadoes,  as  entirely  to  exclude  the  Indians, 
from  that  part  of  the  town. 

The  purchasers  of  Guilford  agreed  with  the  Indians, 
that  they  should  move  off  from  the  lands,  which  they  had 
purchased.  According  to  agreement  they  soon  all  remov- 
ed from  the  plantation. 

The  number  of  the  first  free  planters  appears  to  have 
been  about  forty.  They  were  all  husbandmen.  There 
was  not  a  merchant,  nor  scarcely  a  mechanic  among  them. 
It  was  at  great  expense  and  trouble  that  they  obtained 
even  a  blacksmith  to  settle  in  the  plantation.  As  they 
were  from  Surry  and  Kent,  they  took  much  pains  to  find  a 
tract  of  land  resembling  that  from  which  they  had  remov- 
ed. They  therefore  finally  pitched  upon  Guilford,  which, 
toward  the  sea,  where  they  made  the  principal  settlement, 
was  low,  moist,  rich  land,  liberal  indeed  to  the  husband- 
man. Especially  the  great  plain  south  of  the  town.  This 
had  been  already  cleared  and  enriched  by  the  natives. 
The  vast  quantities  of  shells  and  manure,  which,  in  a 
course  of  ages,  they  had  brought  upon  it  from  the  sea, 
had  contributed  much  to  the  natural  richness  of  the  soil. 
There  were  also  nearly  adjoining  to  this,  several  necks,  or 
points  of  land,  near  the  sea,  clear,  rich  and  fertile,  pre- 
pared for  immediate  improvement.  These,  with  the  in- 

*  Mr.  Prudden  it  seems  preached  at  Weathersfie'd,  the  summer  before 
-the  people  removed  te  Milford,. 


CHAP.  \%  CONNECTICUT. 

dustry  of  the  inhabitants,  soon  afforded  them  a  comforta-  BOOK   I. 
ble  subsistence.* 

At  the  same  time  when  these  settlements  commenced,    1639. 
two  new  ones  were  made  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Con- 
necticut. 

Mr.  Ludlow,  who  went  with  the  troops  in  pursuit  of  the  Mr. 
Pequots,  to  Sasco,t  the  great  swamp  in  Fairfield,  was  so 
pleased  with  that  fine  tract  of  country,  that  he  soon  pro-  tie  Fai»- 
jected  the  scheme  of  a  settlement  in  that  part  of  the  colo-  field, 
ny.  This  year,  he,  with  a  number  of  others,  began  a 
plantation  at  Unquowa,  which  was  the  Indian  name  of  the 
town.  At  first  there  were  but  about  eight  or  ten  families. 
These,  probably,  removed  from  Windsor,  with  Mr.  Lud- 
low,  who  was  the  principal  planter.  Very  soon  after, 
another  company  came  from  Watertown  and  united  with 
Mr.  Ludlow  and  the  people  from  Windsor.  A  third  com' 
pany  removed  into  the  plantation  from  Concord  ;  so  that 
the  inhabitants  soon  became  numerous,  and  formed  them- 
selves into  a  distinct  township,  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
Connecticut.  The  first  adventurers  purchased  a  large 
tract  of  land  of  the  natives,  and  soon  after  Connecticut  ob- 
tained charter  privileges,  the  general  assembly  gave  them 
a  patent.  The  township  comprises  "the  four  parishes  of 
Fairfield,  Green's  farms,  Greenfield  and  Reading;  and 
part  of  the  parish  of  Stratfield.  The  lands  in  this  tract  are 
excellent,  and  at  an  early  period  the  town  became  weal- 
thy and  respectable* 

Settlements  commenced  the  same  year  at  Cupheag  and  Set<le" 
Pughquonnuck,  since  named  Stratford.     That  part  which  sf^tfor 
contains  the  town  plat,  and  lies  upon  the  river,  was  called  or  Cup- 
Cupheag,  and  the  western  part,  bordering  on   Fairfield,  heas- 
Pughquonnuck.     It  appears  that  settlements  were  made  in 
both  these  places  at  the  same  time.     Mr.  Fairchild,  who 
was  a  principal  planter,  and  the  first  gentleman  in  the  town 
vested  with  civil  authority,  came  directly  from  England. 
Mr.  John  and  Mr.  William  Curtiss  and  Mr.  Samuel  Haw- 
ley  were  from  Roxbury,  and  Mr.  Joseph  Judson  and  Mr. 
Timothy   Wilcoxson    from  Concord,    in    Massachusetts. 
These  were  the   first  principal  gentlemen  in  the  town  and 
church  of  Stratford.     A  few  years  after  the  settlement  com- 
menced, Mr.  John  Birdseye   removed  from  Milford,  and 
became  a  man  of  eminence  both  in  the  town  and  church. 
There  were  also  several  of  the  chief  planters  from  Boston, 
and  Mr.  Samuel  Wells,  with  his  three  sons,  John,  Thomas 

'  Manuscripts  of  Mr.  Rubles, 

t  It  has  also  been  called  Pequot  swamp,  on  the  account  of  Oie  mejnora  _ 
jj^e  battk  frwjjht  hi  this  place  with  the  Pequots, 


110  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VI. 

BOOK  I.  and  Samuel,  from  Weathersfield.     Mr.  Adam  Blackmail, 
v.x->^«n»/  who  had  been  episcopally  ordained   in  England,  and  a 
1639.    preacher  of  some  note,  first  at  Leicester,  and  afterwards 
in  Derbyshire,  was  their  minister,  and  one  of  the  first  plant- 
ers.    It  is  said,  that  he  was  followed  by  a  number  of  the 
faithful  into  this  country,  to  whom  he  was  so  dear,  that  they 
said  to  him,  in  the  language  of  Ruth,  "  Intreat  us  not  to 
leave  thee,  for  whither  thou  goest  we  will  go  ;  thy  people 
shall  be  our  people,  and  thy  God  our  God."  These,  doubt- 
less, collected  about  him  in  this  infant  settlement. 

The  whole  township  was  purchased  of  the  natives ;  but, 
at  first,  Cupheag  and  Pughquonnuck  only,  where  the  set- 
tlements began.  The  purchase  was  not  completed  until 
1672.  There  was  a  ^reservation  of  good  lands  at  Pugh- 
quonnuck, Golden  hill,  and  another  place,  called  Coram, 
for  the  improvement  of  the  Indians. 

The  town  is  bounded  upon  the  east  by  the  Housatonick, 
or  Stratford  river ;  on  the  south  by  the  Sound  ;  by  Fair- 
iield  on  the  west;  and  Newtown  on  the  north.  It  com- 
prises these  four  parishes,  Stratford,  Ripton,  North-Strat- 
ford and  New-Stratford,  and  a  considerable  part  of  Strat- 
field.  The- lands  in  this  town,  like  those  in  Fairfield,  are 
good,  and  its  situation  is  exceedingly  beautiful  and  agree- 
able. 

While  these  plantations  were  forming  in  the  south-west- 
ern part  of  Connecticut,  another  commenced  on  the  west 
side  of  the  mouth  of  Connecticut  river.  A  fort  had  been 
built  here  in  1635  and  1636,  and  preparations  had  been 
made  for  the  reception  of  gentlemen  of  quality ;  but  the 
war  with  the  Pequots,  the  uncultivated  state  of  the  country, 
and  the  low  condition  of  the  colony,  prevented  the  coniint; 
of  any  principal  character  from  England,  to  take  posses- 
sion of  a  township,  and  make  settlements  in  this  tract.  Un- 
til this  time,  there  had  been  only  a  garrison  of  about  twen- 
ty men  in  the  place.  They  had  made  some  small  improve- 
ment of  the  lands,  and  erected  a  few  buildings  in  the  vi- 
cinity of  the  fort ;  but  there  had  been  no  settlement  of  a 
plantation  with  civil  priviliges.  But  about  midsummer, 
Mr.  George  Fenwick,  with  his  lady  and  family,  arrived  in 
a  ship  of  250  tons.  Another  ship  came  in  company  with 
him.  They  were  both  for  Quinnipiack.  Mr.  Fenwick 
and  others,  came  over  with  a  view  to  take  possession  of  a 
large  tract  upon  the  river,  in  behalf  of  their  lordships,  the 
original  patentees,  and  to  plant  a  town  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river.  A  settlement  was  soon  made,  and  named  Saybrook, 
in  honour  to  their  lordships,  Say  and  Seal  and  Brook.  Mr. 
Fenwick,  Mr.  Thomas  Peters,  who  was  the  first  minislei- 


CHAP.  vi.  CONNECTICUT.  in 

in  the  plantation,  captain  Gardiner,  Thomas  Leffingwell,  BOOK  I. 
Thomas  Tracy,  and  captain  John  Mason,  were  some  ofv^x-v**^ 
the  principal  planters.  Indeed,  the  Huntingtons,  Bald-  1637. 
v/ins,  Reynolds's,  Backus's,  Bliss's,  Watermans,  Hydes, 
Posts,  Smiths,  and  almost  all  the  names  afterwards  to  be 
found  at  Norwich,  were  among  the  first  inhabitants  of  Say- 
brook.  The  government  of  the  town  was  entirely  inde- 
pendent of  Connecticut,  for  nearly  ten  years,  until  after 
ihe  purchase  made  of  Mr.  Fenwick,  in  1644.  It  was  first 
taxed  by  the  colony  in  the  October  session,  1645 ;  and  it 
appears  by  the  tax  imposed,  that  the  proportion  of  the 
towns  of  Hartford,  Windsor,  and  Weathersfield,  were  to 
this,  as  six  to  one.  The  plantation  did  not  increase  to  any 
considerable  degree  until  about  the  year  1646.  when  Mr. 
James  Fitch,  a  famous  young  gentleman,  was  ordained  to 
the  pastoral  care  of  the  church  and  congregation ;  and  a 
considerable  number  of  families  from  Hartford  and  Wind- 
sor removed  and  made  settlements  in  the  town.  Its  origi- 
nal boundaries  extended  eastward  five  miles  beyond  the 
river,  and  from  its  mouth  northward  six  miles ;  including 
a  considerable  part  of  the  town  of  Lyme.  Westward  they 
extended  to  Hammonasset,  the  Indian  name  of  the  tract 
comprised  in  the  limits  of  Killingworth,  and  north  eight 
miles  from  the  sea.  Mr.  Fenwick  and  captain*  Mason 
"were  magistrates,  and  had  the  principal  government  of  the 
town. 

Great/difficulties  had  arisen  the  last  year,  between  the  Trouble? 
English  at  Pyquaug,  now  Weathersfield,  and  Sowheag  and  g^,6^ th~ 
his  Indians.     It  was  discovered,  that  some  of  the  Indians  with  the 
at  Pyquaug,  under  Sowheag,  had  been  aiding  the  Pequots  Indian*. 
in  the  destruction  which  they  had  made  there  the  prece- 
ding year,  and  were  instrumental  of  bringing  them  against 
the  town.     Sowheag  entertained  the  murderers,  and  treat- 
ed the  people  of  Weathersfield  with  haughtiness  and  insult. 
The  court  at  Connecticut,  on  hearing  the  differences,  de- 
termined, that,  as  the  English  at  Weathersfield,  had  been 
the  aggressors,  and  gave  the  first  provocation,  the  injuries 
which  Sowheag  had  done  should  be  forgiven,  and  that  he 
should,  on  his  good  conduct  for  the  future,  be  restored  to 
their  friendship.     Mr.  Stone  and  Mr.  Goodwin  were  ap- 
pointed a  committee  to  compromise  all  differences  with  Court  at 
Iiim.     However,  as  Sowheag  could  not,  by  any  arguments,  Connecti- 
or  fair  means,  be  persuaded  to  give  up  the  murderers,  but  s"n'  det^r- 
continued  his  outrages  against  the  English,  the  court,  this  mines  to 

dispatch 

*  Though  captain  Mason  was  appointed  major-general  of  the  militia  of  100  men  1o 
the  colony,  yet  he  was  always  called  captain,  or  major,  upon  the  records  ;  Mattabe- 
in  conformity  to  which  I  have  uniformly  given  him  those  title?.  sec'k. 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  vr. 

BOOK  I.  year,  determined,  that  a  hundred  men  should  be  sent  down 

v^-v-x^  to  Mattabeseck,  to  take  the  delinquents  by  force  of  arms. 

1639.     The  court  ordered,  that  their  friends  at  Quinnipiack  should 

be  certified  of  this  resolution,  that  they  might  adopt  the 

measures  necessary  for  the  defence  of  the  plantations.     It 

was,  also*  determined  to  have  their  advice  and  consent  in 

an  affair  of  such  general  concernment. 

New-Ha-       Governor  Eaton  and  his  council  fully  approved  of  the 
yen  ob-      design  of  bringing  the  delinquents  to  condign  punishment ; 
jects,  and  kut  they  disapproved  of  the  manner  proposed  by  Con- 
froreTthe8    nccticut.     They  feared  that  it  would  be  introductive  to  a 
design.       new  Indian  war.     This  they  represented  would  greatly 
endanger  the  new  settlements,  and  be  many  ways  injurious 
and  distressing.     They  wanted  peace,  all  their  men  and 
money,  to  prosecute  the  design  of  planting  the  country. 
They  represented  that  a  new  war  would  not  only  injure  the 
plantations  in  these  respects,  but  would  prevent  the  com- 
ing over  of  new  planters,  whom  they  expected  from  Eng- 
land.    They  were,  therefore,  determinately  against  seek- 
ing redress  by  an  armed  force.    Connecticut,  through  their 
influence",   receded  from  the  resolution  which  they  had 
formed  with  respect  to  Sowheag  and  Mattabeseck. 
Expedi-         Nevertheless,  as  the  Pequots  had  violated  their  cove- 
*•    tth   nan^  arRl  planted  at  Pawcatuck,  in  the  Pequot  country, 
Pequots,  6  tne  court  dispatched  major  Mason,  with  forty  men,  to  drive 
Beptem-     them  off,  burn  their  wigwams,  and  bring  away  their  corn.* 
**'•  Uncas,  with  a  hundred  men  and  twenty  canoes,  assisted  in 

the  cnterpri.se.  When  (hey  arrived  at  Pawcatuck  bay, 
major  Mason  met  with  three  of  the  Pequot  Indians,  and 
sent  them  to  inform  the  others  of  the  design  of  his  coming, 
and  what  he  should  do,  unless  they  would  peaceably  desert 
the  place.  They  promised  to  give  him  an  immediate  an- 
swer, but  never  returned. 

The  major  sailed  up  a  small  river,  landed,  and  beset  the 
wigwams  so  suddenly,  that  the  Indians  were  unable  to  car- 
ry  off  either  their  corn  or  treasures.  Some  of  the  old  men 
had  not  time  to  make  their  escape.  As  it  was  now  Indian 
harvest,  he  found  a  great  plenty  of  corn. 

Indian  While  Uncas's  Indians  were  plundering  the  wigwams^ 

fighting,  about  sixty  others  came  rushing  down  a  hill  towards  them. 
The  Moheagans  stood  perfectly  still,  and  spake  not  a  word, 
until  $ey  came  within  about  thirty  yards  of  them ;  thenr 
shouting  and  yelling,  in  their  terrible  manner,  they  ran  to 
meet  them,  and  fell  upon  them,  striking  with  bows,  and  cut- 
ting with  knives  and  hatchets,  in  their  mode  of  fighting. 
Indeed,  it  scarcely  deserved  the  name  of  fighting.  It,  how- 
*  Records  of  Connecticut 


CHAP.  VI.  CONNECTICUT.  jl  1 3 

ever,  afforded  something  new  and  amusing  to  the  English,  BOOK  1. 
as  they  were  now  spectators  of  an  Indian  battle.  The  ma-  wv>w 
jor  made  a  movement  to  out  off  their  retreat,  which  they  1639. 
perceived,  and  instantly  fled.  As  it  was  not  desired  to  kill, 
or  irritate  the  Indians  more  than  was  absolutely  necessary, 
the  English  made  no  fire  upon  them.  Seven  Indians  were 
taken.  They  behaved  so  outrageously,  that  it  was  de- 
signed to  take  off  their  heads  ;  but  one  Otash,  a  Narragan- 
set  sachem,  brother  to  Miantonimoh,  pleaded  that  they 
might  be  spared,  because  they  were  his  brother's  men,  who 
was  a  friend  to  the  English.  He  offered  to  deliver  the 
heads  of  so  many  murderers  in  lieu  of  them.  The  English, 
considering  that  no  blood  had  been  shed,  and  that  the  pro- 
posal tended  both  to  mercy  and  peace,  granted  the  request. 
The  Indians  were  committed  to  the  care  of  Uncas,  until  the 
conditions  should  be  performed. 

The  light  of  the  next  morning  no  sooner  appeared,  than 
the  English  discovered  three  hundred  Indians  in  arms,  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  creek  in  which  they  lay. 

Upon  this,  the  soldiers  immediately  stood  to  their  arras. 
The  Indians  were  alarmed  at  the  appearance  of  the  Eng- 
lish ;  some  fled,  and  others  secreted  themselves  behind 
rocks  and  trees,  so  that  a  man  of  them  could  not  be  seen. 
The  English  called  to  them,  representing  their  desire  of 
speaking  with  them.  Numbers  of  them  rose  up,  and  major 
Mason  acquainted  them  with  the  Pequots'  breach  of  cove- 
nant with  the  English,  as  they  were  not  to  settle  or  plant 
in  any  part  of  their  country.  The  Indians  replied,  that 
the  Pequots  were  good  men,  and  that  they  would  fight  for 
them,  and  protect  them.  Major  Mason  told  them  it  was 
not  far  to  the  head  of  the  creek  ;  that  he  would  meet  them 
there,  and  they  might  try  what  they  could  do  at  fighting. 
The  Indians  replied,  they  would  not  fight  with  English- 
men, for  they  were  spirits;  but  they  would  fight  with  Un- 
cas. The  major  assured  them,  that  he  should  spend  the 
day  in  burning  wigwams,  and  carrying  off  the  corn,  and 
they  might  fight  when  they  had  an  opportunity.  The  Eng- 
lish beat  up  their  drum,  and  fired  their  wigwams,  but  they 
dared  not  to  engage  them.  The  English  loaded  their  bark 
with  Indian  corn,  and  the  Indians  the  twenty  canoes  in 
which  they  passed  to  Pawcatuck,  and  thirty  more,  which 
they  took  from  the  Indians  there,  with  kettles,  trays,  mats, 
and  other  Indian  luggage,  and  returned  in  safety.* 

During  these  transactions  in  Connecticut,  the  Dutch,  at  Apprehe.n- 
New-Netherlands,  were  increasing  in  numbers  andtStrength.  sions  from 
A  new  governor.  William  Kieft,  a  man  of  ability  amd  en-  ^e  Dutch; 
*  Mason's  History. 


114  HISTORY  OF  CHTAP.  VL 

BOOK  I.  terprise,  had  arrived  at  their  seat  of  government.     Kieft 
^^^^^  had  prohibited  the  English  trade  at  the  fort  of  Good  Hope, 
1639.    in  Hartford,  and  protested  against  the  settlement  at  Quin- 
nipiack.*     These  circumstances  gave  some  alarm  to  the 
English  in  Connecticut.     The  court  at  Hartford  appointed 
a  committee  to  go  down  to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  to  con- 
sult with  Mr.  Fenwick,  relative  to  a  general  confederation 
of  the  colonies,  for  mutual  offence  and  defence.     The  de- 
puty-governor, Mr.  Ludlow,  Mr.  Thomas  Wells,  and  Mr, 
Aug.  15th.  Hooker,  went  upon  this  business.     They  were,  ajso,  in- 
structed to  confer  with  Mr.  Fenwick,  relative  to  the  patent. 
Attempts    rphe  court  approved  of  the  conduct  of  the  committee,  and, 
fai  union.6"  w*tn  resPect  to  tne  article  of  confederation,  declared  its 
willingness  to  enter  into  a  mutual  agreement  of  offence  and 
defence,  and  of  all  offices  of  love  between  the  colonies. 
Mr.  F"enwick  was  in  favour  of  an  union  of  the  New-Eng- 
land colonies.     With  respect  to  the  patent  of  the  river,  it 
was  agreed,  that  the  affair  should  rest,  until  the  minds  ol 
the  noblemen  and  gentlemen  particularly  interested,  could 
be  more  fully  known. 

Governor  Haynes  and  Mr.  Wells  were  appointed  to  re- 
pair to  Pughquonnuck,  and  administer  the  oath  of  fidelity 
to  the  inhabitants  ;  to  admit  such  of  them  as  were  qualified 
to  the  privileges  of  freemen  ;  and  to  appoint  officers  for  the 
town,  both  civil  and  military.  They  were,  also,  authorised 
to  invite  the  freemen  to  send  their  deputi€s  to  the  general 
courts  at  Hartford. t 

Oct.  10th,       At  an  adjourned  General  Assembly,  the  court  incorpo- 

towns  m-   rated  the  several  towns  in  the  colonies,  vesting  them  with 

ted!'0         foH  Powers  fo  transact  their  own  affairs.     It  was  enacted, 

that  they  should  have  power  to  choose,  from  among  them- 

Town        selves,  three,  five,  or  seven  of  their  principal  men,  to  be  a 

sUtuted"'   court  fot  each  town.     One  of  the  three,  five,  or  seven,  was 

to  be  chosen  moderator.     The  major  part  of  them,  always 

including  him,  constituted  a  quorum.     A  casting  voice  was 

allowed  him,  in  cases  in  which  there  was  an  equal  division. 

He,  or  any  two  of  the  court,  were  authorised  to  summon 

the  parties  to  appear  at  the  time  and  place  appointed,  and 

might  grant  execution  against  the  party  offending.     They 

were  authorised  to  determine  all  matters  of  trespass  or  debt, 

not  exceeding  forty  shillings.     An  appeal  might  be  made 

from  this  court,  at  any  time  before  execution  was  given 

out.     This  court  was  appointed  to  sit  once  in  two  months. 

*  Smith's  Hist.  N.  York,  p.  3. 

t  It  was  not  unusual  for  the  General  Assembly  to  fine  its  members.  Mr, 
Ludiow,  the  deputy-governor,  was  fined  for  absence,  and  for  his  conduct  at 
Fughqudhoock.  It  was,  probably,  on  the  account  of  the  displeasure  of  the 
court  towards  him,  that  this  committee  were  appointed. 


('HAP.  VI.  CONNECTICUT.  11* 

k  was  ordained,  that  every  town  should  keep  a  public  BOOK  I. 
ledger,   in  which  every  man's  house  and   lands,  with  the  v^~v~x^ 
boundaries  and  quantity,  according  to  the  nearest  estima-    1639. 
tion,  should  be  recorded.     All  lands  also  granted  and  mea- 
sured to  any  man  afterwards,  and  all   bargains  and  mort- 
gages of  lands  were  to  .be  put  on  record.     Until  this  was 
<lone,  they  were  to  be  of  no  validity.     The  towns  were, 
also,  empowered  to  dispose  of  their  own  lands.     This  was 
the  origin  of  the  privileges  of  particular  towns  in  Con- 
necticut. 

Besides  the  court  in  each  town,  there  was  the  court  of 
magistrates,  termed  the  particular  court.  This  held  a  ses- 
sion once  in  three  months.  To  this  lay  all  appeals  from 
the  other  courts.  In  this  were  tried  all  criminal  causes 
and  actions  of  debt,  exceeding  forty  shillings,  and  all  titles 
of  land.  Indeed,  this  court  possessed  all  the  authority, 
and  did  all  the  business  now  possessed  and  done  by  the 
county  and  superior  courts.  For  a  considerable  time,  they 
were  vested  with  such  discretionary  powers,  as  none  of  the 
courts  at  this  day  would  venture  to  exercise. 

Nepaupuck,  a  famous  Pequot  captain,  who  had  frequent- 
ly stained  his  hands  in  English  blood,  was  condemned  by 
the  General  Court  at  Quinmpiack,  for  murder.  It  appear-  Oct.  30th, 
ed,  that  in  the  year  1637,  he  killed  John  Finch,  of  Weath- 
ersfield,  and  captivated  one  of  Mr.  Swain's  daughters.  He 
had  also  assisted  in  killing  the  three  men,  who  were  going 
down  Connecticut  river  in  a  shallop.  His  head  was  cut 
olf,  and  set  upon  a  pole  in  the  market  place. 

It  will,  doubtless,  hardly  be  granted,  in  this  enlightened 
age,  that  the  subjects  of  princes,  killing  men  by  their  orders, 
in  war,  ought  to  be  treated  as  murderers.  Though  the 
first  planters  of  New-England  and  Connecticut  were  men 
of  eminent  piety  and  strict  morals,  yet,  like  other  good 
men,  they  were  subject  to  misconception  and  the  influence 
of  passion.  Their  beheading  sachems,  whom  they  took  in 
war,  killing  the  mak  captives,  and  enslaving  the  women 
and  children  of  the  Pequots,  after  it  was  finished,  was  treat- 
ing them  with  a  severity,  which,  on  the  benevolent  princi- 
ples of  Christianity,  it  will  be  difficult  ever  to  justify.  The 
executing  of  all  those  as  murderers,  who  were  active  in 
killing  any  of  the  English  people,  and  obliging  all  the  In- 
dian nations  to  bring  in  such  persons,  or  their  heads,  was 
an  act  of  severity  unpractised,  at  this  day,  by  civilized  and 
Christian  nations.  The  decapitation  of  their  enemies,  and 
the  setting  of  their  heads  upon  poles,  was  a  kind  of  barba- 
rous triumph,  too  nearly  symbolizing  with  the  examples  01 
uncivilized  and  pagan  nations.  The  further  we  are  remoT 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VII. 

BOOK  I.  ved  from  every  resemblance  of  these,  and  the  more  deeply 

»^»~v-x^  we  imbibe  those  divine  precepts,  "  Love  your  enemies  : 

1640.    Whatsoever  ye  would  that  men  should  do  unto  you,  do  ye 

even  so  to  them," — the  greater  will  be  our  dignity  and 

happiness. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

The  progress  of  purcJiase,  settlement,  and  law,  in  the  colo- 
nies  of  Connecticut  and  Nezv-IIavcn.  The  effect  of  the 
conquest  of  the  Pequots  on  the  natives,  and  the  manner  in 
which  they  were  treated.  Purchases  of  them.  Towns  set- 
tled. Divisions  at  Weatherjield  occasion  the  settlement  of 
Stamford.  Troubles  with  the  .Dutch  and  Indians.  Capi- 
tal laws  of  Connecticut.  The  confederation  of  the  United 
Colonies.  Further  troubles  with  the  Indians.  Victory  of 
Uncas  over  the  Narragansets,  and  capture  of  their  sachem* 
71ie  advice  of  the  commissioners  respecting  Miantonimoh. 
His  execution.  Precautions  of  the  colonies  to  prevent  war. 
The  Dutch,  harassed  by  an  Indian  war,  apply  to  New- 
Haven  for  assistance. 

ALTHOUGH  the  conquest  of  the  Pequots  extended  the 
claim  of  Connecticut  to  a  great  proportion  of  the  lands 
in  the  settled  part  of  the  colony,  yet,  to  remove  all  grounds 
of  complaint  or  uneasiness,  the  English  planters  made  fair 
purchases  of  almost  the  whole  tract  of  country  within  the 
settled  part  of  Connecticut. 

Claims  of       After  the  conquest  of  the  Pequots,  in  consequence  of  the 
the  In-       covenant  made  with  Uncas,  in  1638,  and  the  gift  of  a  hun- 

dians,  and    11T»  i  •        i      i  •  i'-i 

the  man-    area  requots  to  him,  he  became  important.  A  considerable 
ner  in        number  of  Indians  collected  to  him,  so  that  he  became  one 
which  the  of  jjje  principal  sachems  in  Connecticut,  and  even  in  New- 
treated      England.     At  some  times  he  was  able  to  raise  four  or  five 
ti*m.        hundred  warriors.     As  the  Pequots  were  now  conquered, 
and  as  he  assisted  in  the  conquest,  and  was  a  Pequot  him- 
self, he  laid  claim  to  all  that  extensive  tract  called  the  Mo- 
heagan  or  Pequot  country.     Indeed,  it  seems  he  claimed, 
and  was  allowed  to  sell  some  part  of  that  tract  which  was 
the  principal  seat  of  the  Pequots.     The  sachems  in  other 
parts  of  Connecticut,  who  had  been  conquered  by  the  Pe- 
quots, and  made  their  allies,  or  tributaries,   considered 
themselves,  by  the  conquest  of  this  haughty  nation,  as  re/- 


CHAP.  VII.  CONNECTICUT.  117 

stored  to  their  former  rights.  They  claimed  to  be  inde-  BOOK  I. 
pendent  sovereigns,  and  to  have  a  title  to  all  the  lands  v^-v>w/ 
\vhichtheyhadatanytimebeforepossessed.  The  plan-  1640. 
ters  therefore,  to  show  their  justice  to  the  heathen,  and  to 
maintain  the  peace  of  the  country,  from  time  to  time,  pur- 
chased of  the  respective  sachems  and  their  Indians,  all  the 
lands  which  they  settled,  excepting  the  towns  of  New-Lon- 
don, Groton  and  Stonington,  which  were  considered  as 
the  peculiar  seat  of  the  Pequot  nation.  The  inhabitants  of 
Windsor,  Hartford,  and  Weathersfield,  either  at  the  time 
of  their  settlement,  or  soon  after,  bought  all  those  exten- 
sive tracts,  which  they  settled,  of  the  native,  original  pro- 
prietors of  the  country.  Indeed,  Connecticut  planters 
generally  made  repeated  purchases  of  their  lands.  The 
colony  not  only  bought  the  Moheagan  country  of  Uncas, 
but  afterwards  all  the  particular  towns  were  purchased 
again,  either  of  him  or  his  successors,  when  the  settle- 
ments in  them  commenced.  Besides,'  the  colony  was  often 
obliged  to  renew  its  leagues  with  Uncas  and  his  successors, 
the  Moheagan  sachems  ;  and  to  make  new  presents  and 
take  new  deeds,  to  keep  friendship  with  the  Indians  and 
preserve  the  peace  of  the  country.  The  colony  was  obli- 
ged to  defend  Uncas  from  his  enemies,  which  was  an  oc- 
casion of  no  small  trouble  and  expense.  The  laws  obliged 
the  inhabitants  of  the  several  towns  to  reserve  unto  the  na- 
tives a  sufficient  quantity  of  planting  ground.  They  were 
allowed  to  hunt  and  fish  upon  all  the  lands  no  less  than  the 
English. 

The  colonies  made  laws  for  their  protection  from  insult, 
fraud  and  violence.*  The  inhabitants  suffered  them  to 
erect  wigwams,  and  to  live  on  the  very  lands  which  they 
had  purchased  of  them ;  and  to  cut  their  fire  wood  on  their 
tin  inclosed  lands,  for  more  than  a  whole  century,  after  the 
settlements  began.  The  lands,  therefore,  though  really 
worth  nothing  at  that  time,  cost  the  planters  very  consid- 
erable sums,  besides  the  purchase  of  their  patents  and  the 
right  of  pre-emption. 

In  purchasing  the  lands  and  making  settlements,  in  a 
wilderness,  the  first  planters  of  Connecticut  expended 
great  estates.  It  has  been  the  opinion  of  the  best  judges, 
who  have  had  the  most  perfect  acquaintance  with  the  an- 
cient affairs  of  the  colony,  that  many  of  the  adventurers 
expended  more,  in  making  settlements  in  Connecticut,  than 
all  the  lands  and  buildings  were  worth,  after  all  the  im- 
provements which  they  had  made  upon  them.t 

*  These  facts  are  fully  ascertained  by  the  records  of  the  colonies,  and  of 
the  respective  towns. 
-  -t  This  was  the  general  opinion  among  men  of  extensive  knowledge,  i<j 


US  HISTORY  OF  CHIP.  Vfl. 

COOK  I.      At  the  general  election  in  Connecticut,  this  year,   Mr. 

s^^v^^/  Hopkins  was  chosen  governor,  and  Mr.  Haynes  deputy 
1640.    governor.     Mr.   Ludlow   was  chosen   magistrate  in  the 

Election  at  place  of  Mr.   Hopkins.     The  other  magistrates  were  the 

Hart  lord.  Same  who  were  elected  the  last  year.  The  same  govern- 
or, deputy  governor  and  magistrates,  who  were  in  office,  at 
New-Haven,  the  last  year,  were  re-elected  for  this. 

As  the  colonists,  both  in  Connecticut  and  New-Haven, 
were  the  patentees  of  Lord  Say  and  Seal,  Lord  Brook  and 
the  other  gentlemen  interested  in  the  old  Connecticut  pa- 
tent, and  as  that  patent  covered  a  large  tract  of  country, 
both  colonies  were  desirous  of  securing  the  native  title  to 
the  lands,  with  all  convenient  dispatch.  Several  large 
purchases  were  made  this  year  both  by  Connecticut  and 
New-Haven. 

Connecticut  made  presents  to  Uncas,  the  Moheagan  sa- 
chem, to  his  satisfaction,  and  on  the  1st  of  September  164O, 
obtained  of  him  a  clear  and  ample  deed  of  all  his  lands 
in  Connecticut,  except  the  lands  which  were  then  planted. 
These  he  reserved  for  himself  and  the  Moheagans. 

The  same  year,  governor  Haynes,  in  behalf  of  Hart- 
ford, made  a  purchase  of  Tunxis,  including  the  towns  of 
Farmington  and  Southington,  and  extending  westward  as 
far  as  the  Mohawk  country. 

The  people  of  Connecticut,  about  the  same  time,  pur- 
chased Waranoke  and  soon  began  a  plantation  there,  since 
called  Westfield.  Governor  Hopkins  erected  a  trading 
house  and  had  a  considerable  intertest  in  the  plantation. 

Mr.  Ludlow  made  a  purchase  of  the  eastern  part  of  Nor- 
walk,  between  Saugatuck  and  Norwalk  rivers.  Captain 
Patrick  bought  the  middle  part  of  the  town.  A  few  fami- 
lies seem  to  have  planted  themselves  in  the  town  about  the 
time  of  these  purchases,  but  it  was  not  properly  settled  un- 
til about  the  year  1651.  The  planters  then  made  a  pur- 
chase of  the  western  part  of  the  town.* 

About  the  same  time  Robert  Feaks  and  Daniel  Patrick 
bought  Greenwich.  The  purchase  was  made  in  behalf  of 
New-Haven,  but  through  the  intrigue  of  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor, and  the  treachery  of  the  purchasers,  the  first  in- 
habitants revolted  to  the  Dutch.  They  were  incorporated 
and  vested  with  town  privileges  by  Peter  Stuyvesant,  gov- 

Massachusetts,  as.  well  as  in  Connecticut.  Governor  Hutchinson,  in  a 
manuscript  which  he  wrote  against  the  stamp  act,  observed,  that  land  in 
"New-England,  at  the  time  of  its  settlement,  was  of  no  value. 

*  The  first  purchases  were  of  the  sachem,  Mamechlmoh.  Mr.  Ludlow's 
deed  bears  date  Feb.  26th,  1640,  and  Capt.  Patrick's  April  20th,  1640. 
The  western  purchase  was  of  a  sachem  cafHed  Buckiagheage.  It  benrg 
appears  that  there  were  two  sachr.ais  in  this  town. 


CHAP.  VII.  CONNECTICUT.  na 

ernor  of  New-Netherlands.     The  inhabitants  were  driven  BOOK  L 
off  by  the  Indians,  in  their  war  with  the  Dutch  ;  and  made  ^*^/**, 
no  great  progress  in  the  settlement  until  after  Connecticut    1640. 
obtained  the  charter,  and  they  were  taken  under  the  juris- 
diction of  this  colony* 

Captain  Ho  we  and  other  Englishmen,  in  behalf  of  Con-^ 
necticut,  purchased  a  large  tract  of  the  Indians,  the  origin- 
al proprietors,  on  Long-Island.  This  tract  extended  from 
the  eastern  part  of  Oyster  bay  to  the  western  part  of  Howe's 
or  Holmes's  bay  to  the  middle  of  the  great  plain.  It  lay 
on  the  northern  part  of  the  island  and  extended  southward 
about  half  its  breadth.  Settlements  were  immediately  be- 
gun upon  the  lands  ;  and  by  the  year  1642,  had  made  con- 
siderable advancement. 

New-Haven  made  a  purchase  of  all  the  lands  at  Rippo  Purchase? 
warns.     This  purchase  was  made  of  Ponus  and  Toquam- °|New" 
ske,   the   two  sachems  of  that  tract,  which  contained  the 
whole  town  of  Stamford.     A  reservation  of  planting  ground 
was  made  for  the  Indians.! 

Another  large  purchase,  sufficient  for  a  number  of  plan- 
tations, was  made  by  captain-  Turner,  agent  for  New-Ha- 
ven, on  both  sides  of  Delaware  bay  or  river.  This  pur- 
chase was  made  with  a  view  to  trade,  and  for  the  settle- 
ment of  churches  in  gospel  order  and  purity.  The  colony 
of  New-Haven  erected  trading  houses  upon  the  lands,  and 
sent  nearly  fifty  families  to  make  settlements  upon  them. 
The  settlements  were  made  under  the  jurisdiction  of  New- 
Haven,  and  in  close  combination  with  that  colony  in  all 
their  fundamental  articles. 

It  also  appears,  that  New-Haven,  or  their  confederates, 
purchased  and  settled  Yennycock,  Southhold,  on  Long- 
Island.  Mr.  John  Youngs,  who  had  been  a  minister  at. 
Hingham  in  England,  came  over,  with  a  considerable  part 
of  his  church,  and  here  fixed  his  residence.  He  gather- 
ed his  church  anew,  on  the  21st  of  October,  and  the  plan- 
ters united  themselves  with  New-Haven.  However,  they 
soon  departed  from  the  rule  of  appointing  none  to  office,  or 
of  admitting  none  to  be  freemen,  but  members  of  the 
church.  New-Haven  insisted  on  this  as  a  fundamental  ar- 
ticle of  their  constitution.  They  were,  therefore,  for  a 
number  of  years,  obliged  to  conform  to  this  law  of  the  ju- 
risdiction. Some  of  the  principal  men  were  the  Reverend 
Mr.  Youngs,  Mr.  William  Wells,  Mr.  Barnabas  Horton, 
Thomas  Mapes,  John  Tuthill  and  Matthias  Corwin. 

Laws  were  enacted,  both  by  Connecticut  and  New-Ha- 

t  The  purchase  was  made  by  captain  Nathaniel  Turner,  agent  for  New- 
Haveu.  It  ':ost  about  thirty  pounds  sterling. 


120  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  Vfl. 

BOOK  I.  ven,  prohibiting  all  purchases  of  the  Indians,  by  private 
s^-v->^  persons,  or  companies,  without  the  consent  of  their  res- 
1640.     pective  general  courts.     These  were  to  authorize  and  di- 
rect the  manner  of  every  purchase. 

Sept.  5th.  The  general  court,  at  New-Haven,  this  year,  made  a 
grant  of  Totoket  to  Mr.  Samuel  Eaton,  brother  of  govern- 
or Eaton,  upon  condition  of  his  procuring  a  number  of  his 
friends,  from  England,  to  make  a  settlement  in  that  tract  of 
country. 

At  this  court  it  was  decreed,  that  the  plantation  at  Quin- 
nipiack  should  be  called  New-Haven. 

General         At  the  general  election,  this  year,  at  Hartford,  John 
Hartford**  Haynes,  Esq.  was  chosen  governor,  and  George  Wyllys, 
Aprils    '  Esq.  deputy  governor.     Mr.  Hopkins  was  chosen  magis- 
1641.         trate,  and  the  other  principal  officers  were  re-elected. 
Divisions        The  brethren  of  the  church  at  Weathersfield  removed 
at  Weath-  without  their  pastor,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Phillips  ;  and,  having 
e         no  settled  minister  at  first,  fell  into  unhappy  contentions  and 
animosities.     These  continued  for  a  number  of  years,  and 
divided  the  inhabitants  of  the  town,  as  well  as  the  brethren 
of  the  church.     They  were  the  means  of  scattering  the  in- 
habitants, and  of  the  formation   of  new   settlements   and 
Churches  in  other  places.     Great  pains  were  taken,  by  the 
ministers  on  the  river,  to  compose  the  differences  and  unite 
the  church  and  town  ;  but  they  were  unable  to  effect  an 
union.     Mr.  Davenport  and  some  of  the  brethren  of  the 
church  at  New-Haven  were  sent  for,  to  advise  and  attempt 
a  reconciliation.     Mr.   Davenport  and  his  brethren  gave 
advice  somewhat  different  from  that  which  had  been  given 
by  the  ministers  and  churches  on  the  river;  and,  it  seems, 
suggested  the  expediency  of  one  of  the  parties  removing 
and  making  a  new  settlement,  if  they  could  not  by   any 
means  be  united  among  themselves.     Some  were  pleased 
with  the  advice,  others  disliked  it,  and  the  parties  could 
not  agree  which  of  them  should   remove.     The  church, 
which  consisted  of  seven  members  only,  was  divided  three 
•against  four.     The  three  claimed  16  be  the  church,  and 
therefore  pleaded,   that  they*ought  not  to  remove.     The 
lour,  as  they  were  the  majority,  insisted  that  it  was  their 
right  to  stay. 

The  church  at  Watertown,  as  they  had  not  dismissed 
their  brethren,  at  Weathersfield,  from  their  watch,  judged 
it  their  duty  to  make  them  a  visit,  and  to  attempt  to  heal 
the  divisions  which  had  sprung  up  among  them.  For  this 
benevolent  purpose,  several  of  the  brethren  made  a  jour- 
ney to  Connecticut ;  but  they  succeeded  no  better  in  their 
endeavours,  than  those  who  had  been  before  them.  H 


CHAP.  VII.  CONNECTICUT.  121 

now  appeared  to  be  the  opinion,  that  it  was  expedient  for  BOOK  In 
one  of  the   parties  to  remove,  but  it  could  not  be  agreed  ^-v**' 
which  of  them  should  be  obliged  again  to  make  a  new  set-    1641. 
tlement.     At  length  a  number  of  principal  men,  who  were 
ihe  most  pleased   with  the  advice  of  Mr.  D?.venport  and 
the  New-Haven  brethren,  and  to  whom  the  government  of 
that  colony  was   most  agreeable,  determined  tc  remove, 
and  settle  in  combination  with  New-Haven. 

Therefore,  on  the  30th  of  October,  164JO,  Mr.  Aadrew 
Ward  and  Mr.  Robert  Coe  of  Weathersfield,  in  behalf  of 
themselves  and  about  twenty  other  planters,  pure  has  t/j 
Rippowams  of  New-Haven.  The  whole  number  obliged 
themselves  to  remove,  with  their  families,  the  next  year, 
before  the  last  of  November.  This  spring  the  settlement 
commenced.  The  principal  planters  were  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Richard  Denton,  Mr.  Matthew  Mitchel,  Mr.  Thurston 
Rayner,  Mr.  Andrew  Ward,  Mr.  Robert  Coe,  and  Mr. 
Richard  Gildersleve.  Mr.  Denton  was  among  the  first 
planters  of  the  town,  and  continued  their  minister  about 
three  or  four  years.  After  that  time  he  removed  with  part 
of  his  church  and  congregation  to  Hempste.d.  They  set- 
tled that  town  about  the  year  1643  or  1644. 

At  the  general  election,  this  year,  in  New-Haven,  Theo-  Election  at 
philus  Eaton,  Esq.  was  chosen  governor,  and  Mr.  Stephen  New-Ha- 
Goodyear,  deputy  governor.     The  magistrates  were  Mr.  ^i^ii* 
Gi-egson,  Mr.  Robert  Newman,  Mr.  Matthew  Gilbert  and 
Mr.  Wakeman.     Thomas  Fugill  was  appointed  secretary, 
ami  Mr.  Gregson  treasurer. 

Upon  the  general  election,  this  year,  at  Hartford,  there  1642. 
was  a  considerable  change,    with  respect  to  civil  officers.  Ekctionat 
George  Wyllys,  Esq.  was  elected  governor,  and  Roger 
Ludlovv,  Esq.   deputy  governor.     Eight  magistrates  were 
chosen  for  Connecticut.     This  is  the  first  instance  of  more 
than  six.     The  magistrates  were  John  'Haynes,  Esq.  Mr. 
Phelps,    Mr.  Webster,    captain  Mason,   Mr.  Wells,   Mr. 
Whiting,   Edward   Hopkins,  Esq.  and  Mr.  William  Hop- 
kins. 

The  Indians  were  exceedingly  troublesome   this  year.  The  In- 
It  was  suspected,  that   they  were  forming  a  combination  <1ians  are 
for  a  general  war.     All  trading  With  them,  in  arms  or  any  «ome. 
instruments  of  iron,  was    expressly  prohibited,    both  by- 
Connecticut  and  New-Haven.     Each  colony  concerted  all 
measures  of  defence.     A  constant  watch  was  kept  in  all  the 
plantations.     Upon  the  sabbath  a  strong  guard  was  set  at 
the  places  of  public  worship. 

At  this  court,    the  magistrates   were  desired  to  write  to  Pama?* 
the  Dutch,  and.  as  far  as  possible,  to  prevent  their  vend- 

Q 


IS®  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VIL 

BOOK  I.  ing  arms  and  ammunition  to  the  natives,  and  to  settle  ali 
V^~V~N*>  disputes  between  them  and  the  colony  with  respect  t& 
1642.  claims.  But  notwithstanding  aft  their  endeavours,  the 
Dutch  behaved  with  great  insolence,  and  did  much  dam- 
age to  both  tb<?  English  colonies. 

The  Dutch,  at  Hartford,  gave  entertainment  to  fugitive? 
from  the  English ;  helped  them  when  confined  to  file  oft" 
their  irons  ;  and  persuaded  servants  to  run  from  their  mas- 
ters and  then  gave  them  entertainment.  They  purchased 
goorfs  which  had  been  stolen  from  the  English,  and  would 
nc?t  return  them.  They  also  assisted  criminals  in  breaking 
gaol. 

Besides  these  misdemeanors,  art  Hartford,  the  Dutch 
governor,  William  Kieft,  caused  the  English  settlements  on 
Long-Island,  which  had  now  advanced,  on  the  lands  pur- 
chased by  captain  Howe,  as  far  as  Oyster  bay,  to  be  bro- 
ken up.  Some  of  the  English  planters  were  forcibly  seiz- 
ed and  imprisoned,  and  others  driven  from  their  settle- 
ments. These  were  injuries  done  to  Connecticut. 

To  the  colony  of  New-Haven  the  Dutch  were  still  more 
hostile  and  injurious.  Notwithstanding  the  fair  purchases 
which  that  colony  had  made,  by  their  agents  at  Delaware, 
governor  Kieft,  without  any  legal  protest  or  warning,  dis- 
patched an  armed  force,  and  with  great  hostility,  burned 
•the English  trading  houses,  violently  seized  and  fora  time 
detained  their  goods,  and  would  not  give  them  time  to 
take  an  inventory  of  them.  The  Dutch  also  took  the 
company's  boat,  and  a  number  of  the  English  planters, 
and  kept  them  as  prisoners.  The  damages  done  the  Eng- 
lish at  Delaware,  were  estimated  at  a  thousand  pounds 
Sterling** 

The  same  year  the  Swedish  governor  and  Dutch  agent 
uniting  in  a  crafty  design  against  Mr.  Lamberton,  a  prin- 
cipal gentleman  of  New-Haven,  made  an  injurious  attempt 
upon  his  life.  They  accused  him  of  having  joined  in  a 
plot  with  the  Indians  to  cut  off  the  Swedes  and  Dutch. 
They  attempted,  by  giving  his  men  strong  drink,  and  by 
threatenings  and  allurements,  to  influence  them  to  bear 
testimony  against  him.  They  proceeded  so  far  as  to  im- 
prison and  try  him  for  treason.  When,  notwithstanding 
these  unfair  means,  and  that  they  were  both  his  accusers 
and  judges,'  they  could  not  find  any  evidence  against  him, 
they  arbitrarily  imposed  a  fine  upon  him,  for  trading  at 
Delaware,  though  within  the  limits  of  the  purchase  and  ju- 
risdiction of  New-Haven. 

At  another  time,  when  Mr.  Lamberton  was  occasional- 

*  Reccrds  of  th»  united  colonies,  and  Smith's  history  of  New- York.  p.  i  , 


CHAP.VH.  CONNECTICUT.  123 

1-y  at  M  anhatoes,  in  the  capacity  of  an  agent  for  New- Ha-  BOOK  I. 
ven,  the  Dutch  governor.  Kieft,  by  force  and  threatenings,  v^r-v-x^ 
compelled  him  to  give  an  account  of  all  his  heaver,  within    1642, 
the  limits  of  New-Haven,  at  Delaware,  and  to  pay  an  im- 
post upon  the  whole.     The  Dutch  did  other  damages,  and 
insulted   the   English  in   various  other   instances.     Both 
Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  from  year  to  year,  com- 
plained and  remonstrated  against  them,  but  could  obtain 
no  redress. 

While  the  colonies  were  increasing  in  numbers  and  set- 
tlements, progress  in  law  and  jurisprudence,  in  the  regular 
establishment  of  courts  and  the  times  of  their  sessions,  was 
also  necessary,  for  the  advancement,  order  and  happiness 
of  the  respective  jurisdictions. 

This,  so  far  as  the  numerous  affairs  of  the  colonies  would 
permit,  was  an  object  of  special  attention.  The  capital 
laws  of  Connecticut  were,  this  year,  nearly  completed, 
and  put  upon  record.  The  several  passages  of  scripture 
on  which  they  were  founded  were  particularly  noticed  in 
the  statute.  They  were  twelve  in  number,  and  to  the  fol- 
lowing effect. 

If  any  man  or  woman  shall  have  or  worship  any  God,  Capital 
but  the  true  God,  he  shall  be  put  to  death.  Deut.  xiii.  6,  law*of 
xvii.  21.  Exodus  xxii.  2.  2"jJ 

If  any  person  in  this  colony  shall  blaspheme  the  name  of  2, 1642. 
God  the  Father,  Son  or  Holy  Ghost,  with  direct,  express, 
presumptuous  or  high-handed  blasphemy,  or  shall  curse  in 
like  manner,  he  shall  be  put  to  death.  Levit.  xxiv.  15,  16. 

If  any  man  or  woman  be  a  witch,  that  is,  hath  or  con- 
sulted! with  a  familiar  spirit,  they  shall  be  put  to  death. 
Exodus  xxii.  18.  Levit.  xx.  22.  Deut.  xviii.  10,  11. 

If  any  person  shall  commit  wilful  murder,  upon  malice, 
hatred  or  cruelty,  not  in  a  man's  own  defence,  nor  by  cas- 
ualty against  his  will,  he  shall  be  put  to  death.  Exodus 
xxi.  12,  13,  14.  Numb.  xxxv.  30,  31. 

If  any  person  shall  slay  another  through  guile,  either  by 
poisoning,  or  other  such  devilish  practices,  he  shall  be  put 
to  death.  Exodus  xxi.  14, 

If  any  man  or  woman  shall  lie  with  any  beast  or  brute 
creature,  by  carnal  copulation,  they  shall  surely  be  put  to 
death,  and  the  beast  shall  be  slain  and  buried.  Leviticus 
xx.  15,  16. 

If  any  man  lieth  with  mankind,  as  he  Heth  with  a  wo- 
man, both  of  them  have  committed  abomination  ;  they  both 
shall  surely  be  put  to  death,  except  it  appear  that  one  of 
the  parties  was  forced,  or  under  fifteen  years  of  age.  I^evit,, 
xx.  13. 


124  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VII. 

I.  If  any  man  lie  with  his  mother,  or  father's  wife,  or  wife's 
mother,  his  daughter,  or  daughter  in  law,  having  carnal 
1642.  copulation  with  them,  both  of  them  have  committed  abomi- 
nation ;  they  shall  be  put  to  death,  except  it  appear,  that 
the  woman  was  forced,  or  under  fourteen  years  of  age. 
Levit.  xx.  11,  12,  14,  and  xviii.  7,  8. 

If  any  man  shall  forcibly  ravish  any  maid,  or  woman,  by 
carnal  copulation,  against  her  consent,  he  shall  be  put  to 
death,  provided  prosecution  and  complaint  be  made  forth- 
with upon  the  rape.  Deut.  xxii.  25. 

If  any  man  steal  a  man,  or  mankind,  and  selleth  him,  or 
he  be  found  in  his  hand,  he  shall  be  put  to  death.  Exodus 
xxi.  16. 

If  any  person  rise  up  by  false  witness,  wittingly,  and  of 
purpose,  to  take  away  man's  life,  he  or  she  shall  be  put  to 
death.  Deut.  xix/16,  18,19. 

It  was  also  enacted,  that  if  any  person  should  conspire 
against  the  commonwealth,  attempt  an  insurrection,  inva- 
sion, or  rebellion  against  it,  he  should  be  put  to  death. 

Wilful  arson,  the  cursing  and  smiting  of  father  or  moth- 
er, arid  notorious  stubbornness  in  children,  after  a  certain 
age,  were,  soon  after,  made  capital  offences,  by  the  laws  of 
the  colony,  and  added  to  the  list  of  the  capital  laws.* 

Before  this  time,  unchastity  between  single  persons,  and 
wanton  behaviour,  had  been  punished  with  whipping  at  the 
tail  of  the  cart,  by  fining,  or  obliging  the  delinquents  to 
marry,  at  the  discretion  of  the  particular  courts. 

The  general  court  approved  of  what  the  particular 
courts  had  done,  in  these  cases,  and  authorised  them,  in  fu- 
ture, to  punish  such  delinquents  by  fines,  by  committing 
them  to  the  house  of  correction,  or  by  corporal  punish- 
ment, at  the  discretion  of  the  court. 

As  some  loose  persons  deserted  the  English  settlements, 
and  lived  in  a  profane,  heathenish  manner,  a  law  was  en- 
acted, that  all  persons  who  should   be  convicted    of    this 
crime,  should  be  punished  with  three  years  imprisonment, 
at  least,  in  the  house  of  correction,  with  fine,  or  corporal 
punishment,  as  the  particular  court  should  direct.! 
Genera]         At  a  general  court  in  New-Haven,  April  5,    1643,  con- 
New-Hav  siderable  progress  Was  made  in  the  laws  and  government 
en.  April    of  that  colony.      Deputies  were  admitted  to  the  court,  and 
$,  t643.      an  addition  was  made  to  the  number  of  magistrates.  Stam- 
ford, for  the  first  time,  sent  captain  John   Underbill,  and 
Mr.  Richard  Gildersleve,   to   represent  the   town.      Mr. 

*  Records  of  Connecticut,  and  the  old  Connecticut  code. 

t  Records  of  Connecticut.  When  the  Connecticut  laws  were  printed, 
in  1672,  this  law  was  altered,  and  the  term  reduced  from  three,  to  one 
gear's  iniprispninent 


CHAP.  VII.  CONNECTICUT.  125 

Mitchcl  and  Mr.  Rayner  were  nominated  for   magistrates  BOOK  I* 
in  Stamford.     Mr.  Rayner  was  appointed  by  the  court.  v-^~v-^-' 
Captain  Underbill,  Mr.  Mitchel,  Air.  Andrew  Ward,  and    1643. 
Mr.  Robert  Coe  were  appointed  assistant  judges   to  Mr. 
Rayner.     This  court  was  vested  with  the  same  powers  as 
the  court  at  New-Haven,  and   was  the  first  instituted  in 
Stamford.     Mr.  William  Leet  and  Mr.  Desborough  were 
admitted  magistrates  for  Menunkatuck,  and  that  plantation 
was  named  Guilford. 

This  year  John  Haynes,  Esq.  was  elected  governor,  and  General 
Mr.  Hopkins  deputy  governor.      Mr.    Wolcott   and    Mr.  Hartford* 
Swain  were  chosen  magistrates ;  and  Mr.  Phelps  and  Mr.  April  13, 
William  Hopkins  were  not  elected.*      Mr.  Whiting  was  1643- 
chosen  treasurer  and  Mr.  Wells  secretary.     It  appears  to 
have  been  customary,  for  a  number  of  years,  to  choose  the 
secretary  and  treasurer  among  the  magistrates. 

Juries  appear  to  have  attended  the  particular  courts,  in  An  act^res- 
Connecticut,  from  their  first  institution.  They  seem  W^f"* 
have  been  regularly  enrolled  about  the  year  1641,  or  1642. 
But  the  particular  courts  found  great  difficulties  with  res- 
pect to  their  proceedings.  There  were  no  printed  laws 
for  the  inhabitants  to  study,  and  many  of  the  common  peo- 
ple had  attended  very  little  to  law  and  evidence.  The  ju- 
ry therefore,  very  often,  would  be  so  divided,  that  they 
could  not  agree  upon  any  verdict ;  and  when  they  were 
agreed,  it  did  not  always  appear  to  the  court  that  they 
brought  in  a  just  one.  A  pretty  extraordinary  law  there- 
fore passed  this  court,  regulating  the  juries.  The  court 
decreed,  that  the  jury  should  attend  diligently  to  the  case, 
and  to  the  evidence,  and  if  they  could  not  all  agree  in  a 
verdict,  they  should  offer  their  reasons  upon  the  case  to 
the  court,  and  the  court  should  answer  them,  and  send  out 
the  jury  again.  If,  after  deliberating  upon  the  case,  they 
could  not  bring  in  a  joint  verdict,  it  was  decreed,  that  it 
should  be  determined  by  a  major  vote  ;  and  that  this  should, 
to  all  intents  and  purposes,  be  deemed  a  full  and  sufficient, 
verdict;  upon  which  judgment  should  be  entered,  and  exe^- 
cution,  and  all  other  proceedings  should  be  as  though  there 
had  been  a  joint  verdict  of  the  jury.  It  was  also  provided, 
that  if  the  jury  should  be  equally  divided,  six  and  six,  they 
should  represent  the  case  to  the  court,  with  their  reasons, 
and  a  special  verdict  should  be  drawn,  and  a  major  vote  of 
the  court,  or  magistrates,  should  determine  the  cause,  and 

*  Mr.  Phelps,  I  suppose,  was  now  dead,  as  he  appears  no  more  upon 
the  records.  He  was  one  of  the  principal  planters  of  Windsor,  and  chos- 
'en  into  the  magistracy  from  the  first  settlement  of  Connecticut.  He  ap^ 
pears  to  have  been  the  ancestor  of  the  Phelpses  iu  this  state. 


126  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VII. 

BOOK  I.  all  matters  respecting  it  should  be  as  though  there   had 
^^-^^^  been  a  joint  verdict  of  the  jury.* 

1643.  At  this  court,  it  was  ordained,  that  a  grand  jury  of 
Grand  ju-  twelve  men  should  attend  the  particular  courts,  annually, 
ry  to  at-  m  May  and  September,  and  as  often  as  the  governor  and 
tend  the'  »  u  u  •  J  i 

courts.       court  should  judge  expedient.     It  was  also  enacted,  that 
the  grand  jury  should  be  warned  to  give  their  attendance. 
This  is  the  first  notice  of  a  grand  jury,  at  any  court. 
Proposals       A  general  confederation  of  the  New-England  colonies, 
for  a  gene-  had  been  proposed,  and  in  agitation  for  several  years.     In 
r^'  "m°n     1638,  articles  of  union,  for  amity,  offence  and  defence,  mu- 
England*    tua^  advice  and  assistance,  upon  all  necessary  occasions, 
colonies,     were  drawn,  and  for  further  consideration,  referred  to  1 639. 
Connecticut  and  Mr.  Fenwick  agreed  to  confederate  for 
these  purposes.     From  this  time,  Connecticut  had  annual- 
ly appointed  some  of  her  principal  men,  to  go  into  the 
Massachusetts,    to  complete   the   designed   confederacy. 
Governor  Haynes  and  Mr.  Hooker,  in  1639,  were  nearly 
a  moHth  in  Massachusetts,  laboring  to  carry  it  into  effect. 
New- Haven  paid  equal  attention  to  an  affair  so  important 
to  the  colonies.     The  circumstances  of  the  English   na- 
Reasons     l'on'  anc^  ^e  state  °f  tne  colonies  in  New-England,  at  this 
for  the  un-  time,  made  it  a  matter  of  urgent  necessity.     For  the  ac- 
*<»?  commodation  of  particular  companies,  the  colonies  had  ex- 

tended their  settlements  upon  the  rivers  and  sea  coasts 
much  farther,  and  had  made  them  in  a  more  scattering 
manner,  than  was  at  first  designed.  No  aid  could  be  ex- 
pected from  the  parent  country,  let  emergencies  be  ever 
so  pressing.  The  Dutch  had  so  extended  their  claims, 
and  were  so  powerful  and  hostile,  as  to  afford  a  just  ground 
of  general  alarm.  All  the  plantations  were  compassed 
with  numerous  tribes  of  savage  men.  The  Narragansets 
appeared  hostile,  and  there  were  the  appearances  of  a 
general  combination,  among  the  Indians,  in  New-England, 
to  extirpate  the  English  colonies.  There  were,  notwith- 
standing, impediments  in  the  way  of  effecting  even  so  ne- 
cessary and  important  an  union.  The  Massachusetts  was 
much  more  numerous  and  powerful,  than  the  other  colonies. 
It  was  in  various  respects  more  respectable  and  important, 
It  was,  therefore,  a  matter  of  difficulty,  to  form  an  union 
upon  equal  terms.  The  other  colonies  were  not  willing  to 
unite  upon  such  as  were  unequal.  There  were  also  dis- 
putes between  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts,  The  coir 
ony  of  Massachusetts  claimed  part  of  the  Pequot  country, 
on  the  account  of  the  assistance  which  they  aiforded  in  th(? 
Pequot  war.  There  was  also  a  difference  with  respect  to 
*  Records  of  Connecticut- 


CHAP.  Vir.  CONNECTICUT.  127 

the  boundary  line  between  Massachusetts  and  Connect!-  BOOK  L 
cut.  Both  colonies  claimed  the  towns  of  Springfield  and  ^x-s/~>^ 
Westfield.  These  difficulties  retarded  the  union.  1643* 

However,  Connecticut,  New-Haven,  and  Plymouth,  all 
dispatched  commissioners  to  Boston,  in  May,  at  the  time  of 
the  session  of  the  General  Court.  The  commissioners 
from  Connecticut  were,  Governor  Haynes  and  Mr.  Hop- 
kins ;  Mr.  Fenwick,  from  Saybrook  ;  Governor  Eaton  and 
Mr.  Gregson,  from  New-Haven;  Mr.  Winslow  and  Mr. 
Collier,  from  Plymouth.  The  general  court  of  Massachu- 
setts appointed  Governor  Winthrop,  Mr.  Dudley,  and  Mr. 
Rradstreet,  of  the  magistrates,  and  of  the  deputies,  Mr. 
Hawthorne,  Mr.  Gibbons,  and  Mr.  Tyng*  There  appear-  The  New- 
ed,  at  this  time,  a  spirit  of  harmony  and  mutual  condescen-  EnSla.nti 

•  •     •  i  «  ^  i        t-  n*        colonies 

sion  among  the  commissioners,  and  on  the  19th  01  May,  Confede- 

1643,  the  articles  were  completed  and  signed.     The  com-  rate,  May 
missioners   were   unanimous  in  adopting  them ;  but  those  19th'  *643' 
from  Plymouth  did  not  sign  them,  as  they  had  not  been 
authorised  by  the  court.     At  the  meeting  of  the  commis- 
sioners in  September,  they  came  vested  with  plenary  pow- 
ers, and  signed  them. 

The  commissioners,  in  the  introductory  part,  declare,  Articles  of 
with  respect  to  the  four  colonies  of  Massachusetts,  Ply-  ^°_e 
mouth,  Connecticut,  and  New-Haven,  and  the  plantations 
under  their  respective  jurisdictions,  that,  as  they  all  came 
into  these  parts  of  America  with  one  and  the  same  end  and 
aim,  to  advance  the  kingdom  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and 
enjoy  the  liberties  of  the  gospel  in  purity  and  peace,  they 
conceived  it  their  bounden  duty  to  enter  into  a  present  con- 
federation arriong  themselves,  for  mutual  help  and  strength 
in  all  future  concernments  ;  that,  as  in  nation  and  religion, 
so  in  other  respects  they  be  and  continue  one,  and  hence- 
forth be  called  by  the  name  of  THE  UNITED  COLONIES  OP 
NEW-ENGLAND. 

They  declare,  that  the  said  united  colonies,  for  them- 
selves and  their  posterity,  did,  jointly  and  severally,  enter 
into  a  firm  and  perpetual  league  of  friendship  and  amity, 
of  offence  and  defence,  mutual  aid  and  succour,  upon  all 
just  occasions,  both  for  preserving  and  propagating  the 
truth  and  liberty  of  the  gospel,  and  for  their  own  mutual 
safety  and  welfare. 

The  articles  reserved  to  each  colony  an  entire  and  dis- 
tinct  jurisdiction.  By  them,  no  two  colonies  might  be  uni- 
ted in  one,  nor  any  other  colony  be  received  into  the  con? 
federacy,  without  the  consent  of  the  whole. 

Each  colony  was  authorised  to  send  two  commissioners 
annually,  always  to  be  church  members,  to  meet  on  the 


.128  HISTORY  OP  CHAP.  VII. 

BOOK  I.  first  Monday  in  September,  first  at  Boston,  then  at  Hart- 
\^^v'-x^  ford,  New-Haven,  and  Plymouth.  This  was  to  be  the  an- 
1643.  nual  order,  except  that  two  meetings  successively  Avere 
always  to  be  at  Boston. 

The  commissioners,  when  met,  were  authorised  to  choose 
a  president  from  among  themselves,  for  the  preservation 
of  order.  They  were  vested  with  plenary  powers  for  ma- 
king war  and  peace,  laws  and  rules  of  a  civil  nature  and 
of  general  concern.  Especially,  to  regulate  the  conduct  of 
the  inhabitants  towards  the  Indians,  towards  fugitives,  for 
the  general  defence  of  the  country,  and  for  the  encourage- 
ment and  support  of  religion. 

The  expense  of  all  wars,  offensive  or  defensive,  was  to 
be  borne  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  the  male  inhabit- 
ants in  each  colony,  between  sixteen  and  sixty  years  of 
age. 

Upon  notice  from  three  magistrates  of  any  of  the  colo- 
nies of  an  invasion,  the  colonies  were  immediately  to  send 
assistance,  the  Massachusetts  a  hundred,  and  each  of  the 
other  colonies  forty-five  men.  If  a  greater  number  was 
necessary,  the  commissioners  were  to  meet  and  determine 
the  number. 

All  determinations  of  the  commissioners,  in  which  six 
were  agreed,  were  binding  upon  the  whole.  If  there  were 
a  majority,  yet  under  six.  the  affair  was  to  be  referred  to 
the  general  court  of  each  colony,  and  could  not  be  obliga- 
tory, unless  the  courts  unanimously  concurred.  » 

No  colony  might  engage  in  a  war,  without  the  consent 
of  the  whole  union,  unless  upon  some  urgent  and  sudden 
occasion.  Even  in  such  case,  it  was  to  be  avoided  as  far 
as  possible,  consistent  with  the  general  safety. 

If  a  meeting  were  summoned,  upon  any  extraordinary 
occasion,  and  the  whole  number  of  commissioners  did  not 
attend,  any  four  who  were  met,  might,  in  cases  which  ad- 
mitted of  no  delay,  determine  upon  a  war,  and  send  to 
each  colony  for  its  proportion  of  men.  A  number,  however, 
less  than  six  could  not  determine  the  justice  of  a  war,  nor 
have  power  to  settle  a  bill  of  charges,  nor  make  levies. 

If  either  of  the  confederates  should  break  any  article  of 
the  confederation,'  or  injure  one  of  the  other  colonies,  the 
affair  was  to  be  determined  by  the  commissioners  of  the 
three  other  confederates. 

The  articles  also  made  provision,  that  all  servants  run- 
ning from  their  masters,  and  criminals  flying  from  justice, 
from  one  colony  to  another,  should,  upon  demand,  and 
proper  evidence  of  their  character,  as  fugitives,  be  returned 
to  their  masters,  and  to  the  colonies  whence  they  had  mad* 


CHAP.  Vir.  CONNECTICUT.  120 

their  escape ;  that,  in  all  cases,  law  and  justice  iriight  have  BOOK  I. 
their  course.  ^^^~^s 

This  was  an  union  of  the  highest  consequence  to  the  1643. 
New-England  colonies.  It  made  them  formidable  to  the 
Dutch  and  Indians,  and  respectable  among  their  French 
neighbours.  It  was  happily  adapted  to  maintain  a  gene- 
ral harmony  among  themselves,  and  to  secure  the  peace 
and  rights  of  the  country.  It  was  one  of  the  principal 
means  of  the  preservation  of  the  colonies,  during  the  civil 
wars  and  unsettled  state  of  affairs  in  England.  It  was  the 
grand  source  of  mutual  defence  in  Philip's  war,  and  of  the 
most  eminent  service  in  civilizing  the  Indians,  and  propa- 
gating the  gospel  among  them.  The  union  subsisted  more 
than  forty  years,  until  the  abrogation  of  the  charters  of  the 
New-England  colonies,  by  king  James  the  second. 

This  union  was  very  seasonable.  The  Indians  were  soThevexa- 
tumultuous  and  hostile,  that  its  whole  influence  was  neces-  *ious  C05L". 
sary  to  prevent  a  general  war.  The  troubles  originated  in 
the  ambitious  and  perfidious  conduct  of  Miantonimoh, 
chief  sachem  of  the  Narragansets.  After  the  Pequot  war, 
he  attempted  to  set  himself  up  as  universal  sachem  overall 
the  Indians  in  New-England.  The  old  grudge  and  hatred 
which  had  subsisted  between  him  and  the  Pequots,  he  now 
suffered  to  embitter  and  inflame  his  rancorous  heart  against 
Uncas  and  the  Moheagans.  Without  any  regard  to  the 
league  made  between  him,  the  English,  and  the  Mohea- 
gans, at  Hartford,  in  1638,  when  the  Pequots  were  divided 
between  him  and  Uncas,  he  practised  murder  and  war 
against  him.  At  the  same  time,  he  used  all  the  arts  of 
which  he  was  master,  by  presents  and  intrigue,  to  inflame 
the  Indians,  and  excite  a  general  insurrection  against  the 
English  plantations.  The  Indians,  through  his  influence, 
had  been  collecting  arms  and  ammunition.  There  appear- 
ed among  them  a  general  preparation  for  war.  The  colo- 
nists were  obliged  to  keep  guards  and  watch  every  night, 
from  the  setting  to  the  rising  of  the  sun,  and  to  guard  their 
inhabitants  from  town  to  town,  and  from  one  place  to  an- 
other. 

Connecticut  was  for  making  war  immediately,  and  sent 
pressing  letters  to  the  court  at  Boston,  urging  that  a  hun- 
dred men  might  be  sent  to  Saybrook  fort,  to  assist  against 
the  enemy,' as  circumstances  might  require.  But  the  court 
of  Massachusetts  pretended  to  doubt  of  the  facts  alledged, 
and  would  not  consent. 

In  the  mean  time  Miantonimoh,  in  prosecution  of  his 
bloody  designs,  hired  a  Pequot,  one  of  Uncas's  men,  to  kill 
him.  He  made  an  attempt,  in  the  spring,  and  shot  Uncas 

JR 


130  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VIZ* 

BOOK  I.  through  his  arm.  He  then  ran  oft'  to  the  Narragansets,  re- 
N^-v^/  porting,  through  the  Indian  towns,  that  he  had  killed  Un- 
1643.  cas.  But  when  it  was  known  that  Uncas  was  not  dead, 
though  wounded,  Miantonimoh  ynd  the  Pequot  contrived 
together,  and  reported  that  tineas  had  cut  through  his  arm 
with  a  flint,  and  then  charged  the  Pequot  with  shooting 
him.  However,  Miantonimoh  soon  after  going  to  Boston, 
in  company  with  the  Pequot  who  had  wounded  Uncas,  the 
governor  and  magistrates,  upon  examination,  found  clear 
evidence,  that  the  Pequot  was  guilty  of  the  crime,  with 
'which  he  had  been  charged.  They  had  designs  of  appre- 
hending him  and  sending  him  to  Uncas,  that  he  might  be 
punished  ;  but  Miantonimoh  pleaded,  that  he  might  be  suf- 
fered to  return  with  him,  and  promised  that  he  would  send 
him  to  Uncas.  Indeed,  he  so  exculpated  himself,  and 
made  such  fair  promises,  that  they  gave  up  their  designs, 
and  permitted  them  to  depart  in  peace.  About  two  days 
after,  Miantonimoh  murdered  the  Pequot,  on  his  return, 
that  he  might  make  no  further  discovery  of  his  treacherous 
conduct. 

About  the  same  time  much  trouble  arose  from  Sequas- 
sen,  a  sachem  upon  Connecticut  river.  Several  of  his 
men  killed  a  principal  Indian  belonging  to  Uncas.  He,  or 
some  of  his  warriors,  had  also  waylaid  Uncas  himself,  as 
he  was  going  down  the  said  river,  and  shot  several  arrows 
at  him.  Uncas  made  complaint  to  the  governor  and  court 
at  Connecticut,  of  these  outrages.  Governor  Haynesand 
t  the  court  took  great  pains  to  makepeace  between  Uncas 

and  Sequassen;  Upon  hearing  their  several  stories  it  ap- 
peared, that  Uncas  required,  that  six  of  Sequassen's  men 
should  be  delivered  to  him,  for  the  murder  of  his  man,  be- 
cause he  was  a  great  man.  Governor  Haynes  and  the 
court  laboured  to  dissuade  Uncas  from  his  demand  of  six 
men  for  one ;  and  urged  him  to  be  satisfied  upon  Sequas- 
sen's  delivering  up  the  murderer.  At  length,  with  much 
jiersuasion  and  difficulty,  Uncas  consented  to  accept  of  thft 
murderer  only.  But  Sequassen  would  not  agree  to  deliv- 
er him.  He  was  nearly  allied  to  Miantonimoh,  and  one 
of  his  peculiar  favorites.  Sequassen  chose  rather  to  fight, 
than  to  make  Uncas  any  compensation,  expressing,  at  the 
same  time,  his  dependance  on  Miantonimoh  for  assistance. 
It  is  not  improbable,  that  it  was  through  the  influence  of 
Miantonimoh.  that  he  came  to  this  resolution.  Uncas  and 
Sequassen  fought.  Sequassen  was  overcome.  Uncas 
*  killed  a  number  of  his  men  and  burne^  his  wigwams. 

Miantonimoh.  without  consulting.-the  English,  according 
to  agreement,  without  proclaiming  war,  or  giving  Uncas 


CHAP.  VII.  CONNECTICUT,  131 

rhe  least  information,  raised  an  army  of  nine  hundred,  or  a  BOOK  I. 
thousand  men,  and  marched  against  him.     Uncas's  spies  ^*^s~**s 
discovered  the  army  at  some  distance  and  gave  him  intelli-    1643. 
gence.     He  was  unprepared,  but  rallying  between  four  and  Miantoni- 
five  hundred  of  his  bra  vest  men,  he  told  them  they  must  by  mohwa" 

ft*  1»C-  I  •  I          •  I  ?CS    Wlir 

110  means  sutler  JYliantommon  to  come  into  their  town  ;  but  ^;th  Uu- 
must  go  and  fight  him  on  his  way.  Having  marched  three  cas. 
or  four  miles,  the  armies  met  upon  a  large  plain.  When 
they  had  advanced  within  fair  bow  shot  of  each  other,  Un- 
cas  had  recourse  to  a  stratagen,  with  which  he  had  previ- 
ously acquainted  his  warriors.  He  desired  a  parly,  and  Uncas's 
both  armies  halted  in  the  face  of  each  other.  Uncas,  gal-  strata=em- 
lantly  advancing  in  the  front  of  his  men,  addressed  Mian- 
tonimoh  to  this  effect,  "  You  have  a  number  of  stout  men 
with  you,  and  so  have  1  with  me.  It  is  a  great  pity  that 
such  brave  warriors  should  be  killed  in  a  private  quarrel 
between  us  only.  Come  like  a  man,  as  you  profess  to  be, 
and  let  us  fight  it  out.  If  you  kill  me,  my  men  shall  be 
yours  ;  but  if  I  kill  you,  your  men  shall  be  mine."  Mian- 
ton  imoh  replied,  "My 'men  came  to  fight,  and  they  shall 
iight."  Uncas  falling  instantly  upon  the  ground,  his  men 
discharged  a  shower  of  arrows  upon  the  Narragansets ; 
and,  without  a  moment's  interval,  rushing  upon  them,  in 
the  most  furious  manner,  with  their  hideous  Indian  yell, 
put  them  immediately  to  flight.  The  Moheagans  pursued 
the  enemy  with  the  same  fury  and  eagerness  with  which 
they  commenced  the  action.  The  Narragansets  were 
driven  down  rocks  and  precipices,  and  chased  like  a  doe 
by  the  huntsman.  Among  others,  Miantonimoh  was  ex- 
ceedingly pressed.  Some  of  Uncas's  bravest  men,  who 
were  most  light  of  foot,  coming  up  with  him,  twitched  himMianton.- 
back,  impeding  his  flight,  and  passed  him,  that  Uncas  ?°^  ^e" 
might  take  him.  •  Uncas  was  a  stout  man,  and  rushing  for-  taken 
ward,  like  a  lion  greedy  of  his  prey,  seized  him  by  his  prisoner, 
shoulder.  He  knew  Uncas,  and  saw  that  he  was  now  in 
the  power  of  the  man  whom  he  had  hated,  and  by  all  means 
attempted  to  destroy  ;  but  he  sat  down  sullen  and  spake 
not  a  word.  Uncas  gave  the  Indian  whoop  and  called  up 
his  men,  who  were  behind,  to  his  assistance.  The  victo- 
ry was  complete.  About  thirty  of  the  Narragansets  were 
slain,  and  a  much  greater  number  wounded.  Among  the 
latter  was  a  brother  of  Miantonimoh  and  two  sons  ofCa- 
nonicus,  a  chief  sachem  of  the  Narraganset  Indians.  The 
brother  of  Miantonimoh  was  not  only  wounded,  but  armed 
with  a  coat  of  mail,  both  which  retarded  his  flight.  Two 
of  Miantonimoh's  captains,  who  formerly  were  Uncas's 
jaen,  but  had  treacherously  deserted  him,  discovering  his 


132  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VII. 

BOOK  I.  situation,  took  him  and  carried  him  to  Uncas,  expecting  in 
^^r~v-"x^  this  way  to  reconcile  themselves  to  their  sachem.  But  Un- 
1643.  cas  and  his  men  slew  them.  Miantonimoh  made  no  re- 
quest, either  for  himself  or  his  men  ;  but  continued  in  the 
same  sullen,  speechless  mood.  Uncas,  therefore,  deman- 
ded of  him  why  he  would  not  speak.  Said  he,  "  Had  you 
taken  me,  I  should  have  besought  you  for  my  life,"  Un- 
cas, for  the  present,  spared  his  life,  though  he  would  not 
ask  it,  and  returned  with  great  triumph  to  Moheagan,  car- 
rying the  Narraganset  sachem,  as  an  illustrious  trophy  of 
his  victory.* 

The  famous  Samuel  Gorton  and  his  company  had  pur- 
chased lands  of  Miantonimoh,  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
Massachusetts  and  Plymouth ;  and  expected  to  be  vindi- 
cated in  their  claims,  by  him,  against  those  colonies,  and 
against  the  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  sachems,  who 
were  the  original  proprietors.  Therefore,  when  the  news 
of  Uncas'  victory,  and  of  the  capture  of  Miantonimoh,  ar- 
rived at  Providence,  they  sent  to  Uncas  to  deliver  Mianto- 
nimoh, threatening  him  that  the  power  of  the  English  should 
be  employed  against  him,  if  he  refused  a  compliance. 
-  Uncas,  therefore,  carried  his  prisoner  to  Hartford,  to  ad- 

IJncs^  cnr-     .  -.1^1  i-  •  t 

ries  him  to  vlse  WW  the  governor  and  magistrates,    with  respect  tq 
Hartford,   his  conduct  in  such  a  situation. 

and  ad  vis-      Tne  governor  and  magistrates  were  of  the  opinion  that, 
es  with  the         .•  , •  ,  l  ^r 

governor.  as  tnere  was  no  open  war  between  them  and  the  JNarragan- 
sets,  it  was  not  prudent  for  them  to  intermeddle  with  the 
quarrel ;  but  advised,  that  the  whole  affair  should  be  re- 
ferred to  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies  at  their 
meeting  in  September. 

Miantoni-       How  long  Miantonimoh  continued  speechless,  does  not 
mohis        appear  ;  but  it  is  certain,  that  when  he  came  to  Hartford, 
kept  at      his  mouth  was  opened.     He  most  earnestly  pleaded  to  be 
HarUord.   je^t  jn  ^e  custoc]y  of  tne  English.     He  probably  expected 
more  safety  and  better  treatment  with  them,  than  with  Un- 
cas.    Uncas  consented  to  leave  him  at  Hartford,   but  in- 
sisted that  he  should  be  kept  as  his  prisoner.     He  was, 
therefore,  kept  under  guard  at  Hartford,  until  the  meeting 
of  the  commissioners. 

On  the  7th  of  September,  the  commissioners  met  at  Bos- 
ton. Governor  Winthrop  and  Thomas  Dudley,  Esquires, 

*  This  accouut  is  taken  from  a  manuscript  of  Mr.  Hyde,  of  Norwich, 
from  governor  WJnthrop's  Journal,  and  from  the  records  of  the  united  col- 
onies, in  one  or  other  of  which,  all  the  facts  are  ascertained.  The  manu- 
script represents  Miantonimoh  as  having  900,  and  Uncas  600  men.  The 
records  of  the  united  colonies  represent,  that  Miantonimoh  had  900,  or 
1000  men,  and  that  Uncas  had  not  half  so  many.  Governor  Winthrop's 
.Account  is  essentially  tLe  same. 


CHAP.  VII.  CONNECTICUT.  133 

were  commissioners  for  Massachusetts  ;  George  Fenwick  BOOK  I. 
and  Edward  Hopkins,  Esquires,  for  Connecticut ;  and  <^*~v~+~' 
Theophilus  Eaton  and  Thomas  Gregson,  Esquires,  for  1643. 
New-Haven.*  Governor  Winthrop  was  chosen  President. 
The  whole  affair  of  Uncas  and  Miantonimoh  was  laid  be- 
fore the  commissioners,  and  the  facts  already  related  were, 
in  their  opinion,  fully  proved  ;  not  only  his  attempts  upon 
the  life  of  Uncas,  but  that  he  had  been  the  principal  author 
of  inflaming  and  stirring  up  the  Indians  to  a  general  con- 
federacy against  all  the  English  plantations.  It  also  ap- 
peared that,  instead  of  delivering  the  Pequot,  who  had  shot 
Uncas,  as  he  promised  in  open  court,  he  had  murdered 
him  on  the  road  from  Boston  to  Narraganset.  It  was  also 
affirmed  to  the  commissioners,  that  the  Narragansets  had 
sent  for  the  Mohawks,  and  that  they  were  come  within  a 
day's  journey  of  the  English  settlements,  and  were  kept 
back  only  by  the  capture  of  Miantonimoh :  That  they  were 
waiting  for  his  release,  and  then  would  prosecute  their  de- 
signs against  the  English,  or  Uncas,  or  against  both,  as 
the  Indians  should  determine.  The  commissioners,  hav- 
ing fully  considered  the  premises,  laid  the  affair  before  five 
or  six  of  the  principal  ministers  in  Massachusetts,  and  took 
their  advice  relative  to  the  lawfulness  and  justice  of  putting 
him  to  death.  They  gave  it  as  their  opinion,  that  he  ought 
to  be  put  to  death.  The  commissioners  finally  resolved,  Determi- 
"  That  as  it  was  evident  that  Uneas  could  not  be  safe,  nation  of 

while  Miantonimoh  lived  ;  but  that,  either  by  secret  treach- the  c.rim~ 

r  u-     IT  u  u  •         ii     •       i  missioners 

ery  or  open  force,  his  life  would  be  continually  in  danger,  concernin<f 

he  might  justly  put  such  a  false  and  blood-thirsty  enemy 
to  death."  They  determined  Uncas  should  not  do  it  in  moh- 
any  of  the  English  plantations,  but  in  his  own  jurisdiction. 
At  the  same  time,  they  advised,  that  no  torture  or  cruelty, 
but  all  mercy  and  moderation  be  exercised  in  the  manner 
of  his  execution. 

The  commissioners  also  determined,  that  if  the  Narra- 
gansets, or  any  other  Indians,  should  unjustly  assault  Un- 
cas, on  the  account  of  the  execution  of  Miantonimoh,  the 
English  should,  upon  his  desire,  assist  him  against  such  vi- 
olence.! 

Governor  Winthrop  writes,  "It  was  clearly  discovered 
to  us,  that  there  was  a  general  conspiracy  among  the  In- 
dians, to  cut  off  all  the  English ;  and  that  Miantonimoh 
was  the  head  and  contriver  of  it :  That  he  was  of  a  turbu- 
lent and  proud  spirit,  and  would  never  be  at  rest :  and 
that  he  had  killed  the  Pequot  contrary  to  his  promise.  J 

*  The  commissioners  for  Plymouth  are  not  upon  record  this  year.  It  i* 
probable  that  they  did  not  arrive  until  after  the  commissioners  had  for- 
med. 

t  Records  of  the  united  colonies,     t  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  SOr.,  30r. . 


134 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  Vlf, 


BOOK  I.      The  commissioners  had  received  intimations,  that  the 

^^^-^  Narragansets  had  it  in  contemplation  to  capture  one  or 

1643     more  °f  them,  with  a  view  to  the  redemption  of  Miantoni- 

inoh.     Their  determination  respecting  his  execution,  was 

therefore  kept  as  a  profound  secret,  until  after  the  return 

of  the  commissiqners  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  lest 

it  should  inflame  and  engage  them,  in  earnest,  to  make  the 

attempt. 

July  20th  Previously  to  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  the 
the  Dutch  Dutch  governor  had  written  a  letter  to  governor  Winthrop, 
wrote  to  containing  hi-:rh  congratulations  on  the  union  of  the  colo- 

covernor        .  i      ..  *L  *•  i  •  i    •    *        r 

Winthrop.  mes'  anc*  at  tne  same  tlme  making  grievous  complaints  of 
Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  as  having  committed  unsuf- 
ferable  injuries  against  the  Dutch,  and  as  having  given  mis- 
information respecting  them  to  their  agent  in  Europe.  He 
desired  a  categorical  answer  from  governor  Winthrop, 
whether  he  would  aid  or  desert  them,  that  he  might  know 
who  were  his  friends,  and  who  were  his  enemies.  The 
governor,  after  consulting  with  some  few  of  his  council, 
Governor  wno  were  at  hand,  wrote  an  answer,  in  part,  to  the  Dutch 
Win-  governor,  reserving  to  himself  one  more  full,  at  the  session 
throp's  re-  of  the  general  court.  He  represented  his  sorrow  for  the 
differences  which  had  arisen  between  the  Dutch  and  his 
brethren  at  Hartford,  suggesting  that  they  might  be  settled 
by  arbitrators,  either  in  England,  Holland,  or  America. 
.  He  observed,  that  by  the  articles  of  confederation,  each 
colony  was  obliged  to  seek  the  safety  and  welfare  of  the 
other  colonies,  no  less  than  its  own.  He  hoped  however, 
that  this  would  not  interrupt  the  friendship  which  had  sub- 
sisted between  them  and  the  Dutch.  The  governor  ob- 
served, that  the  controversy  at  Hartford  was  for  a  small 
piece  of  land  only,  which,  in  so  vast  a  continent  as  thi.-j, 
was  of  too  little  value  to  make  a  breach  between  protest- 
ants  so  related  in  profession  and  religion,  as  the  Dutch 
and  English  were.  He  therefore  earnestly  desired,  that 
each  party  would  carefully  avoid  all  injuries,  until  thq 
differences  between  them  should  be  amicably  accom- 
modated, by  an  impartial  hearing  and  adjudication,  eithei 
in  Europe  or  America.* 

The  in'uri-  T*16  a^a'ir  was  now  brought  before  the  commissioners, 
ous  con-  Governor  Eaton  and  Mr.  Gregson  complained  of  the  out- 
duct  of  the  rages  which  the  Dutch  had  committed  against  the  persons 
Dutch  is  ancj  pr0perty  of  the  English,  within  the  limits  of  New-Hav- 

laid  before  ,   *  i  r      r 

the  com-    en?  at  Delaware,  and  in  other  places,  and  made  proof  ot 
s.  the  injuries  of  which  they  complained.      The  conduct  of 
the  Dutch  towards  Connecticut   was  also  laid  before  the 
rommissioners,  by  governor  Hopkins  and  Mr.  Fenwick. 
*  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  303,  304,  305. 


CHAP.  VII.  CONNECTICUT.  1& 

Upon  which  the  president  was  directed  to  write  a  letter,  BOOK  I. 
in  the  name  of  the  commissioners,  to  the  Dutch  governor,  v^-v-^> 
stating  the  particular  injuries  which  the  Dutch  had  done    1643. 
the  English  colonies,  and  to  demand  satisfaction*     It  was  They  de- 
also  directed,  that,  as  governor  Winthrop  had,  in  part  an-  ™an('|sat- 

°          ,     ,  r    .          '  isfactlODJ 

swered  the  Dutch  governors  letter  respecting  Connecticut, 
he  would  now,  in  further  answer  to  it,  particularize  the  in- 
juries done,  both  to  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  and  de- 
mand an  answer.  He  was  also  authorised  to  assure  the 
Dutch,  that  as  they  would  not  wrong  others,  so  neither 
would  they  desert  their  confederates  in  a  just  cause.! 

The  Indians,  at  this  period  were  beginning  to  acquire 
the  use  of  fire  arms.  The  French,  Dutch  and  others,  for 
the  sake  of  gain,  were  vending  them  arms  and  ammunition. 
The  Indians  were  in  such  a  tumultuous  and  hostile  state,  as 
had  the  appearance  of  a  general  war.  The  commission- 
ers therefore  gave  orders,  that  the  militia,  in  the  several 
colonies,  should  be  frequently  trained,  and  completely 
furnished  with  arms  and  ammunition.  All  the  companies 
were  to  be  mustered  and  reviewed  four  times  in  a  year. 
It  was  ordered,  that  all  the  towns  should  prepare  maga- 
zines, in  proportion  to  the  number  of  their  militia. 

The  commissioners,  having  given  the  necessary  direc- 
tions for  the  execution  of  M iantonimoh,  and  for  the  gene- 
ral safety  of  the  country,  dispersed  and  returned  to  their 
respective  colonies. 

Immediately,  upon  the  return  of  the  commissioners  of 
Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  Uncas,  with  a  competent 
number  of  his  most  trusty  men,  was  ordered  to  repair  forth- 
with to  Hartford.  He  was  made  acquainted  with  the  de- 
termination of  the  commissioners,  and,  receiving  his  pris- 
oner, marched  with  him  to  the  spot  where  he  had  been 
taken.  At  the  instant  they  arrived  on  the  ground,  one  of 
Uncas's  men,  who  marched  behind  Miantonimoh,  split  his  Execution 

head  with  a  hatchet,  killing  him  at  a  single   stroke.      He?f*Iia?~ 
iii  •        i'ii-/-  t  i  i      tomrnoru 

was  probably  unacquainted  with  ms  late,  and  knew  not  by 

what  means  he  fell.  Uncas  cut  out  a  large  piece  of  his 
shoulder,  and  ate  it  in  savage  triumph.  He  said,  "  it  was 
the  sweetest  meat  he  ever  ate,  it  made  his  heart  strong." 

The  Moheagans,  by  the  order  of  Uncas,  buried  him  at 
the  place  of  his  execution,  and  erected  a  great  heap,  or 
pillar,  upon  his  grave.  This  memorable  event  gave  the 
place  the  name  of  Sachem's  Plain.*  Two  Englishmen 
were  sent  with  Uncas,  to  witness  that  the  execution  was 

t  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 

*  Manuscript  of  Mr.  Hyde.  This  plain  is  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  towo 
of  Norwich. 


136  HISTORY  OF  C'HAP.  VII; 

BOOK  I.  done,  and  to  prevent  all  torture  and  cruelty  in  the  manner 
v-x-v^^^/  of  its  performance.  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  agree- 
1643.  ably  to  the  direction  of  the  commissioners,  sent  a  party  of 
soldiers  to  Moheagan,  to  defend  Uricas  against  any  assault 
which  might  be  made  upon  him  by  the  Narragansets,  in 
consequence  of  the  execution  of  their  sachem. 
Message  to  Governor  Winthrop,  at  the  same  time,  according  to  the 
^aLsets™'  or(^ers  whicn  he  had  received  from  the  commissioners,  dis- 
patched messengers  to  Canonicus,  the  Narraganset  sa- 
chem, and  the  Narraganset  Indians,  to  certify  them,  that 
the  English  had  noticed  their  perfidy,  in  violating  the  league 
between  them  and  the  English,  from  time  to  time,  notwith- 
standing the  English  had  treated  them  with  love  and  in- 
tegrity. They  assured  them,  that  they  had  discovered 
their  mischievous  plots,  in  joining  with  Miantonimoh,  in 
purchasing  aid  of  the  Indians,  and,  by  gifts,  threats,  and 
allurements,  exciting  them  to  a  confederacy  to  root  out  the 
•whole  body  of  the  English.  They  represented  to  them 
their  treachery  in  waging  war  with  Uncas,  contrary  to  their 
express  covenant  with  him,  and  with  the  English.  They 
justified  the  execution  of  Miantonimoh,  by  Uncas,  as  he 
was  his  lawful  captive,  and  as  he  had  practised  treachery 
and  murder  against  him  and  his  subjects.  They  insisted, 
that  it  was  both  just  and  agreeable  to  the  practice  of  the 
Indians  in  similar  cases.  It  was  declared  to  be  necessary 
for  the  safety  of  Uncas,  the  peace  of  the  country,  and  even 
of  the  Narragansets  themselves.  While  they  firmly  and 
fully  represented  these  facts  to  them,  they,  in  the  name  of 
the  united  colonies,  tendered  them  peace  and  safety.  They 
assured  them,  that  they  would  defend  Uncas  and  all  their 
allies,  whether  English  or  Indians,  in  their  just  rights  :  that 
if  they  desired  peace,  they  would  exercise  equal  care  and 
friendship  towards  them.t 

The  commissioners  gave  orders,  that  Connecticut  should 
provide  for  the  defence  of  Uncas  against  any  assault  or 
fury  of  the  Narragansets,  or  any  other  Indians. 
Election  at      Upon  the  general  election  at  New- Haven  in  October, 
NeWo*?~  governor  Eaton  and  Mr.  Stephen  Goodyear,  were  re-elect- 
2Gth.          ed  governor  and  deputy-governor.     Mr.  William  Fowler 
arid  Mr.  Edward  Tapp  were  -elected  magistrates  for  Mil- 
ford,  and  Thurston  Rayner  for  Stamford.     This  year,  for 
the  first  time,  the  general  court  at  New-Haven,  are  dis- 
tinctly recorded  and  distinguished  by  the  names  of  gover- 
nor, deputy-governor,  magistrates,  and  deputies. 

It  appears  that  the  plantation  at  Yennycock  had  not 
Hilly  attended  to  the  fundamental  article  of  admitting  none 
t  Jtecords  of  the  United  Colonies, 


CHAP.  VII.  CONNECTICUT.  137 

to  be  free  burgesses,  but  members  of  the  church.     It  was,  BOOK  I. 
therefore,  at  this  general  court,  decreed,  "  That  none  should  ^_x-v-^/ 
be  admitted  free  burgesses  in  any  of  the  plantations,  but    1643. 
such  as  were  members  of  some  approved  church  in  New-  Progress  of 
England  :  that  such  only  should  have  any  vote  in  elections  ;  '?w  and 
and  that  no  power  for  ordering  any  civil  affairs,  should  be  New/  & 
put  into  the  hands  of  any  but  such."  Haven. 

It  was  enacted,  that  each  town  in  the  jurisdiction  should 
choose  their  own  judges,  in  ordinary  cases.  They  were 
authorised  to  judge  in  civil  cases,  not  exceeding  twenty 
shillings,  and  in  criminal  cases,  in  which  the  punishment 
did  not  exceed  setting  the  delinquent  in  the  stocks,  whip- 
ping him,  or  fining  not  exceeding  five  pounds.  If  there 
were  a  magistrate,  or  magistrates,  in  the  towns  in  which 
these  town  courts  were  holden,  then  the  magistrate,  or  ma- 
gistrates, were  to  sit  in  the  court,  and  judgment  was  to  be 
given  with  a  due  respect  to  their  advice.  From  these 
courts,  there  was  liberty  of  appeal  to  the  court  of  magis- 
trates. 

It  was  granted,  that  all  the  free  burgesses  in  the  planta-  Privileges 
tions,  should  vote  in  the  choice  of  governors,  magistrates,  offreemen 
secretary,  and  treasurer.     It  was  also  granted,  that  each 
town  should  have  a  magistrate,  if  they  desired  it,  chosen 
from  among  their  own  free  burgesses. 

At  this  general  court,  a  court  of  magistrates  was  appoint-  Court  of 
ed,  consisting  of  all  the  magistrates  in  the  jurisdiction, 


They  were  to  meet  twice,  annually,  at  New-Haven,  on  the  ******  'n~ 
TIT       i  T         i  i  -i       %  r\         stituted. 

Mondays  preceding  the  general  courts  in  April  and  Octo- 

ber. This  court  was  authorised  to  receive  appeals  from 
the  plantation  courts,  and  to  try  all  important  causes,  civil 
and  criminal.  Every  magistrate  was  obliged,  on  penalty 
of  a  fine,  to  give  his  attendance.  Four  magistrates  consti- 
tuted a  quorum.  All  judgments  of  the  court  were  to  be 
determined  by  a  major  vote.  All  trials  were  decided  by 
the  bench.  It  does  not  appear  that  juries  were  ever  used 
in  the  colony  of  New-Haven. 

The  court  enacted,  that  there  should  be  two  general  Act  re- 
courts  for  this  colony,  to  meet  at  New-Haven,  on  the  first  9Pectin? 
Wednesday  in  April,  and  the  last  in  October,  annually.  It 
was  decreed,  that  the  general  court  should  consist  of  a 
deputy-governor,  magistrates,  and  two  deputies  from  each 
town.  In  the  last  of  these  general  courts,  a  governor,  de- 
puty-governor, magistrates,  secretary,  treasurer,  and  mar- 
shal, or  high  sheriff,  were  to  be  annually  chosen.  The 
governor,  or,  in  his  absence,  the  deputy-governor,  had 
power  to  call  a  general  court,  upon  pressing  emergencies, 
and  whenever.it  might  be  necessary.  All  the  members 

S 


138  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VII. 

BOOK  I.  were  obliged  to  attend,  upon  penalty  of  twenty  shillings 
V*X->^-N^  fine,  in  case  of  default.    It  was  ordained,  that  in  this  court 

1643.  should  subsist  the  supreme  power  of  the  commonwealth. 
General  It  was  particularly  ordained,  that  the  general  court 
court  to  should,  with  all  care  and  diligence,  endeavour  to  maintain 
fbr'the^pw-  the  purity  of  religion,  and  to  suppress  all  irreligion,  ac- 
rity  of  re-  cording  to  the  best  light  they  could  obtain  from  the  divine 
ligion.  oracles,  and  by  the  advice  of  the  elders  and  churches  in 
the  jurisdiction,  so  far  as  it  might  concern  the  civil  pow- 


* 


er. 

The  Dutch  The  Dutch  were  this  year  exceedingly  harassed  and 
apply  to  distressed  by  the  Indians,  and  made  application  to  govern- 
vendor  *"  or  Eaton  and  the  general  court,  soliciting  that  a  hundred 
help  a-  men  might  be  raised  in  the  plantations,  for  their  assistance 
gainst  the  against  such  barbarous  enemies. 

The  war  between  the  Dutch  and  Indians  began  in  this 
ofCthewar  mannei%  ^  drunken  Indian,  in  his  intoxication,  killed  a 
between  Dutchman.  The  Dutch  demanded  the  murderer,  but  he 
the  Dutch  was  not  to  be  found.  They  then  made  application  to  their 

ajid  In-  governor  to  avenge  the  murder.  He,  judging  it  would  be 
oians.  &  .  r  •  .  ,  .  .1  \  £  ,u  T  r 

unjust  or  unsafe,  considering  the  numbers  ol  the  Indians, 

arid  the  weak  and  scattered  state  of  the  Dutch  settlements, 
neglected  to  comply  with  their  repeated  solicitations.  In 
the  mean  time  the  Mohawks,  as  the  report  was,  excited  by 
(he  Dutch,  fell  suddenly  on  the  Indians,  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  Dutch  settlements,  and  killed  nearly  thirty  of  them. 
Others  fled  to  the  Dutch  for  protection.  One  Marine,  a 
Dutch  captain,  getting  intelligence  of  their  state,  made 
application  to  the  Dutch  governor,  and  obtained  a  commis- 
sion to  kill  as  many  of  them  as  it  should  be  in  his  power. 
Collecting  a  company  of  armed  men,  he  fell  suddenly  upon 
the  Indians,  while  they  were  unapprehensive  of  danger, 
and  made  a  promiscuous  slaughter  of  men,  women  and 
children,  to  the  number  of  seventy  or  eighty.  This  in- 
stantly roused  the  Indians,  in  that  part  of  the  country,  to  a 
furious,  obstinate  and  bloody  war.  In  the  spring,  and  be- 
ginning of  the  summer,  they  burnt  the  Dutch  out-houses  ; 
and  driving  their  cattle  into  their  barns,  they  burned  the 
barns  and  cattle  together.  They  killed  twenty  or  more  of 
the  Dutch  people,  and  pressed  so  hard  upon  them  that  they 
were  obliged  to  take  refuge  in  their  fort,  and  to  seek  help 
of  the.  English.  The  Indians  upon  Long-Island  united  in 
the  war  with  those  on  the  main,  and  burned  the  Dutch 
houses  and  barns.  The  Dutch  governor  in  this  situation, 
invited  captain  Underbill  from  Stamford  to  assist  him  in  the* 
war.  Marine,  the  Dutch  captain,  was  so  exasperated 
*  Record*  of  New-Havep,  fol.  vol.  i.  p.  73,  74,  IS. 


VII.  CONNECTICUT.  139 

with  this  proceeding  that  he  presented  his   pistol  at  the  BOOK  I. 
governor,  and  would  have  shot  him,  but  was  prevented  by  v-x-v-x^ 
one  who    stood  by  him.     Upon  this  one  of  Marine's  ten-    l(S43f 
ants  discharged  his  musket  at  the  governor,  and  the  ball 
but  just  missed  him.     The  governor's  sentinel  shot  the 
tenant  and  killed  him  on  the  spot.     The  Dutch,  who  at 
first  were  so  forward  for  a  war  with  the  Indians,  were  now, 
when  they  experienced  the  loss  and  dangers  of  it,  so  irri- 
tated at  the  governor,  for  the  orders  which  he  had  given, 
that  he  could  not  trust  himself  among  them.     He  was  obli- 
ged to  keep  a  constant  guard  of  fifty  Englishmen  about  his 
person.     In  the  summer  and  fall  the  Indians  killed  fifteen 
more  of  the  Dutch  people,  and  drove  in  all  the  inhabitants 
of  the  English  and  Dutch  settlements,  west  of  Stamford. 

In  prosecution  of  their  works  of  destruction,  they  made 
a  visit  to  the  neighbourhood  where  Mrs.  Hutchinson,  who 
had  been  so  famous,  at  Boston,  for  her  Antinomian  and  fa- 
inilistical  tenets,  had  made  a  settlement.  The  Indians, 
at  first,  appeared  with  the  same  friendship  with  which  they 
used  to  frequent  her  house  ;  but  they  murdered  her  and  all 
her  family,  Mr.  Collins,  her  son  in  law,  and  several  other 
persons,  belonging  to  other  families  in  the  neighbourhood. 
Eighteen  persons  were  killed  in  the  whole.  The  Indians, 
with  an  implacable  fury,  prosecuted  the  destruction  of  the 
Dutch,  and  of  their  property,  in  all  that  part  of  the  coun- 
try. They  killed  and  burned  their  cattle,  horses  and  barns 
without  resistance.  Having  destroyed  the  settlements  in. 
the  country,  they  passed  over  to  the  Dutch  plantations  on 
Long-Island,  doing  all  the  mischief  of  which  they  were 
capable.  The  Dutch,  who  escaped,  were  confined  to  their 
fort,  and  were  obliged  to  kill  and  eat  their  cattle,  for  their 
subsistence.  Their  case  was  truly  distressing.*  It  de- 
manded succour  as  far  as  it  could  have  been  consistently 
given. 

Governor  Eaton  and  the  general  court,  having  maturely: 
considered  the  purport  of  the  Dutch  governor's  letter,  re- 
jected the  proposal  for  raising  men  and  assisting  in  the 
war  against  the  Indians.  Their  principal  reasons  were^ 
that  joining  separately  in  war,  was  prohibited  by  the  arti- 
cles of  confederation  ;  and  that  they  were  not  satisfied  that 
the  Dutch  war  with  the  Indians  was  just. 

Nevertheless  it  was  determined,  that  if  the  Dutch  need- 
ed corn  and  provisions  for  men  or  cattle,  by  reason  of  the 
destruction  which  the  Indians  had  made,  the  court  would 
give  them  all  the  assistance  in  its  power,! 

*  Winthrop's  Journal,  p.  272,  273  and  308, 
t  Records  of  New-Haven. 


140-  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VII. 

BOOK  I.      The  war  continued  several  years,  and  was  bloody  and 
^-v'v^  destructive  both  to  the  Dutch  and  Indians.     Captain  Un- 
1643.     derhill  had  the   principal    management  of  it,  and  was  of 
great  service  to  the  Dutch.     He   collected  a  flying  army 
of  a  hundred  and  twenty,  and  sometimes  of  a  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  English  and  Dutch,  by  which  he  preserved  the 
Dutch  settlements  from  total  destruction.     It  was  suppos- 
ed, that,  upon  Long-Island  and  on  the  main,  he  killed  be- 
tween four  and  five  hundred  Indians.! 

The  Indians  at  Stamford  too  much  caught  the  spirit  of 
the  western  Indians  in  their  vicinity,  who  were  at  war  with 
the  Dutch.  They  appeared  so  tumultuous  and  hostile, 
that  the  people  at  Stamford  were  in  great  fear,  that  they 
should  soon  share  the  fate  of  the  settlements  at  the  west- 
ward of  them.  They  wrote  to  the  general  court  at  New- 
Haven,  that  in  their  apprehensions  there  were  just  grounds 
of  a  war  with  those  Indians,  and  that  if  their  houses  should 
be  burned,  because  the  other  plantations  would  not  con- 
sent to  war,  they  ought  to  bear  the  damage. 

The  Narraganset  Indians  were  enraged  at  the  death  of 
their  sachem.  The  English  were  universally  armed.  The 
strictest  watch  and  guard  was  kept  in  all  the  plantations. 
In  Connecticut,  every  family,  in  which  there  was  a  man 
capable  of  bearing  arms,  was  obliged  to  send  one  com- 
plete in  arms,  every  Lord's  day,  to  defend  the  places  of 
public  worship.  Indeed  all  places  wpre  the,  aspect  of  a 
general  war. 

t  Dr,  Belkpap's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  5Q, 


CHAP.  VIII.  CONNECTICUT. 


CHAPTER  VIII.  J644, 


Public  fusts  appointed.  Indians  continue  hostile,  and  com- 
mit murder.  Acts  of  the  commissioners  respecting  them. 
Branford  settled.  Towns  in  Connecticut.  Message  of 
the  commissioners  to  the  Narragansels.  Their  agreement 
respecting  Uncas.  Long-Island  Indians  taken  under  the 
protection  of  the  United  Colonies.  Massachusetts  claim 
part  of  the  Pequot  country  and  Waranoke.  Determina- 
tion of  the  commissioners  respecting  said  claim.  Agree- 
ment with  Mr.  Fenwick  relative  to  Saybrookfort  and  the 
adjacent  country.  Fortifications  advanced.  Extraordi- 
nary meeting  of  the  commissioners  to  suppress  the  outrages 
of  the  Narragansets.  War  proclaimed  and  troops  sent 
against  them.  Tkey  treat  and  prevent  war.  Fairjield 
object  to  a  jury  of  six.  Controversy  with  the  Dutch. 
The  Indians  plot  against  the  life  of  governor  Hopkins  and 
other  principal  gentlemen  at  Hartford.  Damages  at 
Windsor.  Battle  between  the  Dutch  and  Indians.  Loss- 
es of  New -Haven.  Dispute  with  Massachusetts  relative 
to  the  impost  at  Saybrook.  Mr.  JVinthrop^s  claim  of  the 
Nehantick  countrii.  Settlement  of  accounts  between  the 

7         • 

colonies. 

THE  affairs  both  of  Old  and  New-England,  wore  so  Pub.lic 
gloomy  an  aspect,  at  this  time,  that  the  pious  peo-  fa0s/n1j1ff(1ap" 
pie,  in  the  colonies,  judged  extraordinary  fasting  and 
prayer  to  be  their  indispensable  duty.  The  flames  of  civ- 
fl  discord  were  kindled  in  England,  and  the  tumultuous 
and  hostile  state  of  the  nati-ves  in  the  united  colonies, 
threatened  them  with  a  bloody  and  merciless  Indian  war. 
The  general  court  of  Connecticut  therefore  ordained  a 
monthly  fast,  through  the  colony,  to  begin  on  Wednesday, 
the  6th  of  January.  New-Haven  had  before  appointed  a 
fast,  at  the  same  time,  in  all  the  plantations  in  that  juris- 
diction. Indeed,  this  was  practised,  throughout  the  uni- 
ted colonies,  during  the  civil  wars  in  England.  The  colo- 
nists sympathized  with  their  brethren,  in  their  native  coun- 
try, and  conformed  to  them  in  their  days  of  humiliation 
and  prayer. 

The  freemen  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  exhibited  Freemen 
a  remarkable  example  of  steadiness  in  the  election  of  civ-  steady. 
il  officers.     Nearly  the  same  persons  were  chosen  annual- 
ly into  places  of  principal  trust  as  long  as  they  lived.     This 
year  Edward  Hopkins,  Esq.  was  chosen  governor,  and 


142  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VIII. 

BOOK  I.  John  Haynes,  Esquire,  deputy-governor.     The  other  ma- 
x^~v-^/  gistrates  were  the  same  as  they  had  been  the  last  year,  e\- 
1644.    cept  Mr.  William  Swain,  who.  was  chosen  into  the  magis- 
tracy.     Mr.  Haynes  and  Mr.  Hopkins  were  generally 
elected,  alternately  governor  and  deputy-governor,  during 
their  respective  lives.     The  reason  of  this  annual  change 
of  them,  from  governor  to  deputy-governor,   was  because 
the  constitution  prohibited  the  choice  of  any  man  gover- 
nor, more  than  once  in  two  years. 

At  New-Haven,  governor  Eaton  was  annually  elected 
to  the  office  of  governor,  during  his  life  ;  and  Mr.  Stephen 
Goodyear  was  generally  chosen  deputy-governor. 

The  Indians  were   no  more  peaceable  this  year,  than 
they  were  the  last.     Those  in  the  western  part  of  Connect- 
icut, still  conducted  themselves  in  a  hostile  manner.     In 
the  spring,  they  murdered  a  man  belonging  to  Massachu- 
Jte  In"      setts,  between  Fairfield  and  Stamford.     About  six  or  eight 
jiliunur™'  weeks  after  the  murder  was  discovered,  the  Indians  prom- 
der.  ised  to  deliver  the  murderer,  at  Unco  way,  if  Mr.  Ludlow 

would  appoint  men  to  receive  him.  Mr.  Ludlow  sent  ten 
men  for  that  purpose ;  but  as  soon  as  the  Indians  came 
within  sight  of  the  town,  they,  by  general  consent,  unbound 
the  prisoner  and  suffered  him  to  escape.  The  English 
were  so  exasperated  at  this  insult,  that  they  immediately 
seized  on  eight  or  ten  of  the  Indians,  and  committed  them 
to  prison.  There  was  among  them  not  less  than  one  or 
two  sachems.  Upon  this,  the  Indians  arose  in  great  num- 
May  1st  kers  akout  tne  town,  and  exceedingly  alarmed  the  people, 
both  at  Fairfield  and  Stamford.  Mr.  Ludlow  wrote  to 
New-Haven  for  advice.  The  court  desired  him  to  keep 
the  Indians  in  durance,  and  assured  him  of  immediate  as- 
sistance, should  it  be  necessary  and  desired.  A  party  of 
twenty  men  were  draughted  forthwith,  and  prepared  to 
march  to  Stamford  upon  the  shortest  notice.  The  Indians 
were  held  in  custody,  until  four  sachems,  in  those  parts, 
appeared  and  interceded  for  them,  promising,  that  if  the 
English  would  release  them,  they  would,  within  a  month, 
deliver  the  murderer  to  justice. 

Not  more  than  a  month  after   their  release,  an  Indian 
went  boldly  into  the  town  of  Stamford,  and  made  a  murder- 
ous assault  upon  a  woman,  in  her  house.     Finding  no  man 
Woman     at  home,  he  took  up  a  lathing  hammer,  and  approached  her 
wo'"1(led    as  though  he  were  about  to  put  it  into  her  hand ;  but,  as 
ford  in       she  was  stooping  down  to  take  her  child  from  the  cradle, 
June.         he  struck  her  upon  the  head.     She  fell  instantly  with  the 
blow  ;  he  then  struck  her  twice,  with  the  sharp  part  of  the 
hammer,  which  penetrated  her  skull.     Supposing  her  to 


CHAP.  VIII.  CONNECTICUT.  143 

be  dead,   he  plundered  the  house,  and  made  his  escape.  BOOK  I. 
Soon  after,  the  woman  so  far  recovered,  as  to  describe  the  \*~v~^s 
Indian,  and  his  manner  of  dress.     Her  wounds,  which  at     1644. 
first  appeared  to  be  mortal,  were  finally  healed ;  but  her 
brain  was  so  affected,  that  she  lost  her  reason. 

At  the  same  time,  the  Indians  rose  in  those  parts,  with 
the  most  tumultuous  and  hostile  appearances.  They  re- 
fused to  come  to  the  English,  or  to  have  any  treaty  with 
them.  They  appeared,  in  a  very  alarming  manner,  about 
several  of  the  plantations,  firing  their  pieces,  and  exceed- 
ingly terrifying  the  inhabitants.  They  deserted  their  wig- 
wams, and  neglected  to  weed  their  corn.  The  English 
had  intelligence  that  the  Indians  designed  to  cut  them  off. 
Most  of  the  English  judged  it  unsafe  to  travel  by  land,  and 
some  of  the  plantations  were  obliged  to  keep  a  strong 
guard  and  watch,  night  and  day.  And  as  they  had  not 
numbers  sufficient  to  defend  themselves,  they  made  appli- 
cation to  Hartford  and  New-Haven  for  assistance.  They 
both  sent  aid  to  the  weaker  parts  of  their  respective  colo- 
nies. New-Haven  sent  help  to  Fairfield  and  Stamford,  as 
they  were  much  nearer  to  them,  than  to  Connecticut. 

After  a  great  deal  of  alarm  and  trouble,  the  Indian,  who 
had  attempted  the  murder  of  the  woman,  was  delivered  up, 
and  condemned  to  death.     He  was  executed  at  New-Ha- 
ven.    The  executioner  cut  off  his  head  with  a  falchion  :  indian  ex, 
but  it  was  cruelly  done.     He  gave  the  Indian  eight  blows,  ecuted. 
before  he  effected  the  execution.     The  Indian  sat  erect 
and  motionless,  until  his  head  was  severed  from  his  body,* 

Both  the  colonies  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  were 
put  to  great  expense,  this  year,  in  defending  themselves, 
and  they  were  obliged  to  bear  the  whole  charge,  as  the 
measures  adopted  for  their  defence,  were  taken  by  the  or- 
der of  their  respective  legislatures,  and  not  by  the  direction 
of  the  commissioners. 

The  unhappy  divisions  which  continued  at  Weathers- 
field,  occasioned  another  settlement  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  New-Haven.  As  Mr.  Eaton,  to  whom  Totoket  had  been 
granted,  in  1640,  had  not  performed  the  conditions  of  the 
grant,  New-Haven,  for  the  accommodation  of  a  number  oi 
people  at  Weathersfield,  made  a  sale  of  it  to  Mr.  William 
Swain,  and  others  of  that  town.  They  sold  it  at  the  price 
which  it  cost  them,  stipulating  with  Mr.  Swain  and  his  com- 
pany, that  they  should  unite  with  that  colony,  in  all  the 
fundamental  articles  of  government.  The  settlement  of 
the  town  immediately  commenced.  At  the  same  time,  Mr. 
Abraham  Pierson,  with  a  part  of  his  church  and  congrega- 

*  Redords  of  the  colonies,  and  Winlhrop's  Journal,  p.  So?. 


141  HISTORY  OF  CHAP*  VIII. 

BOOK  I.  tion,  from  Southampton,  on  Long-Island,  removed  and  uni- 
v^v~x^>  ted  with  the  people  of  Weatherstield,  in  the  settlement  of 
1644.    the  town.     A  regular  church  was  soon  Conned,  and  Mr. 
Pierson  was  chosen  pastor.     The.  town  was  named  Bran- 
ford.     Mr.  Swain  was  the   principal  planter,  and,  a  few 
years  after,  was  chosen  one  of  the  magistrates  of  the  colony 
of  New-Haven,  as  he  had  previously  been  of  the  colony  of 
Connecticut. 

Sept.  5th.  The  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  this  year,  was  at 
Hartford.  Mr.  Simon  Bradstreet  and  Mr.  William  Haw- 
thorne were  commissioners  from  the  Massachusetts  ;  Mr. 
Edward  Winslow  and  Mr.  William  Brown,  from  Plymouth ; 
Governor  Hopkins  and  Mr.  George  Fenwick,  for  Con- 
necticut ;  and  Governor  Eaton  and  Mr.  Thomas  Gregson. 
from  New-Haven. 

Commis-        No  sooner  was  the  meeting  opened,  than  a  proposal  was 

sioners  of   made  by  the  commissioners  from  Massachusetts,  directed 

Massa-      j-jy  tnejr  general  court,  that  the  commissioners  from  that 

claim  pre-  colony  should  always  have  preference  to  the  commission- 

cedeuce.     ersof  the  other  colonies,  and  be  allowed  to  subscribe  first, 

in  the  same  order  in  which  the  articles  of  confederation 

had  been  signed. 

Upon  consideration  of  the  proposal,  the  commissioners 
were  unanimously  of  the  opinion,  that  no  such  thing  had 
either  been  proposed,  granted,  or  practised,  by  the  com- 
missioners of  the  other  jurisdictions,  in  any  of  their  former 
meetings,  though  the  articles  had  been  subscribed  in  the 
presence  of  the  general  court  of  the  Massachusetts.  They 
resolved,  that  the  commission  was  free,  and  might  not  re- 
ceive any  thing,  but  what  was  expressed  by  the  articles  of 
confederation,  as  imposed  by  any  general  court.  Never- 
theless, they  determined,  that,  on  account  of  their  respect 
to  the  Massachusetts,  they  willingly  granted,  that  their 
commissioners  in  that,  and  in  all  future  meetings,  should 
subscribe  first,  after  the  president,  and  the  commissioners 
of  the  other  colonies  in  such  order  as  they  were  named  in 
the  articles ;  viz.  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  and  New-Haven. 
The  Indians  were,  this  year,  almost  every  where  trouble- 
some, and,  in  some  places,  in  a  high  state  of  hostility.  In 
Virginia  they  generally  rose,  and  made  a  most  horrible 
massacre  of  the  English,*  and  it  was  imagined,  that  there 
\vas  a  general  combination  among  the  southern  and  New- 
England  Indians,  to  destroy  all  the  colonies.  The  Narra- 
ganset  Indians,  regardless  of  all  their  covenants  with  the 

*  In  two  days  they  massacred  about  300  Virginians.  Many  of  them  were 
killed  so  suddenly  and  unexpectedly,  that  they  knew  neither  the  hand  nor 
by  which  they  fell. 


CHAP.  VIII.  CONNECTICUT.  14$ 

English  and  with  Uncas,  continued  in  acts  of  constant  hos-  BOOK  I. 
tility  against  the  latter,  and  so  oppressed  the  sachems  and  v>-^~v^-' 
Indians  under  the  protection  of  the  Massachusetts,  that    1644. 
they  were  obliged  to  dispatch  a  party  of  men  for  their  de- 
fence and  assistance,  in  fortifying  against  these  oppressors. 

The  commissioners  immediately  sent  Thomas  Stanton,  Message 

their  interpreter,  and  Nathaniel  Willet,  into  the  Narragan- from  ^e 
i    T,V   ,  .  .  i  .      ,  *?        commis- 

set  and  Moneagan  countries,  with  particular  instructions  sioners  to 

to  their  respective  sachems.  They  were  instructed  to  ac-  the  In- 
quaint  the  sachems,  that  the  commissioners  were  then  met diaa*' 
at  Hartford ;  and  that,  if  they  would  appear  and  lay  their 
respective  grievances  before  them,  they  would  judge  im- 
partially between  them  :  that  the  commissioners  had  heard 
the  report  which  they  had  spread  abroad  concerning  Un- 
cas, that  he  had  taken  a  ransom,  in  part,  for  Miantonimoh, 
and  afterwards  had  put  him  to  death  ;  and  that  he  refused 
to  return  the  ransom.  They  were  directed  to  assure  them, 
that  Uncas  utterly  denied  the  charge  :  that  nevertheless,  if 
they  would  go  themselves,  or  send  some  of  their  principal 
men  to  Hartford,  the  commissioners  would  impartially  hear 
this,  and  all  other  differences  subsisting  between  them  and 
the  Moheagans,  and  assist  them  in  the  settlement  of  an  ami- 
cable correspondence  between  the  two  nations ;  and  that 
the  parties  should  have  a  safe  passage  to  and  from  Hartford, 
without  any  injury  from  the  English.  According  to  their 
instructions,  they  demanded  of  both  parties,  that  they  should 
commit  no  acts  of  hostility  against  each  other  in  their  tra- 
vels to  Hartford,  nor  on  their  return  to  their  respective 
countries  ;  and  that  all 'hostilities  against  each  other's  plan- 
tations should  cease,  during  the  hearing  and  treaty  pro- 
posed. If  either  of  the  parties  should  refuse  to  go  or  send 
to  Hartford,  the  treaty  made  in  1638  was  to  be  urged 
against  them,  and  their  engagements  not  to  go  to  war  with 
each  other,  until  they  had  acquainted  the  English  with  their 
grievances,  and  taken  their  advice.  Directions  were  giv- 
en, that  it  should  be  demanded  of  the  party  refusing,  what 
their  designs  were  ?  Whether  they  were  for  peace  or  war  ? 
Whether  they  designed  to  perform  their  treaties  made  with 
the  English  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut?  Or  whe- 
ther they  considered  them  as  all  broken  and  void  ?  The 
interpreter  was  charged  fully  to  state  all  these  articles  to 
the  Indians,  and,  having  taken  their  answers  in  writing,  to 
read  them  to  the  sachems,  that  they  might  understand  and 
acknowledge  them  to  be  the  very  answers  which  they  had 
given. 

In  consequence  of  this  message,  the  Narraganset  Indians 
sent  one  of  their  sachems,  with  other  chief  men,  to  prove 

T 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  VII  I, 


pear  be- 

fore  the 


Agreement 
oftiieKar- 
ragansetj. 


BOOK  I.  their  charge  against  Uncas,  and  to  treat  with  the  English. 
v-«*^v—x^  They,  also,  bound  themselves  to  confirm  what  their  depu- 
1644.     ties  should  do  in  their  name.     Uncas,  also,  made  his  ap- 
Thelu-      pearance,  and  the  commissioners  went  into  a  full  hearing 
of  all  differences  between  the  parties.     Upon  hearing  the 

.     .  ,,         {      ,          .         ' 

case,  the  commissioners  found,  that  there  never  had  been 
any  agreement  between  the  Narragansets  and  Uncas,  for 
fae  redemption  of  Miantonimoh,  nor  any  thing  paid,  in 
whole  or  in  part,  for  his  ransom.  Notwithstanding,  they 
declared,  that  if  the  Narragansets  should  hereafter  be  able 
to  prove  what  they  had  alledged  against  Uncas,  that  they 
would  order  him  to  make  full  satisfaction.  They  also  re- 
solved, that  neither  the  Narragansets  nor  Nehanticks  should 
make  any  war  or  assault  upon  Uncas,  or  any  of  his  men, 
until  they  should  make  proof  of  the  pretended  ransom,  and 
that  Uncas  had  refused  to  make  them  satisfaction. 

The  Narraganset  sachem  and  his  counsellors,  upon  con 
sujta(jon  together,  stipulated,  in  behalf  of  the  Narraganscr 
^^  Nehantick  Indians,  that  no  hostility  should  be  com- 
mitted against  Uricas,  or  any  of  his  Indians,,  until  after  the 
next  year's  time  of  planting  corn.  They  also  covenanted, 
that,  before  they  began  war,  they  would  give  thirty  days 
notice,  either  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  or  Connecti- 
cut. Thus,  for  the  present,  by  the  vigorous  and  prudent 
exertions  of  the  colonies  and  their  commissioners,  an  Indian 
war  was  prevented. 

Yoncho,  Wiantanse,  Moughmatow,  and  Weenaganinim, 
gachems  of  Monhauset  and  its  vicinity,  on  Long-Island. 
w^  their  companies,  appeared  before  the  commissioners, 
and  represented,  that  they,  and  the  Long-Island  Indians, 
had  been  tributaries  to  the  English  ever  since  the  Pequot 
war,  araJ  that  they  had  nerer  injured  the  English  nor  the 
Dutch,  but  had  been  friendly  to  both.  They,  therefore* 
desired  a  certificate  of  their  relation  to  the  English,  and  to 
be  taken  under  the  protection  of  the  united  colonies.  Up- 
on this  representation,  the  commissioners  gave  them  a  cer- 
tificate, and  declared,  that  it  was  their  desire,  while  they 
continued  peaceable,  and  did  not  intermeddle  with  the 
quarrels  of  other  Indians,  they  and  their  companies  might 
enjoy  ample  peace,  without  any  disturbance  from  the  Eng- 
lish, or  any  in  connection  or  friendship  with  them. 

In  this  meeting,  the  commissioners  of  Massachusetts  laid 
claim  to  part  Of  the  Pequot  country,  on  the  footing  of  joint 
conquest.  They  desired,  that  a  division  of  the  country 
might  be  made,  or  some  way  prescribed,  by  which  the  af- 
fair might  be  compromised. 

Mr.  Fenwick,  in  behalf  of  himself,  and  the  noblemen  and 


The  Long- 
Island  In- 

ken'under 
protection 
oftiiecolo- 

Bies* 


Massa- 
chusetts 

Pequot  * 
country, 


CHAP.  VIII.  [CONNECTICUT.  147 

gentlemen  in  England,  particularly  interested  in  the  lands  BOOK  I. 
in  question,  pleaded,  that  nothing  in  their  absence  might  be  v^-v-x-" 
determined  against  their  title.      He  insisted,  that  Pequot    1C44. 
harbour,  and  the  lands  in  the  adjacent  country,  were  of 
great  consequence  to  the  gentlemen  interested  in  the  Con- 
necticut patent.      He  said  they  had  a  special  respect  to 
them,  in  their  consultations,  relative  So  a  plantation  in  these 
parts. 

The  commissioners  judged,  that  a  convenient  time  ought  Determi- 
to  be  given  to  those  noble  personages  to  plead  their  right,  nati°n  of 
and  that  all  patents,  of  equal  authority,  ought  to  have  the 
same  construction,  both  with  reference  to  propriety  and 
jurisdiction. 

The  commissioners  of  Massachusetts  also  made  claim  to  claim  of 
Waranoke,  now   Westficld,   as  lying  within  the  limits  of  Massachu- 
their  patent.     Mr.  Fenwick,  at  the  same  time,  claimed  it    tts  to 
as  covered  by  the  patent  of  Connecticut.      However,  as  it 
appeared  to  the  commissioners,  that  Mr.  Fenwick  had 
promised,  before  this  meeting,  either  to  clear  his  title  to 
Waranoke,  or  submit  to  the  government  of  Massachusetts, 
they  determined,  that  Waranoke,  with  Mr.  Hopkins's  tra- 
ding house,  and  the  other  houses  and  lands  in  that  planta- 
tion, should  be  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts,  un- 
til  it  should  be  made  evident  to  which  colony  they  belong- 
ed ;    but  that  the  propriety  of  the  land  should  belong  to 
the  purchasers,  provided  it  should   not  exceed  two  thou- 
sand acres. 

The  reverend  Mr.  Shepard  wrote  to  the  commissioners,  Confribu- 

representing  the   necessity  of   further  assistance    for  theti°n1for 

r        i     i  .    ft.      i     •  i  i  scholars  at 

support  01  scnolars  at  Cambridge,  whose  parents   were  Cam- 

iieedy,  and  desired  them  to  encourage  a  general  contribu-  bridge. 
Jion  through  the  colonies.  The  commissioners  approved 
the  motion ;  and,  for  the  encouragement  of  literature,  re- 
commended it  to  the  general  courts  in  the  respective  colo- 
nies, to  take  it  into  their  consideration,  and  to  give  it  gene- 
ral encouragement.  The  general  courts  adopted  the  re- 
commendation, and  contributions  of  grain  and  provisions 
were  annually  made,  through  the  united  colonies,  for  thf 
charitable  end  proposed. 

At  this  meeting  a  plan  was  concerted  by  the  commis- 
sioners, for  a  general  trade  with  the  Indians,  by  a  joinr 
stock.  It  was  proposed  to  begin  the  trade  with  a  stock  ot 
five  or  six  thousand  pounds,  and  to  increase  it  to  twenty 
thousand  or  more.  It  was  designed,  that  each  general 
court  should  approve  and  establish  the  trade,  with  pecul- 
iar privileges,  for  the  term  of  twenty  years :  but  it  was 
ijever  adopted.  It  seems  it  di<4  not  comport  with  the  views 


148  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VI1T. 

BOOK  I.  of  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  ;    and  this,  notwith- 
\^v~v^  standing  the  confederation,  rendered  all  the  determina- 
1644.     tions  of  the  commissioners  void,  which  were  not  agreeable 
to  their  views  and  interests. 

As  the  Indians  were  numerous,  and  began  to  learn  the 
use  of  fire  arms,  all  trading  with  them,  in  any  of  the  united 
colonies,  in  guns,  ammunition,  swords,  or  any  warlike  in- 
struments, directly  or  indirectly,  was  prohibited,  upon  the 
penalty  of  a  fine  of  twenty  times  the  value  of  the  articles 
thus  unlawfully  sold.  It  was  also  recommended  to  the 
several  courts,  to  prohibit  all  vending  of  arms  and  ammu- 
nition to  the  French  or  Dutch,  because  they  immediately 
disposed  of  them  to  the  Indians.  Every  smith  was  for- 
bidden to  mend  a  gun  or  any  warlike  instrument  for  an  In- 
dian, upon  a  severe  penalty.* 

South-Hampton,  on  Long-Island,  was,  by  the  advice  of 
the  commissioners,  taken  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Connec- 
ticut. This  town  was  settled  in  1640.  The  inhabitants 
of  Lynn,  in  Massachusetts,  became  so  straitened  at  home, 
that,  about  the  year  1639,  they  contracted  with  the  agent 
of  Lord  Sterling,  for  a  tract  of  land  on  the  west  end  of 
Long-Island.  They  also  made  a  treaty  with  the  Indians, 
and  began  a  settlement,  but  the  Dutch  gave  them  so  much 
trouble,  that  they  were  obliged  to  desert  it,  and  remove 
further  eastward.  They  collected  nearly  a  hundred  fami- 
lies and  made  a  permanent  settlement  at  South-Hampton. 
By  the  advice  of  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  they 
entered  into  a  combination  among  themselves,  to  maintain 
civil  government.  A  number  of  them  regularly  formed 
themselves  into  church  state,  before  they  removed  to  the 
Island,  and  called  Mr.  Abraham  Pierson  to  be  their  pastor. 
He  had  been  a  minister  in  Yorkshire,  in  England.  Upon, 
his  arrival  in  New-England,  he  became  a  member  of  the 
church  at  Boston,  whence  he  was  called  to  the  work  of  the 
ministry  at  South-Hampton. t  This  year  he  removed  with 
part  of  his  church  to  Branford.  It  seems  that  they  were 
not  pleased  that  the  town  had  put  itself  under  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Connecticut. 

General  This  year  a  committee,  consisting  of  the  governor,  dep- 
courtm  uty-governor,  and  several  other  gentlemen,  were  appoint- 
ed by  the  general  court  of  Connecticut,  to  treat  with  George 
Fenwick,  Esquire,  relative  to  the  purchase  of  Saybrook 
fort,  and  of  all  guns,  buildings  and  lands  in  the  colony, 
which  he,  and  the  lords  and  gentlemen  interested  in  the 
patent  of  Connecticut,  might  claim.  The  next  December 

*  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 
,  b.^iii.  p.  95. 


CHAP.  VIII.  CONNECTICUT.  149 

they  came  to  an  agreement  with  Mr.  Fenwick,  to  the  fol-  BOOK  I. 
lowing  effect :  ^*~^'**> 

"Articles  of  agreement  made   and  concluded  betwixt    1644. 
George  Fenwick,  Esquire,  of  Say  brook  fort,  on  the  one  Agreement 
part,  and  Edward  Hopkins,  John  Haynes,  John    Mason, 
John  Steele,  and  James  Boosy,  for,  and  on  the  behalf  of 
the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut  river,  on  the  other  part,  the  Dec.  5, 
5th  of  December,  1644.  1644- 

"  The  said  George  Fenwick,  Esq.  doth  make  over  to  the 
use  and  behoof  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut  river,  to 
be  enjoyed  by  them  forever,  the  fort  at  Saybrook.  with  the 
appurtenances  :  all  the  land  upon  the  river  Connecticut ; 
and  such  lands  as  are  yet  undisposed  of,  shall  be  ordered 
and  given  out  by  a  committee  of  five,  whereof  George  Fen- 
wick, Esq.  is  always  to  be  one.  The  said  George  Fen- 
wick doth  also  promise,  that  all  the  lands  from  Narragan- 
set  river,  to  the  fort  of  Saybrook,  mentioned  in  a  patent 
granted  by  the  earl  of  Warwick,  to  certain  nobles,  and 
gentlemen,  shall  fall  in  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecti- 
cut, if  it  come  into  his  power."* 

*  About  (his  time  died  George  Wyllys,  E?q.  the  venerable  ancestor  of 
the  Wyllyses  in  Connecticut.  He  was  possessed  of  a  fair  estate,  at  Knap- 
Ion,  in  the  county  of  Warwick,  worth  £500  a  year.  In  1636,  he  sent  over 
"William  Gibbons,  the  steward  of  his  house,  with  twenty  men,  to  prepare 
him  a  seat  at  Hartford.  They  purchased,  and  took  possession  of  a  fine 
tract  of  land,  erected  buildings,  and  planted  a  garden  upon  that  pleasant 
plat,  which  has  ever  since  been  the  principal  seat  of  the  family.  In  1638 
he  came  over  with  his  household  ;  arid,  at  the  election  in  1639,  was  chosen 
into  the  magistracy,  in  which  he  continued  about  five  years,  until  his  death. 
In  1641,  he  was  chosen  deputy -governor,  and  in  1642,  governor  of  the  col- 
ony. It  appears  from  the  manuscripts  of  the  family,  that  both  he  and 
Mrs.  \Vyllys  were  eminently  pious,  living  with  all  the  exactness  of  the  Pu- 
ritans of  that  day.  From  love  to  undefiled  religion,  and  purity  in  divine 
ordinances  and  worship,  they  exchanged  their  pleasant  seat  and  easy  cir- 
cumstances in  England,  for  the  dangers  and  hardships  01  a  wilderness  in 
America.  He  left  one  son,  Samuel,  about  twelve  years  of  age.  He  was 
educated  at  Cambridge,  where  he  was  graduated  1653;  and  the  next  year 
was  chosen  one  of  the  magistrates  for  Connecticut,  at  about  twenty-two 
years  of  age.  It  appears  by  his  manuscripts,  that  he  became  deeply  im- 
pressed with  the  truths  and  importance  of  religion,  at  college,  under  the 
ministry  of  Mr.  Shepard  ;  and  the  spirit  of  his  pious  parents  descended 
upon  him.  He  married  a  daughter  of  governor  Haynes,  who  appeared 
equally  to  have  imbibed  the  spirit  of  her  Saviour.  In  his  manuscripts,  ho 
describes  the  excellent  examples  which  their  parents  had  exhibited,  and 
the  pious  pains  they  employed  in  their  education;  teaching  them,  from 
childhood,  to  pray  always  in  secret,  private  and  public  ;  to  venerate  the 
sabbath,  and  the  divine  word  ;  and  to  attend  all  Christian  institutions  and 
duties. 

After  bearing  testimony  to  the  great  advantages  of  such  an  education, 
and  to  the  comfort  which  they  had  experienced  in  the  duties,  in  which  they 
had  been  educated,  he  warmly  recommends  them  to  his  children,  and  their 
posterity. 

The  family  is  ancient,  and  may  be  traced  back  to  the  reign  of  Edward 
the  IV.  more  than  three  centuries.  It  has  well  supported  its  dignity  to  the 
present  time.  Some  ef,  the  family  have  been  magistrates  or  secretaries  of 


150  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  Vllh 

BOOK  I.      On  the  part  of  Connecticut  it  was  stipulated,  "  That 

v^~v-^/  the  said  George  Fenwick,  Esq.  should  enjoy  all  the  hous- 

1645.    ing*  belonging  to  the  fort  for  the  space  of  ten  years.    And 

that  a  certain  duty  on  corn,   biscuit,  beaver  and  cattle, 

which  should  be  exported  from  the  river's  mouth,  should 

be  paid  to  him  during  the  said  term." 

The  gene-  Upon  the  4th  of  February,  1645,  the  general  court  of 
ral court  Connecticut  confirmed  this  agreement  with  Mr.  Fenwick, 
confirm  an(]  passec]  an  act  imposing  a  duty  of  two  pence  per  bush- 

the  agree-      ,  ,,  .   '  ,  *       .    ,        r 

ment  with  e*  uP°n  all  gram,  six  pence  upon  every  hundred  weight  ot 
Mr.  Fen-  biscuit,  and  a  small  duty  upon  all  beaver  exported  from 

4  ICfi4<f el>  ^e  mou^1  °f tne  river?  during  the  term  of  ten  years,  from 
the  first  day  of  March  ensuing.  It  was  also  enacted,  that 
an  entry  should  be  made  of  all  grain  laden  on  board  any 
vessel,  of  the  number  of  bushels,  and  of  the  weight  of  bis- 
cuit, and  that  a  note  of  the  same  be  delivered  to  Mr.  Fen- 
wick,  upon  the  penalty  of  forfeiting  the  one  half  of  all  such 
grain  and  biscuit  as  should  be  put  on  board  and  not  thus 
certified.  The  colony,  on  the  whole,  paid  Mr.  Fenwick 
1 ,600  pounds  sterling,  merely  for  the  jurisdiction  right,  or 
for  the  old  patent  of  Connecticut.  The  general  court,  the 

July  19th.  next  July,  ordered  that  a  tax  of  two  hundred  pounds  should 
be  levied  on  the  plantations  in  the  colony,  to  defray  the 
charge  of  advancing  the  fortifications  at  Saybrook  fort. 
A  committee  was  appointed,  at  the  same  time,  to  bargain 
with  Mr.  Griffin  for  that  purpose,  and  to  make  provision 
for  the  immediate  completion  of  the  fortifications  in  view. 
A  letter  was  also  dispatched,  from  the  court,  to  Mr.  Fen- 
wick, desiring  him,  if  his  circumstances  would  permit,  to 
make  a  voyage  to  England,  to  obtain  an  enlargement  of 
the  patent,  and  to  promote  other  interests  of  the  colony. 

Hostility        Notwithstanding  the  unwearied  pains   the  commission- 

oftheNar- ers  of  tne  colonies,  and  the  colonies  themselves,  had  ta- 
ken to  prevent  hostilities  among  the  Indians,  and  to  pre- 
serve the  peace  of  the  country,  the  perfidious  Narragansets 
were  continually  waging  war.  Pessacus  and  the  Narra- 
ganset  Indians,  in  violation  of  all  their  treaties,  had  re- 
peatedly invaded  the  Moheagan  country  and  assaulted  Un- 
cas  in  his  fort.  They  had  killed  and  taken  numbers  of  his 
men,  and  so  pressed  him,  that  both  Connecticut  and  New- 
Haven  were  obliged  to  dispatch  parties  of  men  to  his  as- 
sistance, to  prevent  the  enemy  from  completely  conquer- 
ing him  and  his  country. 
Governor  Winthrop  therefore  called  a  special  meeting 

ihe  colony  for  more  than  a  century  and  an  half.     May  the  descendants  er~ 
er  inherit  its  virtues  and  honors  ! 
*  Aa  old  word,  meaning  the  quantity  of  k&abited  buildings. 


CHAP.  VIII.  CONNECTICUT.  lal 

of  the  commissioners,  at  Boston,  on  the  28th  of  June,  BOOK  I. 
1645.      Governor  Winthrop   and  Mr.    Herbert   Pelham,  ^r^s-^ 
were  commissioners  for  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Thomas  Prince    1 645. 
and  Mr.  John  Brown  for  Plymouth,  Edward  Hopkins  and  Extraor- 
George  Fenwick,    Esquires,    for  Connecticut,    governor  dinai7 
Eaton  and  Mr.  Stephen  Goodyear  for  New-Haven.  ofthv 

Immediately  on  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  they  commis- 
dispatched   messengers  into  the  Narraganset  and  Mohea- stione™', 

p,,,&  ,   fe  .    .      ,  June  28th. 

gan  countries.      1  hey  were   charged  to  acquaint  the  sa-  Messen- 
chems  and   Indians  of  the  respective  tribes,  that  if  they  gers,  sent 
would  go  to  Boston,  the  commissioners  would  impartially  l°  the^ 
hear  and  determine  all  their  differences ;  and  that,  howev-  ^S^* 
rr  the  treaty  might  end,  they  should  be  allowed  to  go  and  suited, 
return  in  safety.     The  sachems,  at  first,   seemed  to  give 
some  fair  speeches  ;    but  finally   determined,    that   they 
would  neither  go  nor  send  to  Boston.     The  Narragansets 
insulted  and  abused  the  messengers,  and  uttered  haughty 
and  threatening   speeches  against  the  English.     On6-of 
the  sachems  declared,  that  he  would  kill  their  cattle  and 
pile  them  in  heaps  ;  and  that  an  Englishman  should  no 
sooner  step  out  at  his  doors  than  the  Indians  would  kill 
him.     He  declared  that,  whoever  began  the  war,  he  would 
continue  it ;  and  that  nothing  should  satisfy  him  but   the 
head  of  Uncas.     On  the  whole,  the  messengers  were  obli- 
ged to  return  without  effecting   any  good  purpose.     By 
them  Mr.  Williams  wrote   to  the  commissioners,  assuring 
them  that  an  Indian  war  would  soon  break  out ;  and  that, 
as  a  preparative,  the  Narragansets  had  concluded  a  neu- 
trality with  Providence  and  the  towns  upon  Aquidney  isl- 
and. 

These  reports  roused  the  English  spirit.  The  commis- 
sioners, considering  that  the  Narragansets  had  violated  all 
their  treaties,  killed  a  number  of  the  Moheagans,  taken: 
others  captive,  destroyed  their  corn,  and,  with  great  ar- 
mies, besieged  Uncas  in  his  fort ;  and  besides,  that  they 
had  highly  insulted  the  united  colonies  and  abused  their 
messengers,  determined  that  an  immediate  war  with  them 
was  both  justifiable  and  necessary. 

However,  as  they  wished  to  act  with  prudence  as  well 
as  spirit,  and  to  give  general  satisfaction  in  an  affair  of 
such  moment,  they  desired  the  advice  of  the  magistrates, 
elders,  and  a  number  of  the  principal  military  officers  in 
the  Massachusetts.  These  assembled,  and  were  unani- 
mously of  the  opinion,  that  their  engagements  obliged 
them  to  defend  Uncas  and  the  Moheagans  :  that  the  de- 
fence which  they  were  obliged  to  give,  according  to  the 
common  acceptation  of  such  engagements,  extended  not 


152  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  Till. 

BOOK  T.  barely  to  the  defence  of  Uncas  and  his  men  in  their  fort, 
v-*~v>w  but  to  his  estate  and  liberties ;  and  that  the  aid  to  be  given 

1645.    must  be  immediate,  or  he  would  be  totally  ruined. 
War  with       It  was  therefore  determined,  that  a  war  with  the  Indians 
*\  n  Nfrra" was  just?  tnat  tne  casc  should  be  stated  in  short,  and  war, 
deterniia-  w'tn  lae  reasons  of  it,  be  proclaimed.     A  day  of  fasting 
ed.  and  prayer  was  appointed  on  the  fourth  of  September.     It 

was  resolved,  That  three  hundred  men  should  be  forth- 
with raised,  and  sent  against  the  enemy.  Massachusetts 
were  to  furnish  190,  Plymouth  and  Connecticut  40  each, 
and  New-Haven  30.  As  the  troops  from  Connecticut  and 
New-Haven,  who  had  assisted  in  defending  Uncas,  the  for- 
mer part  of  the  summer,  were  about  to  return  to  their  res- 
pective colonies,  forty  men  were  impressed  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts, and  marched  in  three  days,  completely  armed  and 
victualled.  These  were  commanded  by  Humphry  Ather- 
ton.  Orders  were  dispatched  to  the  troops  to  be  raised  in 
Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  to  join  them  at  Mohcagan. 
A  commission  was  forwarded  to  captain  Mason  to  take  the 
command  of  all  the  troops,  until  the  whole  army  should 
form  a  junction.  The  chief  command  of  the  army  was 
given  to  major  Edward  Gibbons,  of  Massachusetts.  He 
was  instructed  not  only  to  defend  Uncas,  but  to  invade  and 
distress  the  Narragansets  and  Nehanlicks,  with  their  con- 
federates. He  had  instructions  to  offer  them  peace.  If 
they  would  receive  it  upon  honorable  terms,  he,  with  his 
officers,  had  power  to  make  a  treaty  with  them.  If  the  en- 
emy should  flee  from  the  army,  and  would  neither  fight  nor 
make  peace,  the  commander  had  orders  to  build  forts  in 
the  Nehantick  and  Narraganset  country  ;  to  which  he  might 
gather  the  enemy's  corn  and  goods,  as  far  as  it  should  be  in 
his  power. 

The  Narragansets  had  sent  a  present  to  governor  Win- 
ihrop,  of  Boston,  desiring  that  they  might  have  peace  with 
the  English,  but  wage  war  with  Uncas,  and  avenge  the 
death  of  Miaritonimoh.  The  governor  refused  to  receive 
the  present  upon  such  terms ;  but  the  messengers,  by 
whom  it  was  carried,  urging  that  they  might  leave  it  until 
they  could  consult  their  sachems,  he  suffered  it  to  be  left 
with  him.  The  commissioners  ordered,  that  it  should  be 
immediately  returned.  Captain  Hording,  Mr.  Wilbore, 
and  Benedict  Arnold,  were  sent  into  the  Narraganset  coun- 
try, to  return  the  present,  and  to  assure  Pessacus,  Canoni- 
cus,  Janimo,  and  the  other  sachems  of  the  Narraganset  and 
Nehantick  Indians,  that  they  would  neither  receive  their 
presents,  nor  give  them  peace,  until  they  should  make  sat- 
isfaction for  past  injuries3and  give  security  for  their  peace*- 


(CHAP.  VIII;  CONNECTICUT.  153 

able  conduct  for  the  future.     They  were  to  certify  the  In-  BOOK  I. 
dians,  that  the  English  were  ready  for  war;  and  that  ifv-^-v^x./ 
war  was  their  choice,  they  would  direct  their  affairs  for     1645. 
that  purpose.     At  the  same  time,  they  had  orders  to  as- 
sure them,  that  if  they  would  make  satisfaction  for  the  dam- 
ages  which  they  had  done,  and  give  security  for  their 
peaceable  conduct,    in  time  to  come,   they  should  know, 
that  the  English  were  as  desirous  of  the  peace,  and  as 
tender  of  the  blood  of  the  Narragansets,  as  they  had  ever 
been. 

The  messengers  prosecuted  their  journey  with  great  dis- 
patch, and  brought  back  word,  that  Pessacus,  chief  sachem 
of  the  Narragansets,  and  others,  were  coming  to  Boston 
forthwith,  vested  with  full  powers  to  treat  with  the  commis- 
sioners. The  messengers,  though  sent  on  purpose  to  car- 
ry back  the  present,  and  to  assure  the  Indians  that  the  En- 
glish would  not  receive  it,  returned  with  it  to  Boston. 
They  also  wrote  to  captain  Mason,  acquainting  him  that 
there  were  hopes  of  peace  with  the  Indians. 

The  commissioners,  therefore,  while  they  acknowledg- 
ed the  pains  and  expedition  with  which  they  had  accom- 
plished their  journey,  censured  them,  for  not  attending  to 
their  instructions.  Especially,  they  judged  them  worthy 
of  censure,  for  bringing  back  the  present,  and  for  writing 
to  captain  Mason*  The  latter,  they  imagined,  could  have 
no  other  effect  than  to  retard  his  operations. 

The  Indians,  finding  that  an  army  was  coming  into  the 
heart  of  their  country,  made  haste  to  meet  the  commission- 
ers, and  ward  off  the  impending  blow.  A  few  days  after 
the  return  of  their  messengers,  Pessacus,  Meeksamo,  the 
eldest  son  of  Canonicus,  and  Wytowash,  three  principal 
sachems  of  the  Narragansets,  and  Awashequen,  deputy  of 
the  Nehanticks,  with  a  large  train,  arrived  at  Boston. 

They,  at  first,  denied  and  excused  many  particulars 
which  the  commissioners  charged  upon  them.  They  in- 
sisted on  the  old  story  of  the  ransom,  and  proposed  to  make 
a  truce  with  Uncas,  until  the  next  planting  time,  or  for  a 
year.  The  commissioners  assured  them,  that  matters  were 
now  come  to  a  crisis,  and  that  they  would  accept  of  no  such 
terms.  They  charged  the  Indian  sachems  with  their  per- 
fidious breach  of  treaties,  with  the  injuries  they  had  done 
to  Uncas,  with  their  insults  of  the  English,  and  with  the 
great  trouble  and  expense  to  which  they  had  put  them,  ta 
defend  Uncas,  and  maintain  the  peace  of  the  country. 
The  Indians,  finally,  though  with  great  reluctance,  ac-  The  Jn_ 
knowledged  their  breach  of  treaties.  One  of  the  sachems  dians  treat 
presented  the  commissioners  with  a  stick,  signifying,  by  for 

U 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VIIL 

BOOK  I.  that  token,  that  he  submitted  the  terms  of  war  and  p^ace 
v^-v/-^  into  their  hands,  and  wished  to  know  what  they  required 
1645.     °f  tne  Indians. 

The  commissioners  represented  to  them,  that  the  charge 
and  trouble  which  they  had-  brought  on  the  colonies  was 
very  great,  besides  all  the  loss  and  damages  which  Uncas 
had  sustained.  They  charged  all  these,  upon  their  infrac- 
tion of  the  treaties  which  they  had  made  with  the  colonies, 
and  with  Uncas.  They  assured  the  Indians,  that  though 
two  thousand  fathom- of  white  wampum  would,  by  no  means, 
be  equal  to  the  expense  to  which  they  had  put  the  colo- 
jiies,  entirely  by  their  violation  of  their  treaties  ;  yet,  to 
show  their  moderation,  they  would  accept  of  that  sum  for 
ull  past  damages.  It  was  required,  that  they  should  re- 
store to  Uncas  all  the  captives  and  eanoes  which  they  had 
taken  from  him ;  that  they  should  submit  all  matters  of 
controversy,  between  them  and  Uncas,  to  the  commission- 
ers, at  their  next  meeting  ;  and  that  they  should  maintain 
perpetual  peace  with  the  English,  and  all  their  subjects 
and  allies.  Finally,  hostages  were  demanded,  as  a  securi- 
ty for  the  performance  of  the  treaty.*  These,  indeed, 
were  hard  terms.  The  Indians  made  many  exceptions  to 
them  ;  but  as  they  knew  the  English  were  gpne  into  their 
country,  and  were  fearful  that  hostilities  would  be  com- 
mencecl,  even  while  the  treaty  was  pending,  they  submit- 
ted to  them.  Some  abatement  was  made,  as  to  the  times 
of  payment  at  first  proposed,  and  it  was  agreed  that  Un- 
ras  should  restore  to  the  Narragansets  all  captives  and  ca- 
noes which  he  had  taken  from  them.  This  gave  the  Nar- 
ragansets and  Nehanticks  some  ease  ;  but  it  was  with  great 
reluctance,  that  they  finally  signed  the  articles.  Nothing 
but  (he  necessity  of  the  case,  coukl  have  been  a  sufficienr 
inducement. 

Articles          On  the  30th  of  August,  the  articles  were  signed,  and  the 
signed.       Indians  left  several  of  their  number,  as  hostages,  until  the 
children,  who  had  been  agreed  upon  for  a  permanent  secu- 
rity, should  be  delivered. 

The  troops  which  had  been  rarsed  were  disbanded,  ami 
the  day  appointed  for  a  general  fast  was  celebrated  as  a 
day  of  general  thanksgiving. 

Designs  to     Kew-Haven,  this  year,   appointed  Mr.  Gregson  their 

obtain  pat- a  gent  to  the  parliament  in  England,   to  procure  a  patent 

ents<          for  the  colony.     The  court  at  "New-Haven,  voted,  that  if. 

was  a  proper  time  to  join  with  Connecticut,  in  procuring  a 

patent  from  parliament,  for  these  parts. t     It  appears,  tha: 

*  Records  of  the  united  colonies, 
t  Records  of  New-Haven-, 


CHAP.  VIII.  CONNECTICUT.  155 

both  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  at  this  time,  had  it  in  BOOK  I. 
contemplation  to  obtain  charters  from  parliament,  for  their  ^^-vx^ 
respective  jurisdictions  ;  but  Mr.  Fenwick,  who  had  been    l£45« 
desired  to  undertake  a  voyage,  for  this  purpose,   in  behalf 
of  Connecticut,  did  not  accept  the  appointment,  and  Mr. 
Gregson  was  lost  at  sea.     In  consequence  of  these  circum- 
stances, and  the  state  of  affairs  in  England  afterwards,  the 
business  rested  until  after  the  restoration. 

This    year   Tunxis    was  named    Farmington.     At   this  Towns  is 
rime,  there  were  in  the  colony  of  Connecticut  eight  taxa-  Cooaectir 
ble  towns ;  Hartford,  Windsor,   Weather.^field,  Stratford,  j^^ia. 
Fairfield,  Saybrook,  South-Hampton  and  Farmington.     In  yen. 
the  colony  of  New-Haven  were  six  ;  New-Haven,   Mil- 
ford,  Guilford,  Southhold,  Stamford  and  Branford. 

In  1646  there  was  an  alteration  in  the  act  respecting  ju- 1646. 
ries.     In  1644,  an  act  passed  authorizing  the  court  of  mag- 
istrates to  increase  or  mitigate  the  damages  given  by  ver- 
dict of  the  jury.     It  was  now  enacted,  that  whatever  al-  APriJ  6> 
terations  should  be  made  of  this  kind,  at  any  time,  should 
be  made  in  open  court,  in  the  presence  both  of  the  plain- 
tiff and  defendant,  or  upon  affidavit  made,  that   they  had 
been  summoned  to  appear. 

At  this  court  the  town  of  Fairfield  made  objections  to  that 
part  of  the  act  passed  in  1644,  which  admitted  of  a  jury  of 
six.  They  insisted  on  twelve  jurymen  in  all  cases  triable 
by  a  jury  ;  but  consented,  that  eight  out  of  twelve  should 
bring  in  a  verdict.  }t  does  not  appear,  that  a  jury  of  six 
was  ever  empannelled,  after  this  time.  The  laws  were 
soon  after  revised,  and  ordained  a  jury  of  twelve  in  all 
cases  which  required  a  jury. 

The  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies  m€t,  this  year, 
at  New-Haven.  The  Dutch  continuing  their  injurious 
conduct  against  the  English,  complaints  were  made  to  the 
commissioners,  of  the  recent  and  repeated  insults  and  dam- 
ages which  they  had  received  from  them.  Instead  of  mak- 
ing them  the  least  satisfaction  for  past  injuries,  they  pro- 
ceeded to  new  instances  of  insolence  and  abuse.  Kieft  Kieft's 
wrote  a  most  imperious  letter  to  governor  Eaton,  charging letter  am* 
him,  and  the  people  at  New-Haven,  with  an  unsatiable  de- pro 
sire  of  possessing  that  which  belonged  to  the  Dutch  na- 
tion. He  affirmed,  that  contrary  to  ancient  leagues,  be- 
tween the  kings  of  ^ngland  and  the  States  General,  con- 
trary to  the  law  of  nations,  and  his  protestations,  they  had, 
indirectly,  entered  upon  the  limits  of  New-Netherlands. 
He  therefore  protested  against  them,  as  breakers  of  the 
peace  and  disturbers  of  the  public  tranquillity.  Indeed  he 
proceeded  so  far  as  to  threaten,  that  if  the  English,  at 


156 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  VIII. 


Governor 

Eaton's 

reply. 


Misde- 
meanors 
of  the 
Dutch  at 
Hartford. 


Com- 
plaint to 
the  com- 
mission- 
ers. 


The  com- 
missioners 
write  and 
send  an 
express 
to  the 
Dutch 
governor. 


New-Haven,  did  not  restore  the  places  which  they  had  u- 
surped,  and  repair  the  losses  which  the  Dutch  had  sustain- 
ed, that  they  would,  by  such  means  as  God  should  afford, 
recover  them.  He  affirmed,  that  the  Dutch  would  not 
view  it  as  inconsistent  with  the  public  peace,  but  should 
impute  all  the  evils,  which  might  ensue,  to  the  English.* 

Governor  Eaton  replied  to  this  letter,  that  the  colony 
under  his  government  had  never  entered  upon  any  land,  to 
which  the  Dutch  had  any  known  title  :  That,  notwithstand- 
ing all  the  injuries  received  from  the  Dutch,  and  the  very 
unsatisfying  answers  which  their  governor  had  given,  from 
time  to  time,  the  colony,  in  his  apprehensions,  had  done 
nothing 'inconsistent  with  the  law  of  God,  the  law  of  na- 
tions, nor  with  the  ancient  leagues  subsisting  between 
England  and  Holland.  He  therefore  assured  him,  that 
the  colony  would  cheerfully  submit  all  differences,  between 
them  and  the  Dutch,  to  an  impartial  hearing  and  adjudica- 
tion, either  in  Europe  or  America. 

The  Dutch,  at  Hartford,  maintained  a  distinct  and  inde- 
pendent government.  They  resisted  the  laws  of  the  colo- 
ny, and  counteracted  the  natural  rights  of  men.  They  in- 
veigled an  Indian  woman  who,  having  been  liable  to  pub- 
lic punishment,  fled  from  her  master.  It  was  supposed, 
that  the  Dutch  kept  her  for  the  purpose  of  wantonness.' 
Though  her  master  demanded  her,  as  his  property,  and 
the  magistrates,  as  a  criminal,  on  whom  the  law  ought  to 
have  its  course,  yet  they  would  not  restore  her.  The 
Dutch  agent  at  Hartford,  in  the  heighth  of  disorder,  re- 
sisted the  guard.  He  drew  his  rapier  upon  the  soldiers, 
and  broke  it  upon  their  arms.  He  then  escaped  to  the 
fort,  and  there  idefended  himself  with  impunity. 

The  commissioners  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven 
made  complaint  of  these  insults  and  misdemeanors  to  the 
commissioners  of  the  united  colonies,  and  laid  open  the 
whole  conduct  of  the  Dutch  towards  them.  They  repre- 
sented, that  in  answer  to  their  complaints  of  past  injuries, 
they  had,  instead  of  satisfaction,  received  nothing  but  in- 
jury and  abuse.  ' 

The  commissioners,  upon  a  deliberate  view  of  the  case, 
wrote  to  the  Dutch  governor,  stating  how  they  had  written 
to  him  from  time  to  time ;  and,  in  consideration  of  the  great 
worth  of  peace,  had  attempted  to  compromise  the  differ- 
ences which  had  so  long  subsisted  between  the  Dutch  anc! 
their  confederates.  They  observed  to  the  governor,  that 
he  had  returned  nothing  but  an  ignoramus,  with  an  offen- 

*  Kieft's  letter  to  governor  Eaton,  on  the  records  of  the  united  colo- 
nies. 


CHAP.  VIII.  CONNECTICUT.  157 

r :ive  addition,  which  they  left  to  his  review  and  better  con-  BOOK  I. 
sideration.  They  stated  the  affair  at  Hartford,  and  ob-  ^-x-v^/ 
served,  that  had  the  Dutch  agent  been  slain,  in  the  haugh-  1646, 
ty  affront  which  he  had  given,  his  blood  would  have  been 
upon  his  own  head.  They  assured  him,  that  his  agent 
and  the  company  at  Hartford,  had  proceeded  to  an  intole- 
rable state  of  conduct :  that  they  had  forcibly  taken  away 
their  cattle  from  authority,  and  made  an  assault  upon  a 
man,  who  had  legally  sought  justice  for  damages  which  he 
had  sustained:  that  they  struck  him,  and,  in  a  hostile  man-: 
ner,  took  his  team  and  loading  from  him.  The  commis- 
sioners noticed  the  letter  of  the  Dutch  governor  to  the  col- 
ony of  New-Haven,  and  manifested  their  approbation  of 
.the  answer  which  governor  Eaton  had  given.  They  ex- 
pressed their  hopes,  that  it  would  give  satisfaction.  They 
concluded  by  observing,  that,  to  jprevent  all  inconvenien- 
ces which  might  arise  from  any  part  of  the  premises,  they 
had  sent  an  express,  by  whom  they  wished  to  receive  such 
an  answer  as  might  satisfy  them  of  his  concurrence  with 
th'em,  to  embrace  and  pursue  righteousness  and  peace. 

Several  of  the  English  who  had  traded  with  the  Dutch, 
had  not  been  able  to  recover  their  just  debts,  and  gover- 
nor Kieft  would  not  afford  them  that  assistance  which  was 
necessary  for  the  obtaining  of  justice.  Mr.  Whiting,  of 
Connecticut,  complained,  that  an  action  had  been  carried 
against  him  at  Manhatoes,  in  his  absence,  and  when  he 
had  no  agent  to  exhibit  his  evidence,  or  plead  his  cause. 
He  also  made  complaint,  that,  upon  demanding  a  just  debt, 
long  since  due  from  the  Dutch,  the  governor  neglected  to 
give  him  that  assistance  which  was  necessary  for  the  re- 
covery of  his  right. 

The  commissioners  wrote  also  to  governor  Kieft  on  this 
subject.  They  desired  him  to  grant  Mr.  Whiting  a  review 
in  the  case  specified,  and  proper  assistance  in  the  recovery 
of  his  debts  from  the  Dutch.  They  assured  him,  that  all 
the  colonies  would  grant  similar  favours  to  the  Dutch  in  all 
their  courts. 

By  their  express,  the  commissioners  received  two  letters  Dutch  let- 
from  the  Dutch  governor,  in  answer  to  what  they  had  writ- <ers  and 
ten,  expressed  in  the  same  haughty  and  offensive  strain,  as  pr 
3us  former  letters.     He  denied  that  the  woman,  who  had 
been  detained  by  the  Dutch  at  Hartford,  was  a  servant, 
•with  many  other  facts  which  had  been  stated  by  the  com- 
missioners.    Instead  of  submitting  the  affairs  in  dispute  to 
a  legal  decision,  either  in  Europe  or  America,  he  still 
threatened  to  avenge  the  injuries  of  which  he  complained, 
"by  force  of  arms.     With  respect  to  other  matters  of  special 


i58  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VIII. 

BOOK  I.  importance,  he  passed  them  without  the  least  notice.  He 
<wx-v-x^  compared  the  commissioners  to  eagles  which  soar  aloft,  and 
16.46.  always  despise  the  little  fly;  but  he  assured  them,  that  tin; 
Dutch,  by  their  arms,  would  manfully  pursue  their  rights. 
He  then  finished  his  letters  in  this  remarkable  manner : — 
"  We  protest  against  all  you  commissioners,  met  at  the  red 
mount,*  as  against  breakers  of  the  common  league,  and, 
also,  infringers  of  the  rights  of  the  lords,  the  states,  our 
superiors,  in  that  you  have  dared,  without  our  express  and 
special  consent,  to  hold  your  general  meeting  within  the 
limits  of  New  Netherlands." 

The  com-  Xne  commissioners  made  a  short  reply,  assuring  the 
ers^repiy  Dutch  governor,  that  they  could  prove  the  facts  which  they 
had  stated  to  him  in  their  letters ;  and  that  the  woman 
whom  the  Dutch  had  detained,  was  a  servant,  and  an  im- 
portant part  of  her  master's  property:  that  she  had  fled 
from  civil  justice,  and,  by  the  confession  of  Mr.  David  Pro- 
vost, Dutch  agent  at  Hartford,  had  been  defiled.  They 
insisted,  that  the  conduct  of  the  Dutch  at  Hartford,  was  in- 
tolerable, and  complained,  that  he  had  given  no  orders  to 
redress  the  grievances  which  they  had  mentioned.  They 
also  complained,  that  he  had  made  no  reply,  to  so  many 
important  articles,  concerning  which  they  had  written  to 
him.  With  respect  to  the  protest,  with  which  he  had  clo- 
sed his  letter,  they  observed,  that,  though  it  was  offensive, 
yet  it  agreed  with  the  general  strain  of  his  writing ;  and 
that  he  had  no  more  reason  to  protest  against  their  boldness 
in  holding  their  session  at  New-Haven,  than  they  had  to 
protest  against  his  boldness  in  the  protest  which  he  had 
sent  them.  After  all  the  insult  which  the  commissioners 
received  from  the  Dutch  governor,  their  replies  were  cool 
and  without  threatening.! 

Plot  This  year  a  horrid  plot  was  concerted  among  the   In- 

5? ai°s*  dians,  for  the  destruction  of  a  number  of  the  principal  in- 
Hopkins  habitants  of  Hartford.  Sequassen,  a  petty  sachem  upon 
Haynes,  the  river,  hired  one  of  the  Waronoke  Indians  to  kill  gover- 
&c>  nor  Hopkins  and  governor  Haynes,  with  Mr.  Whiting,  one 

of  the  magistrates.  Sequassen's  hatred  of  Uncas  was  in- 
satiable, and,  probably,  was  directed  against  these  gentle- 
men, on  account  of  the  just  and  faithful  protection  which 
they  had  afforded  him.  The  plan  was,  that  the  Waranoke 
Indian  should  kill  them,  and  charge  the  murder  upon  Un- 
cas, and  by  that  means  engage  the  English  against  him  to 
his  ruin.  After  the  massacre  of  these  gentlemen,  Sequas- 

'  The  Dutch  called  New-Haven  the  Red  Mount,  and  the  Red  Hill.', 
Irom  the  appearance  of  the  rocks  west  and  north  of  the  towc, 
t  Records  of  Uie  United  Colonies, 


CONNECTICUT*  159 

sen  and  the  murderer  were  to  make  their  escape  to  the  BOOK  I. 
Mohawks.  Watohibrough,  the  Indian  hired  to  perpetrate  \~*^~+~- 
the  murder,  after  he  had  received  several  girdles  of  warn-  1646. 
pum,  as  part  of  his  reward,  considering  how  Bushheag,  the 
Indian  who  attempted  to  kill  the  woman  at  Stamford,  had 
been  apprehended  and  executed  at  New-Haven,  conceived 
that  it  would  be  dangerous  to  murder  English  sachems.  He 
also  revolved  in  his  mind,  that  if  the  English  should  not 
apprehend  and  kill  him,  he  should  always  be  afraid  of  them, 
and  have  no  comfort  in  his  life.  He  also  recollected,  that 
the  English  gave  a  reward  to  the  Indians  who  discovered 
and  brought  in  Bushheag.  He  therefore  determined,  jt 
would  be  better  to  discover  the  plot,  than  to  be  guilty  of  so 
Moody  and  dangerous  an  action.  In  this  mind  he  came  to 
Hartford,  a  few  days  after  he  had  received  the  girdles,  and 
made  known  the  plot.  Nearly  at  the  same  time  the  War- 
snoke  Indians  did  much  damage  to  the  people  at  Windsor,  at 

burning  up  their  tar  and  turpentine,  and  destroying  their  Windsor, 
tools  and  instruments,  to  the  value  of  a  hundred  pounds  or 
more.  The  magistrates  at  Hartford  issued  a  warrant,  and 
apprehended  the  Indian  whom  they  supposed  to  be  guilty; 
but  the  Indians  rose  and  made  an  assault  upon  the  officers, 
and  rescued  the  criminal  from  justice. 

Upon  complaint  and  evidence  of  these  misdemeanors, 
the  commissioners  sent  messengers  to  Sequassen,  demand- 
ing his  appearance  at  New-Haven,  and  they  ordered,  that 
if  he  would  not  voluntarily  appear,  all  means,  consistent 
with  the  preservation  of  his  life,  should  be  used  to  take 
him.  Messengers  were  also  sent  to  Waranoke,  to  the  In- 
dians who  had  done  the  mischief  at  Windsor,  with  orders 
to  seize  the  delinquents,  and  bring  them  off,  if  they  judged 
they  could  do  it  with  safety.  Sequassen  had  art  enough  to 
keep  out  of  their  hands,  and  those  who  had  done  the  dam- 
age could  not  be  found.  The  messengers  were  insulted  at 
Waranoke.  The  Indians  boasted  of  their  arms,  primed 
snd  cocked  their  pieces  in  their  presence,  and  threatened 
that  if  a  man  should  be  carried  away,  the  Indians  would 
generally  rise  and  fight. 

The  commissioners,  on  the  whole,  judged  it  not  expe-  Resolution 
dient,  in  the  state  in  which  the  Indians  then  were,  to  pro-  respecting 

ceed  any  further  than  to  resolve,  that  if  any  Indian  or  In-  V16  In~ 
1-1          i  .  1-111  i  dians. 

wans,  of  what  plantation  soever,  should  do  any  damage  to 

the  English  colonies,  or  to  any  of  their  inhabitants,  that, 
upon  due  proof  of  it,  they  would,  in  a  peaceable  manner, 
demand  satisfaction.  But  if  any  sagamore,  or  plantation 
of  Indians,  should  hide,  convey  away,  entertain,  or  protect 
such  offender  or  offenders,  that  then  the  English  would  de- 


1GO  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VIlT- 

BOOK  I.  mand  satisfaction  of  such  Indian  sagamore  or  plantation, 

^x-v~x^anddo  themselves  justice,  as  they  might,  upon  all  such 

1646.    offenders.     At  the  same  time,  they  declared,  that  they 

would  keep  peace  and  amity  with  all  other  Indians.     This 

resolution  was  to  be  made  known  to  the  Waranoke  Indians 

in  particular. 

The  Indians,  at  particular  times,  were  very  mischievous, 
and  gave  much  trouble  to  all  the  plantations.  Sometime 
after  the  settlement  of  Milford,  the  Indians  there  set  all  the 
adjacent  country  on  fire.  It  was  supposed  that  their  de- 
sign was  to  burn  the  town  :  but  the  inhabitants  were  so 
fortunate  as  to  stop  the  fires  at  the  swamps  and  brooks 
which  surround  it  on  the  west  and  north.  By  this  means 
the  town  was  preserved. 

The  Mohawks,  though  not  hostile  to  the  English,  by 
coming  down  and  murdering  the  Connecticut  Indians,  put 
the  plantations  in  fear,  and  gave  them  not  a  little  trouble. 
Some  years  after  the  settlement  of  Milford,  they  came  into 
the  town,  and  secreted  themselves  in  a  swamp,*  about  half 
a  mile  east  of  Stratford  ferry,  with  a  view  to  surprise  the 
Indians  at  the  fort.  The  English  accidentally  discovering 
them,  gave  notice  of  it  to  the  Milford  Indians.  They  at 
once  set  up  the  war  whoop,  and  collected  such  numbers 
that  they  ventured  to  attack  them.  The  Mohawks  were 
overpowered,  and  several  of  them  taken.  One  stout  cap- 
tive, the  Milford  Indians  determined  to  kill,  by  famine  and 
torture.  They  stripped  him  naked  and  tied  him  up  in  the 
salt  meadows  for  the  moschetoes  to  eat  and  torment  to 
death.  An  Englishman,  one  Hine,  finding  him  in  this  pit- 
eous condition,  loosed  and  fed  him,  and  enabled  him  to 
make  his  escape.  This  very  much  concilated  the  Mo- 
hawks towards  the  English,  and  especially  towards  the 
family  of  the  Hines,  whom,  it  is  said,  they  ever  afterwards 
particularly  noticed,  and  treated  with  uncommon  friend- 
ship. 

Perfidy  of  The  Narraganset  and  Nehantick  Indians  neglected  to 
the  Narra-  perform  any  part  of  tne  treaty  which  they  had  made  the 
last  year.  They  neither  paid  the  wampum  stipulated,  nor 
met  the  commissioners,  at  New-Haven,  to  settle  the  differ- 
ences between  them  and  Uncas.  They  neither  restored 
the  captives  nor  canoes  taken  from  him,  nor  made  him  any 
compensation  for  the  damages  which  they  had  done  him. 
They  had  attempted  to  deceive  the  English  with  respect 
to  the  hostages.  Instead  of  the  children  of  their  sachems 
and  chief  men,  whom  they  agreed  to  deliver,  they  made 
an  attempt  to  impose  upon  them  children  of  the  lowest 
•  This  is  known  by  the  name  of  Mohawk  swamp  to  the  present  time. 


CHAP.  VIII.  CONNECTICUT.  161 

rank.     Even   to  this  time,,  they  had    not   brought   those  BOOK  I. 
whom   they  had    promised.     They    were    still  intriguing  V-X-N^-X*/ 
with  the  Mohawks  ;  and,  by  presents  and  various  arts,  at-    1646. 
tempting  to  engage    them  against  the   English   colonies. 
The  commissioners  judged,  that  they  had  just  occasion  to 
avenge  the  injuries  which  they  had  received,  and  to  seek 
a  recompence  by  force  of  arms.     However,  that  they  might 
show  their  love  of  peace,  and  their  forbearance    towards 
these  barbarians,  they  dispatched    another    message  to 
them.     In  this  a  full  representation  was  made  of  these  par- 
ticulars.    They  were  assured,  that  the  commissioners  were 
apprised  of  their  intrigues,  and  that,  in  the  eyes  of  all  the 
colonies,  they  had  rendered  themselves  a  perfidious  people. 

The  war  between  the  Dutch  and  Indians  continuing,  a  Battle  oix. 
great  and  general  battle  was  fought  between  them  in  that  Strick- 
part  of  Horseneck  commonly  known  by  the  name  of  Strick- la^* 
land's  plain.     The  action  was  long  and  severe,  both  par- 
ties  fighting   with  firmness  and  obstinacy.     The  Dutch, 
with  much  difficulty,  kept  the  field,  and  the  Indians  with- 
drew*    Great  numbers  were  slain  on  both  sides,  and  the 
graves  of  the  dead,  for  a  century  or  more,  appeared  like 
a  number  of  small  hills.* 

New-Haven  having  been  exceedingly  disappointed  in  Losses  of 
trade,  and  sustained  great  damages  at  Delaware,  and  the  ve^w"  a* 
large  estates  which  they  brought  into  New-England  rapid- 
ly declining,  this  year,  made  uncommon  exertions,  as  far 
as  possible,  to  retrieve  their  former  losses.  Combining 
their  money  and  labors,  they  built  a  ship,  at  Rhode-Isl- 
and, of  150  tons;  and  freighted  her,  for  England,  with  the 
best  part  of  their  commercial  estates.  Mr.  Gregson,  cap- 
tain Turner,  Mr.  Lamberton  and  five  or  six  of  their  princi- 
pal men  embarked  on  board.  They  sailed  from  New-Ha- 
ven in  January,  1647.  They  were  obliged  to  cut  through 
the  ice  to  get  out  of  the  harbour.  The  ship  foundered  at 
sea,  and  was  never  heard  of  after  she  sailed.  The  loss  of 
this  ship,  with  the  former  losses  which  the  compauy  had 
sustained,  broke  up  all  their  expectations  with  respect  to 
trade,  and  as  they  conceived  themselves  disadvantageous-  Attempts 
ly  situated  for  husbandry,  they  adopted  the  design  of  leav- to  remov*>>,w 
ing  the  country.  They  were  invited  to  Jamaica,  in  the 
West-Indies.  They  had  also  an  invitation  to  Ireland.  It 
seems  they  entered  into  treaties  for  the  city  of  Galloway, 
which  they  designed  to  have  settled,  as  a  small  province 
for  themselves.!  Nevertheless  they  were  disappointed 
with  respect  to  all  these  designs.  Their  posterity,  who 

*  Manuscripts  of  the  Rev.  Stephen  Monson. 
t  Majnalia.,  B.  I.  p.  25,  26. 

V 


1C2-  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VIII, 

HOOK  I.  they  feared  would  be  reduced  tq  beggary,   made  respecta- 
•^*~^~^/  ble  farmers,  and  flourished,  with  respect  to  worldly  circum- 

1647.     stances,  no  less  than  their  neighbours. 
Klcctiunat      At  the  election,  this  year,  at  Hartford,  nine  magistrates 
vvere  chosen.     Mr.  Cosmore  and  Mr.  Howe  were  elected 
for  the  first  time.     The  other  magistrates  were  the  same 
as  in  the  preceding  years. 

At  this  session  of  the  general  court,  an  explanation  or 
addition  was  made  to  the  tenth  fundamental  article.  By 
this  article,  as  it  stood,  it  was  the  opinion  of  some,  that  no 
particular  court  could  be  holden,  unless  the  governor  and 
four  magistrates  were  present.  It  was  therefore  decreed.! 
that  the  governor,-  or  deputy  governor,  with  two  magis- 
trates, should  have  power  to  keep  a  particular  court,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws  established  ;  and,  that  in  case  neither 
the  governor,  nor  deputy  governor  should  be  present,  or 
able  to  sit,  if  three  magistrates  should  meet,  and  choose 
one  of  themselves  moderator,  they  might  keep  a  particular 
court,  which  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  should  be  deemed 
as  legal,  as  if  the  governor  or  deputy  governor  were  pres- 
ent. AH  orders  contrary  to  this  were  repealed. | 

Act.  As  tobacco,  about  this  time,  was  comine  into  use,  'in  the 

against  the       ,  .  i      r      •  i     • 

use  of        colony,  a  very  curious  law  was  made  ior  its  regulation,  or 

tobacco,  suppression.  It  was  ordered,  that  no  person  under  twenty 
years  of  age,  nor  any  other,  who  had  not  already  accus- 
tomed himself  to  the  use  of  it,  should  take  any  tobacco  un- 
til he  had  obtained  a  certificate  from  under  the  hand  of  an 
approved  physician,  (hat  it  was  useful  for  him,  and  unlit 
he  had  also  obtained  a  license  from  the  court.  All  others, 
who  had  addicted  themselves  to  the  use  of  it,  were  prohib- 
ited from  taking  it,  in  any  company,  or  at  their  labors,  or 
in  travelling,  unless  ten  miles,  at  least,  from  any  compa- 
ny ;  and  though  not  in  company,  not  more  than  once  a  day, 
upon  pain  of  a  fine  of  sixpence  for  every  such  offence. 
One  substantial  witness  was  to  be  a  sufficient  proof  of  the 
crime.  The  constables  of  the  several  towns  were  to  make 
presentment  to  the  particular  courts,  and  it  was  ordered, 
that  the  fine  should  be  paid  without  gainsaying. § 

June  2.  At  a  court  in  June,  it  was  ordered,  that  the  fort  and  guns 

atSaybrook,  should  be  delivered  to  captain  John  Mason, 
and  that  he  should  give  Mr.  Fenwick  a  receipt  for  the 
premises.  At  the  desire  of  the  people  there,  captain  Ma- 
son was  appointed  to  the  chief  command  of  the  fort}  and 
was  authorized  to  govern  all  the  soldiers  and  inhabitants  of 
the  town  ;  tc  call  them  forth  and  put  them  in  such  array  as 

t  The  enacting  style,  before  Ihe  ch;\rter,  was,  It  is  ordered,  sentenced, 
and  decreed.     Sometimes  one  of  the  words  only  was  used, 
$  Records  of  Connecticut,  folio  vol.  i.  p.  162,  163. 
4  Records  of  Connecticut. 


CHAP.  Vin.  CONNECTICUT.  163 

might  be  necessary  for  thev  general  defence  of  the  country.  BOOK  I. 
Orders  were  given,  that  the  fortifications  should  be  repair-  ***~v"+>> 
•ed,  and  that  the  country  rate  of  Saybrook  should  be  ap-    1047. 
preprinted  to  that  purpose. 

This  court  granted  to  the  soldiers  of  the  respective  train  Soldiefs 
bands  in  the  colony,  the  privilege  of  choosing  their  own  of-  ™boose 
ficers,  to  be  commissioned  by  the  court.  their  affi- 

The  conduct  of  the  Narraganset  and  Nehantick  Indians  cers- 
was  so  treacherous  and  hostile  that,  in  midsummer,  an  ox-  J^y  26th- 
traordinary  meeting  of  the  commissioners  was  called  at  ^^.apor" 
Boston.     The  commissioners  were,    Thomas  Dudley  and  meeting 
John  Endicot,  Esquires,  from  Massachusetts  ;  Mr.  William  of  the 
Bradford  and  Mr.  John  Brown,  from  Plymouth ;  governor  ™nuui£- 
Hopkins  and  captain  John  Mason,  from  Connecticut ;  gov- 
CT»or  Eaton  and  Mr.  Goodyear,  from  New-Haven.     Tho- 
mas Dudley  was  chosen  president. 

The  Narraganset  and  Nehantick  Indians,  had  not  only 
neglected  the  performance  of  every  part  of  their  treaties 
with  the  English,  but  were,  by  all  their  arts,  plotting  against 
them.  By  their  wampum  they  were  hiring  all  the  Indian 
nations  round  about  them  to  combine  against  the  colonies. 
They  had  sent  messengers  and  presents  to  the  Mohawks, 
to  engage  them  in  the  general  confederacy.  As  this  faith- 
less conduct  was  the  occasion  of  the  meeting,  the  commis- 
sioners immediately  dispatched  messengers  to  Pessacus,  Narra^aa-. 
Ninigrate,  Webetomaug,  and  all  their  confederates,  to  de-s.ets  seut 
dare  to  them  their  breach  of  covenant,  and  to  demand  their 
attendance  at  Boston.  The  messengers  were  instructed 
to  assure  them,  that  if  they  did  not  appear,  they  would 
send  to  them  no  more.  Pessacus  owned,  that  he  had  bro- 
ken covenant,  and  said  it  was  the  constant  grief  of  his 
spirit.  He  'pretended  he  would  gladly  go  to  Boston,  but 
he  was  unwell,  and  could  not  travel.  This  was  a  mere 
pretence,  as  there  was  no  appearance  of  indisposition  up-- 
on  him.  He  excused  himself  for  not  keeping  the  treaty, 
because  he  was  frighted  into  it  by  the  sight  of  the  English 
army,  which  was  about  to  invade  his  country.  He  repre- 
sented, that  he  was  in  fear,  if  he  did  not  make  it,  the  En- 
glish would  follow  him  home  and  kill  him.  He  declared, 
however,  that  he  would  send  his  whole  mind  by  Ninigrate, 
and  that  he  would  abide  by  whatever  he  should  transact  in 
the  affair. 

On  the  3d  of  August,  Ninigrate,  with  two  of  Pessacus's 
men,  and  a  number  of  the  Nehantick  Indians,  arrived  at]v;nigra(0 
Boston.     When  Ninigrate  came  before  the  commissioners,  appears 
he  pretended  great  ignorance  of  the  treaties  between  the  before.ttie 
English  and  the  Indians.     He  declared,  that  he  knew  no  ^aers?" 


164  HISTORY  OF  CHAP,  VIII. 

BOOK  I.  cause  why  theNarragansets  should  pay  so  much  wampum, 
v^-*v-^/  He  said  they  owed  nothing  to  the  English.  The  commis- 
1647.  sioners  acquainted  him,  that  it  was  on  account  of  their 
breach  of  treaty,  and  the  great  charge  which,  by  that  means, 
they  had  brought  on  the  colonies,  that  the  Narragansets 
engaged  to  pay  such  a  quantity.  Well  knowing  his  de- 
ceit, they  charged  him  as  being  the  very  man,  who  had 
been  the  principal  cause  of  all  their  trouble  and  expense, 
relative  to  the  Indians.  They  declared  to  him,  that  he 
*vas  the  sachem  who  had  threatened  to  pile  their  cattle  in 
heaps,  and  to  kill  every  Englishman  who  should  step  out 
at  his  doors.  At  so  home  a  charge,  which  he  could  not 
deny,  he  was  not  a  little  chagrined.  However,  he  excus- 
ed the  matter  with  as  much  art  as  possible.  With  respect 
to  the  Avampum,  lie  declared,  that  the  Narragansets  had 
not  a  sufficiency  to  pay  the  sum  required.  The  commis- 
sioners knew  that  the  Narragansets  were  a  great  nation, 
and  that  they  could,  at  any  time,  upon  short  notice,  pay  a 
greater  amount  than  they  demanded.  They  considered 
the  demand,  not  only  as  their  just  due,  but  as  matter  of  pol- 
icy, as  far  as  was  consistent  with  justice,  to  strip  them  of 
their  wampum,  to  prevent  their  hiring  the  Mohawks,  and 
other  Indians,  to  join  with  them,  in  a  general  war  against 
the  colonies.  They,  therefore,  insisted  that  the  whole  sum 
should  be  paid.  They  declared  to  him,  that  they  were 
not  satisfied  with  his  answers.  Ninigrate,  after  he  had 
taken  time  to  consult  with  his  council,  the  other  deputies, 
•who  were  with  him,  answered,  that  he  was  determined  to 
give  the  colonies  full  satisfaction.  He  desired  ten  days 
to  send  messengers  to  Narraganset,  to  collect  the  wampum 
due,  and  offered  himself  a  hostage  until  their  return.  The 
messengers  returned  with  no  more  than  two  hundred  fath- 
oms. Ninigrate  imputed  this  to  his  absence.  He  desired 
liberty  to  return,  promising,  that  if  the  whole  sum  should 
not  be  paid  by  the  next  spring,  the  commissioners  might 
take  his  head,  and  seize  his  country.  The  commissioners 
agreed  with  him,  that  if  within  twenty  days,  he  would  de- 
liver a  thousand  fathoms  of  wampum,  and  the  remainder 
which  was  due  by  the  next  planting  time,  they  would  dis- 
miss him.  They  also,  for  his  encouragement,  acquainted 
him,  that  although  they  might  justly  put  the  hostages  to 
death,  for  their  delays  and  breach  of  covenant,  yet  they 
would  forthwith  deliver  them  to  him  ;  and  if  they  should 
find  him  punctual  to  his  engagements,  they  would  charge 
former  defects  to  Pessacus.  Thes,e  terms  he  gladly  ac- 
cepted. 

The  commissioners  from  Connecticut,   the  last  year,,. 
11  •'  j      f 


CHAP.  VIII.  CONNECTICUT.  165 

made  complaint,  that  Mr.  Pyncheon  and  the  inhabitants  at  BOOK  I. 
Springfield,  refused  to  pay  the  impost  which  had  been  in>  v^^v-x^ 
posed  by  Connecticut  for  the  maintenance  of  the  fort  at     1647, 
Saybrook.     The  commissioners  judged,  that  the  fort  was 
of  great  consequence  to  the  towns  on  the  river;  but,  as  the 
affair  of  the  impost  had  not  been  laid  before  the  general 
court  of  Massachusetts,  and  as  the  commissioners  of  that 
colony  had  no  instructions  respecting  it,  a  full  hearing  had 
been  deferred  to  this  meeting. 

Meanwhile,  the  general  court  of  the  Massachusetts  had 
taken  up  the  affair,  and  passed  a  number  of  resolutions  re- 
specting the  impost.  These  are  a  curiosity,  exhibiting  a 
lively  picture  of  human  nature,  and,  in  the  course  of  con- 
duct consequent  upon  them,  will  afford  a  general  specimen 
of  the  manner  in  which  the  Massachusetts  anciently  treated 
her  sister  colonies.  The  resolutions  were,  at  this  meeting, 
laid  before  the  commissioners,  and  were  to  the  following 
effect. 

1.  That  the  jurisdiction  at  Hartford  had  not  a  legal  pow-  Resolu- 
er  to  force  any  inhabitant  of  another  jurisdiction,   to  pur- tions oft&e 

i  r     *        i       j  r»u    •     •      •     v    *•  court  of 

chase  any  lort  or  lands  out  01  their  jurisdiction.  Massa- 

2.  That  it  was  injurious  to  require  custom  for  the  main-  chusetts, 
tenance  of  a  fort  which  is  not  useful  to  those  of  whom  it  respecting 
was  demanded.  the  impost. 

3.  That  it  was  unequal  for  Connecticut  to  impose  a  cus- 
tom upon  their  friends  and  confederates,  who  have  no  more 
benefit  of  the  river,  by  the  exporting  or  importing  of  goods, 
than  strangers  of  another  nation,  who,  though  they  lived  in 
.Hartford,  paid  none. 

4.  That  the  propounding  and  standing  upon  an  impo- 
sition of  custom,  to  be  paid  at  the  river's  mouth,  by  such 
as  were  of  our  jurisdiction,  hindered  our  confederation  ten 
years,  and  there  was  never  any  paid  to  this  day  ;  and  that 
now  to  impose  it  upon  them,  after  their  confederation,  would 
put  them  upon  new  thoughts. 

5.  That  it  appeared  to  them  very  hard,  that  any  of  their 
jurisdiction  should  be  forced  to  such  a  disadvantage,  as 
would  necessarily  enslave  their  posterity,  by  imposing  such 
rates  and  customs,  as  would  either  constrain  them  to  depart 
from  their  habitations,  or  weaken  their  estates  ;  especially 
as  they  were  with  the  first  who  took  possession  of  the  river, 
and  were  at  great  charge  of  building,  &c.  which  if  they 
had  foreseen,  they  would  not  have  made  a  plantation  at 
that  place. 

6.  If  Hartford  jurisdiction  shall  make  use  of  their  power 
over  any  of  ours,  we  have  the  same  power  to  imitate  them 
jn  the  like  kind,  which  they  desired  might  be  forborne  on 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  Mil. 


BOOK  I. 

1647. 
Gov.  Hop- 
kins' reply 
to  the  reso- 
lutions. 


Determi- 
nation of 
the  com- 
missioners. 


both  sides.     These  resolutions  were  signed  by  the  secre- 
tary of  the  colony. 

Mr.  Hopkins  replied,  in  behalf  of  Connecticut,  that  the 
first  article  laboured  under  a  great  mistake  :  that  the  im- 
position was  ne.ither  to  buy  lands  nor  the  fort.  He  observ- 
ed-also,  that  it  was  not  material  to  what  purpose  an  impost 
was  applied,  if  it  were  lawful  in  itself,  and  did  not  exceed 
the  bounds  of  moderation.  With  respect  to  the  second 
article,  he  said,  that  it  impeached  all  states  and  nations  of 
injustice,  no  less  than  Connecticut :  that  their  practice,  in 
all  similar  cases,  warranted  the  impost.  He  urged,  that, 
ibr  twelve  years,  the  fort  at  Saybrook  had  been  of  special 
service  to  Springfield ;  and  that  it  was  so  still,  and  might 
be  for  a  number  of  years  to  come.  He  therefore  insisted, 
tiiat  it  was  strictly  just,  that  the  inhabitants  of  that  town 
should  pay  the  impost.  He  said  he  was  willing  to  risk  the 
rase,  and  have  it  decided  on  the  principles  of  strict  justice. 
The  third  article,  he  observed,  was  a  mere  presumption, 
and  had  no  just  foundation  ;  besides,  if  it  were  founded,  he 
argued,  that  the  comparison  was  not  equal.  The  whole  of 
the  fourth  article,  he  said,  was  a  mistake  :  that  the  confede- 
ration was  completed  in  about  five  years  from  the  first  men- 
tioning of  it,  and  that  it  was  not  retarded  by  the  means  sug- 
gested, nor  were  they  ever  mentioned.  With  reference  to 
the  fifth  article,  he  replied,  that  all  taxes  weakened  estates, 
and  if  this  were  a  ground  of  objection  against  the  impost, 
then  no  tax  or  impost  could  ever  be  laid.  He  insisted, 
that  the  impost  was  just  and  moderate*  and,  therefore,  could 
not  enslave  the  inhabitants  of  Springfield.  The  towns  in 
Connecticut,  he  observed,  were  settled  before  Springfield, 
and  that  town  had  been  at  no  expense  in  making  settle- 
ments, more  than  the  towns  in  Connecticut.  He  said,  if 
Connecticut,  at  any  time,  should  become  exorbitant  in  its 
impositions  upon  any  of  the  colonies,  they  would  find  a 
remedy  in  the  confederation.  With  reference  to  the  last 
article,  he  declared  his  willingness,  in  all  similar  cases,  to 
submit  to  the  like  imposition. 

The  commissioners,  upon  a  full  hearing,  determined, 
that  it  was  of  weighty  consideration  to  all  the  plantations 
upon  the  river,  that  the  mouth  of  it  should  be  secured,  and 
a  safe  passage  for  goods,  up  and  down  the  river,  be  main- 
tained, though  at  some  expense ;  and,  that  as  Springfield 
enjoyed  the  benefit,  the  inhabitants  should  pay  the  impost 
of  two  pence  per  bushel  for  corn,  and  a  penny  on  the  pound 
for  beaver,  or  twenty  shillings  upon  every  hogshead.  Ne- 
vertheless, out  of  respect  and  tenderness  to  the  Massachu- 
it  *.VAS  rosolveci.  that  Springfield,  or  the  general  court, 


CHAP.  VIII.  CONNECTICUT.  1G7 

might  have  the  liberty  of  exhibiting  further  reasons  against  BOOK  I. 
the  impost,  if  any  should  occur.  v-««-v->toy 

At  this  meeting,  Mr.  John  Winthrop,   of  Pequot,    laid     1647. 
claim  to  the  whole  country  of  the  western  Nehanticks,  in-  Mr.  Wm- 
cluding  a  considerable  part  of  the  town  of  Lyme.     He  re-  prop's 
presented,  that  he  obtained  the  title  to  this  large  tract  part-  the'iNehan- 
ly  by  purchase,  and  partly  by  deed  of  gift,  before  the  Pe-  lick  coun- 
quot  war.     He  petitioned  the  commissioners  to  this  effect :  trJ- 
"  Whereas  I  had  the  land  at  Nehantick  by  deed  of  gift  and 
purchase  from  the  sachem,  before  the  Pequot  war,  1  desire 
the  commissioners  would  confirm  it  unto  me,  and  clear  it  of 
all  claims  of  English  and  Indians,  according  to  the  equity 
of  the  case."     As  he  had  no  deed  nor  writing  respecting 
the  land,  he  produced  the  testimony  of  three  Nehantick  In- 
dians.  They  testified,  that  before  the  Pequot  war,  Sashions, 
their  sachem,  called  all  his  men  together,  and  told  them, 
that  he  was  determined  to  give  his  country  to  the  gover- 
nor's son,  who  lived  at  Pattaquasset,*  and  that  his  men 
gave  their  consent :  that  afterwards  he  went  to  Mr.  Win- 
throp, at  Pattaquasset,  and  when  he  came  back,  said  that 
he  had  granted  all  his  country  to  the  governor's  son  ;•  and 
also,  that  he  had  received  coats  for  it,  which  they  saw  him 
bring  home.     Three  Englishmen  also  testified,  that  they 
had  heard  the  Indians  report  the  same  concerning  the  grant 
of  the  Nehantickt  country  to  Mr.  Winthrop.  Thomas  Stan- 
ton  deposed,  that  he  remembered  Sashions,  sachem  of  the 
Nehanticks,  did  give  his  country  to  Mr.  John  Winthrop, 
before  the  Pequot  war,  and  that  he  was  interpreter  in  that 
business. 

The  commissioners  of  Connecticut  pleaded  against  the  Reply  of1 
claim   of  Mr.  Winthrop,  that  his  purchase  bore  no  date ;  Connects 
fhat  the  tract  pretended  to  be  purchased  or  given,  was  notc" 
circumscribed  within  any  limits ;  and  that  it  did  not  ap-  c 
pear,  that  the  Indian,  who  granted  the  lands,  had  any  right 
in  them  :  that  the  grant  was  verbal,  and,  at  most,  could  be 
but  a  vague  business.     They  also  urged,  that  it  did  not 
appear,  but  that  Mr.  Winthrop  purchased  the  lands  for  the 
noblemen  and  gentlemen,  in  whose  service  he  was,  at  that 
time,  employed;  and  that,  as  the  lands  had  been  conquer- 
ed, at  the  hazard  and  expense  of  Connecticut,  before  Mr. 
Winthrop  made  known  his  claim,  whatever  it  was,  it  was 
then  dormant,  and  of  no  validity.     They  further  insisted, 
that,  as  they  were  not  prepared  to  give  a  full  answer,  no 
decision  might  be  made,  until  Connecticut  should  be  fully 
heard  with  respect  to  the  premises. 

*  This  is  sometimes  spelt  Pamaqua?s<?t,  and  was,  I  suppose,  the  Indian 
Dame  of  Saybrook. 
t  Some  spelt  it  Neanticut, 


168  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  VIII. 

BOOK  I.  The  commissioners  declined  any  decision  of  the  contro- 
NJ*~V-X^  versy  ;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  Mr.  Winthrop  ever  af- 
1647.  ter  prosecuted  his  claim.  As  it  seems  Mr.  Winthrop,  about 
this  time,  had  a  design  of  purchasing  Long-Island,  the 
commissioners  took  occasion  to  premonish  him,  that  the 
Island  was  already  under  engagements  for  considerable 
sums  of  money,  to  a  number  of  persons  in  Connecticut  and 
New-Haven.  They  represented  to  him,  that  any  title 
which  might  be  derived  from  Mr.  Cope,  would  be  very  pre- 
carious, as  he  had  confessed  a  short  time  before  his  death. 1 
The  commissioners,  this  year,  brought  in  the  number  ot" 
*n  tne  several  colonies,  and  made  a  settlement  of  their 
accounts.  accounts.  The  whole  expenditure  of  the  confederates 
was  1043  pounds  :  10:  0.  There  was  due  to  Connecti- 
cut, 155  pounds:  17:  7,  which  the  colony  had  expended 
in  the  general  defence,  more  than  its  proportion.  New- 
Haven  had  expended  7  pounds  :•  0  :  0  more  than  its  pro- 
portion. This  was  exclusive  of  all  the  expense  which 
these  two  colonies  had  borne  in  defending  themselves  a- 
gainst  the  Indians  at  Stamford  and  its  vicinity,  and  in  at- 
tempting to  bring  the  murderers  of  the  English  to  condign 
punishment.  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  paid  the  bal- 
ance to  Connecticut  and  New-Haven. 

On  the  27th  of  May,  Peter  Stuyvesant,  who,  the   last 
Congratu-  year)  had  been  appointed  governor  of  New-Netherlands, 
ter°tothe    arrived  at  Manhadoes,  and  commenced  his  government  of 
Dutch        the  Dutch  settlements.      The  commissioners  wrote  him  a 
governor.    ]ong  letter  of  congratulation.     They  complained  also,  that 
the  Dutch  sold  arms  and  ammunition  to  the  Indians,  and 
even  in  the  English  plantations.      They  desired  that  an 
immediate  stop  might  be  put  to  so  dangerous  a  trade.  They 
made  complaint  also,  that  the  Dutch  had  laid  so  severe  an 
impost  upon  all  goods,  as  greatly  discouraged  trading  with 
them,  while  all  the  harbors  in  the  united  colonies  were 
open  and  free  to  them.     As  the  Dutch  also  imposed  heavy 
fines  or  forfeitures  for  misentries,  or  defect  in  commissions, 
the   commissioners   desired  to  be  made  particularly  ac- 
quainted with  their  customs. 

Saybrook       This  winter,  the  fort  and  buildings  at  Saybrook  unac- 
fort burnt,  countably  took  fire,  and,  with  some  goods,  were  destroy- 
ed.    Captain  Mason,  with  his  wife  and  child,  narrowly  es- 
caped the  conflagration.     The  damage  was  estimated  at 
more  than  a  thousand  pounds. 
t  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


• 

CHAP.  IX.  CONNECTICUT. 


CHAPTER  IX.  1647. 

Settlement  of  New-London.  Salaries  first  granted  to  civil 
officers..  Troubles  with  the  Narraganset  Indians.  Rhode- 
Island  petitions  to  be  united  with  the  colonies  in  confede- 
ration. The  Massachusetts  resume  the  affair  of  the  im- 
post. Mr.  Westerhouse  complains  of  the  seizure  of  his 
•vessel  by  the  Dutch,  in  the  harbour  of  New-Haven.  Mur- 
ders committed  by  the  Indians  ;  resolutions  respecting  the 
murderers.  Body  of  laws  compiled.  Debates  relative  to 
the  settlement  of  Delaware.  The  Pequots  revolt  front 
Uncas,  and  petition  the  English.  Resolution  respecting 
them.  Mr.  Westerhouse  petitions  to  make  reprisals  from 
the  Dutch.  Letter  to  the  Dutch  governor.  Further  al- 
tercations respecting  the  impost.  Final  issue  of  that  af- 
fair. The  conduct  of  the  Massachusetts  upon  its  decis- 
ion, and  the  declaration  of  the  commissioners  respecting* 
it.  Their  treatment  of  Connecticut  respecting  the  line  be- 
tween the  colonies.  The  court  of  Connecticut  determine 
to  avenge  the  death  of  John  Whitmore,  and  detach 
men  to  take  the  murderer. 

THE  last  year  several  persons  began  settlements  at  Pe- 
quot  harbour.  Lots  were  laid  out  to  them,  but  part 
of  them  were  soon  discouraged,  and  left  the  plantation. 
This  year  Mr.  Richard  Blinman,  who  had  been  a  minister  „.  , 
in  England,  removed  from  Gloucester  to  this  new  settle-  do^set- 
ment ;  in  consequence  of  which  a  considerable  addition  tied, 
was  made  to  the  number  who  had  kept  their  station.  By  1648* 
the  next  year,  1648,  there  was  such  an  accession,  that  the 
inhabitants  consisted  of  more  than  forty  families.  Some  of 
the  principal  men  were  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Blinman,  Thomas  Minot,  Samuel  Lothrop,  Robert 
Allyn  and  James  Avery.  For  their  encouragement,  the 
general  court  granted  them  a  three  years  exemption  from 
all  colonial  taxation.  Mr.  Winthrop  was  authorized  to 
superintend  the  affairs  of  the  plantation.  The  next 
year  a  court  was  appointed  for  the  trial  of  small  caus- 
es. The  judges  were  Mr.  Winthrop,  Thomas  Minot  and 
Samuel  Lothrop.  The  Indian  name  of  the  place  was  Na- 
meaug,  alias  Towawog.  In  1654,  the  whole  tract,  now 
comprised  within  the  towns  of  New-London  and  Groton, 
was  called  Pequot,  from  the  name  of  the  harbour  and  ori- 
ginal inhabitants.  By  this  it  was  known  for  about  four 
years.  On  the  24th  of  March,  1658,  the  assembly  passed 

W 


i-rj  •      HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  IX, 

BOOK  I.  an  act  respecting  it,  which  is  so  curious,  and  expressive  of 
^^v~±;  the  feelings  of  our  ancestors  towards  their  native  country, 

t648.     as  to  render  it  worthy  of  publication. 

The  act  of  "  Whereas,  it  hath  been  the  commendable  practice  of 
assembly  |ne  inhabitants  of  all  the  colonies  of  these  parts,  that  as  this 
hTmime^  eountry  hath  its  denomination  from  our  dear  native  coun- 
try of  England,  and  thence  is  called  New-England  ;  so  the 
planters,  in  their  first  settling  of  most  new  plantations,  have 
given  names  to  those  plantations  of  some  cities- and  towns 
in  England,  thereby  intending  to  keep  up,  and  leave  to 
posterity,  the  memorial  of  several  places  of  note  there,  as 
Boston,  Hartford,  Windsor,  York,  Ipswich,-  Braintree, 
Exeter  ;  this  court  considering,  that  there  hath  yet  n-o  place 
in  any  of  the  colonies  been  named  in  memory  of  the  city 
of  London,  there  being  a  new  plantation  within  this  juris- 
diction of  Connecticut,  settled  upon  that  fair  river  Mohea- 
gan,  in  the  Pequot  Country,  being  an  excellent  harbour 
and  a  fit  and  convenient  place  for  future  trade,  it  being 
also  the  only  place  which  the  English  in  these  parts  have 
possessed  by  conquest,  and  that  upon  a  very  just  war,  up- 
on that  great  and  warlike  people,  the  Pequots,  we  there- 
fore that  we  might  thereby  leave  to  posterity  that  we  mem 
ory  of  that  renowned  city  of  London,  from  whence  we  had 
our  transportation,  have  thought  fit,  in  honor  to  that  famous 
city,  to  call  the  said  plantation  New-London."  The  name 
of  the  river  was  also  changed  and  called  the  Thames.* 
Salary  for  Until  this  time  the  governors  and  magistrates-  appear  to 
the  gov-  have  served  the  people  for  the  honor  of  it,  and  the  public, 
good.  The  general  court  took  the  affair  into  their  con- 
sideration, and  granted  the  governor  30  pounds  annually. 
The  same  sum  was  also  voted  for  the  deputy  governor, 
who  had  presided  the  preceding  year.  These  appear  to 
have  been  the  first  salaries  given  to  any  civil  officers  in 
the  colony,  and  to  have  been  a  compensation  for  the  ex- 
pense of  the  office,  rather  than  for  the  service  performed. 
Election  Upon  the  election  at  Hartford,  Mr.  Hopkins  was  cho- 
at  Hart-  sen  governor,  and  Mr.  Ludlow  deputy  governor.  Mr. 
lord,  May  Haynes  supplied  the  vacancy  made  by  the  advancement  of 
Mr.  Ludlow,  and  Mr.  Cullick  was  elected  magistrate  and 
secretary  in  the  place  of  Mr.  Whiting. 

Comrois-        In  September  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies 

sioners       convened  at  Plymouth.     They  were  John  Endicot  and  Si- 

™oe< ;*  „      mon  Bradstreet,   from  Massachusetts  j  William  Bradford 

and  John  Brown  from  Plymouth  ;•  governor  Hopkins  and 

Roger  Ludlow,  from  Connecticut  ;  governor  Eaton   and 

John  Astwood,  from  New-Haven. 

?  Ivccords  of  Connecticut  and  New-London. 


C'HAP.  IX.  CONNECTICUT.  171 

The  Indians,  both  in  the  Nehantick  and  Narraganset  BOOK  I. 
country,  and  in  the  western  parts  of  Connecticut,  had  been  v^-v>^ 
more  perfidious  and  outrageous  this  year  than  at  any  time     1648. 
since  the  Pequot  war.     The  Narragansets  and  Nehanticks,  Perfidy  of 
instead   of  performing  the  fair    promises  which  they  had  thc  ^a"a'" 
made,  the  last  year,   and  of  paying  the  wampum,  which  j-1"^. 
had  been  so  long  due,  hired  the  Mohawk  and  Pocomtock 
Indians  to  unite  with  them   in  an  expedition  for  the  total 
destruction  of  Uncas  and  the  Moheagans.     The  Pocom- 
tocks  made  preparations  and  assembled  for  the  purpose. 
They  waited  several  days  for  the  arrival  of  the  Mohawks, 
who  were  to  have  joined  them  at  that  place.     The  Narra- 
gansets and  Nehanticks  removed  their  old  men,  women  and 
children  into  swamps  and  fastnesses,  and  prepared  an  army 
of  800  men,  who   were  to  form  a  junction   with  the  Mo- 
hawk and   Pocomtock  Indians,    in  Connecticut,  near  the 
Moheagans. 

The  governor  and  council,  apprised  of  their  designs, 
dispatched  Thomas  Stanton,  their  interpreter,  and  others 
to  Pocomtock.  They  found  the  Pocomtocks  actually  met 
in  arms,  and  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  the  Mohawks.  It 
was  represented  that  the  Mohawks  had  four  hundred  fire 
arms,  and  a  plenty  of  ammunition.  The  Pocomtocks  ac- 
knowledged that  they  had  been  hired  by  the  Narragansets. 
Such  a  confederacy  was  alarming  to  the  colony.  What 
such  an  army  of  savages  might  effect  could  not  be  deter- 
mined. It  was  dangerous  to  suffer  them  to  march  through 
the  colony,  and  form  a  junction  near  the  plantations.  Sev- 
eral happy  circumstances  united  their  influence  to  frus- 
trate this  formidable  combination.  The  early  discovery 
of  the  designs  of  the  enemy,  by  the  people  of  Connecticut, 
and  the  precautions  which  were  taken,  had  a  great  effect. 
The  Pocomtocks  and  Mohawks  were  assured,  that  the 
English  would  defend  Uncas  against  all  his  enemies,  and 
•would  avenge  all  injuries  which  they  should  do  him.  The 
Mohawks  had  one  or  two  of  their  sachems  and  a  number  of 
their  men  killed  by  the  French.  They  therefore  did  not 
come  on.  The  Pocomtock  Indians  did  not  choose  to  march 
without  them  ;  and  the  Narragansets,  thus  deserted,  were 
afraid  to  proceed.  Thus  the  expedition  failed. 

The    Narragansets  not  only  plotted  against  the  united  Rhode- 
colonies,  but  committed  many  outrages  against  the  people  ti'^ons'ibr 
of  Rhode-Island.     They  made  forcible  entries  into  their  admit- 
houses,  struck  and  abused  the  owners,  stole  and  purloined  tance  ta 
their  goods.     At  Warwick  especially,  they  were  exceed-  *h^  COIH 
ingly  troublesome.     They  killed,  in  that  plantation,  about  tion 
a  hundred  cattle,  exclusive  of  other  injuries  which  they 


172  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  IX. 

BOOK  I.  did  to  the  inhabitants.     Indeed,  the  Rhode-Islanders  were 

^x-v-%-/  so  harassed,  that  they  made  application,  by  their  repre- 

1648.    sentatives,  to  the  commissioners,  to  be  admitted  to  the 

confederation  of  the  united  colonies. 

Reply  of  The  commissioners  replied,  that  they  found  their  pre- 
)m~  sent  state  to  be  full  of  confusion  and  danger,  and  that  they 
'  were  desirous  of  giving  them  both  advice  and  help.  They 
however  observed,  that  as  the  plantation  made  at  Rhode- 
Island,  fell  within  the  limits  of  the  ancient  patent  granted 
to'the  colony  of  New-Plymouth,  they  could  not  receive 
them  as  a  distinct  confederate.  They  represented,  that  it 
was  the  design  of  the  honourable  committee  of  parliament, 
that  the  limits  of  that  colony  should  not  be  abridged  or  in- 
fringed. They  proposed,  that  if  the  Rhode-Islanders  would 
acknowledge  themselves  to  be  within  the  limits  of  Ply- 
mouth colony,  they  would  advise  how  they  might  be  re- 
ceived on  equitable  terms,  with  a  tender  regard  for  their 
convenience  ;  and  that  they  would  afford  them  the  same 
advice  and  protection,  which  they  did  the  other  plantations 
within  the  united  colonies. 

M«ssen-  The  commissioners  sent  messengers  again  to  the  Narra- 
gerssenttoganset  and  Nehantick  Indians,  to  charge  their  treachery 
eansetsrra"  uPon  them,  remonstrate  against  their  conduct,  and  demand 
the  arrearages  of  wampum  which  were  yet  unpaid.  Their 
outrages  against  the  inhabitants  of  Rhode-Island  were  par- 
ticularly noticed,  and  the  sachems  were  peremptorily  char- 
ged to  keep  their  men  under  better  government.  The  colo- 
nies wished  to  exhibit  all  forbearance  towards  the  Indians, 
and,  if  possible,  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  country. 
They  chose  rather  to  restrain  the  natives  by  policy  and 
the  arts  of  peace,  than  by  the  sword. 

Further          The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  was,  by  no  means, 

debate  re-  pleased  with  the  determination  of  the  commissioners,  the 

the1  im-      *ast  year?  relative  to  the  impost  to  be  paid  at  Saybrook. 

poet.         A  committee  was,  therefore,  appointed  to  draft  an  answer 

to  the  observations  and  pleadings  of  governor  Hopkins 

before  the  commissioners,  at  their  former  sessions. 

The  committee  introduced  their  answer  with  a  number  of 
questions  relative  to  the  articles  of  confederation.  Some 
were  calculated  to  make  nothing  of  them,  and  exhibit  them 
in  a  point  of  light  entirely  contemptible.  Others  related 
to  the  power  of  the  commissioners,  and  to  the  degree  in 
which  obedience  was  due  to  their  determinations.  They 
inquired  whether  a  non-compliance  with  the  orders  of  the 
commissioners  would  be  a  breach  of  the  articles  of  confede- 
ration ?  They  complained,  that  they  had  not  a  greater  num- 
l?er  9f  commissioners,  as  Massachusetts  was  much  larger 


CHAP.  IX.  CONNECTICUT.  1*3 

than  the  other  colonies.  They  proposed,  that  they  should  BOOK  I. 
have  the  privilege  of  sending  three  commissioners,  and  v^-s<-^/ 
that  the  meetings  of  the  confederates  should  be  triennial.  1648. 
They  then  proceeded  to  a  large  reply  to  the  arguments  of  Arguments 
governor  Hopkins ;  and  attempted  to  vindicate  the  reasons  asainst  lj- 
which  they  had  given  before  against  the  impost.  In  ad- 
dition to  what  they  had  formerly  offered,  they  endeavoured 
to  show,  that  if  Springfield  was  benefitted  by  the  fort  at 
Saybrook,  and  ought  to  pay  the  impost  on  that  account, 
that  New-Haven,  Stamford,  and  all  the  towns  on  that  side 
of  the  river,  ought  to  pay  it  no  less ;  because  they  had 
been  already  benefitted,  and  might  be  hereafter.  Since 
this  was  the  case,  as  they  pleaded,  they  objected  against 
the  commissioners  of  New-Haven,  as  disqualified  to  judge 
in  the  case.  They,  also,  objected  against  the  decision  of 
the  commissioners,  because  it  was  made,  as  they  said,  with- 
out a  sight  of  the  Connecticut  patent.  They  insisted,  that 
if  the  patent  had  been  produced,  there  might  have  been 
some  clause  which  would  have  helped  their  case.  The 
committee  pleaded  a  priority  of  possession.  They  affirm- 
ed, that  the  first  possession  of  Saybrook  fort  was  taken  by 
Mr.  John  Winthrop,  in  November,  1635;  and  our  posses- 
sion was  before  that :  for  those  who  went  from  Watertown, 
Cambridge,  Roxbury,  and  Dorchester,  the  summer  before, 
took  possession  in  our  name  and  right ;  and  had  a  commis- 
sion of  government  from  us,  and  some  ordnance  for  their 
defence.  And  in  this  state  they  remained  a  good  space. 
In  fine  they  urged,  that  if  the  impost  were  lawful,  it  was  not 
expedient;  that  they  could  view  it  in  no  other  light  than  as 
a  bone  of  contention,  to  interrupt  their  happy  union  and 
brotherly  love.  Indeed,  they  represented,  that  it  laid  them 
under  temptations  to  help  themselves  in  some  other  way. 
This  was  adopted  by  the  general  court. 

Governor  Hopkins  and  Mr.  Ludlow  insisted  on  the  an-  Reply  of 
svvers  which  had  been  given  the  last  year,  to  the  arguments  the  com- 
of  the  general  court  of  the  Massachusetts.     They  attempt-  ""ssioners 
ed  to  show,  that,  notwithstanding  all  which  had  been  urged,  necti°ut. 
the  arguments  in  favour  of  the  impost  remained  unanswer- 
ed, and  in  their  full  force.     They  observed,  that  whatever 
propositions  might  have  been  made  by  the  Massachusetts, 
in  1638,  with  respect  to  the  exemption  of  plantations  under 
their  government  from  an  impost,  nothing  was  ever  granted 
upon  that  head:  that  affairs  were  now  in  a  very  different 
state  from  what  they  were  at  the  time  of  the  confederation. 
They  urged,  that  now  the  charge  of  the  fort  and  garrison 
at  Saybrook,  lay  upon  the  colony;  which  was  not  thr 
pase  at  that  time ;  and  that  nothing  could  be  fairly  plead- 


174  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  IX. 

BOOK  I.  ed  from  the  circumstances  in  which  the  colonies  confede- 

1648.  With  respect  to  priority  of  right,  and  the  commission 
which  had  been  mentioned,  they  observed,  that  the  com- 
mission of  government  was  taken,  salvo  jure,  of  the  inte- 
rest of  the  gentlemen  who  had  the  patent  of  Connecticut, 
this  commission  taking  rise  from  the  desire  of  the  people 
that  removed,  who  judged  it  inexpedient  to  go  away  with- 
out any  frame  of  government,  not  from  any  claim  of  the 
Massachusetts  jurisdiction  over  them  by  virtue  of  patent. 

With  reference  to  the  decision  of  the  commissioners, 
without  seeing  the  Connecticut  patent,  they  observed,  that 
a  copy  of  it  was  exhibited  at  the  time  of  the  confedera- 
tion; that  it  had  been  well  known  to  many;  and  that  the 
Massachusetts  in  particular  knew,  that  it  had  recently  been 
owned  by  the  honourable  committee  of  parliament;  and 
that  equal  respect  and  power  had  been  given  by  it  to  all 
within  its  limits,  as  had  been  either  to  Massachusetts  or 
Plymouth,  within  the  limits  of  their  respective  patents. 

As  to  the  inexpediency  of  the  impost,  as  tending  to  dis- 
turb the  peace  and  brotherly  love  subsisting  between  the 
colonies,  they  replied,  that  it  was  their  hope  and  earnest 
desire,  that  in  all  the  proceedings  of  the  confederation, 
truth  and  peace  might  embrace  each  other.  But  they  in- 
sisted, that  pleading  for  truth  and  righteousness  ought,  by 
no  means,  to  disturb  peace  or  brotherly  affection.  Indeed, 
they  maintained,  that  things  which  were  rational,  and  con- 
sistent with  truth  and  righteousness,  should  never  be  an 
occasion  of  offence  to  any. 

The  commissioners  of  Connecticut,  at  this  time,  produ- 
ced an  authentic  copy  of  their  patent,  and  governor  Hop- 
kins offered  to  attest  it  upon  oath.  As  this  was  the  third 
year  since  the  affair  of  the  impost  had  been  litigated  before 
the  commissioners,  it  was  urged,  that  it  might  have  a  final 
issue,  agreeable  to  truth  and  righteousness.  Governor 
Hopkins  and  Mr.  Ludlovv  disputed  the  southern  boundary 
of  Massachusetts,  and  claimed  Springfield  as  lying  within 
the  limits  described  in  the  patent  of  Connecticut. 

The  commissioners  judged,  that  the  objections  offered 
against  the  gentlemen  from  New-Haven,  were  insufficient, 
and  the  commissioners  from  Massachusetts  gave  them  up. 
Upon  the  whole,  after  a  full  hearing  and  mature  delibera- 
tion, the  former  order,  in  favour  of  Connecticut,  was  con- 
firmed.* 

Trouble          Notwithstanding   the  congratulatory  letter,  which  the 
Dutch       commissioners  addressed  to  Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  gover- 
*  Records  of  the  united  colonies* 


CHAP.  IX.  CONNECTICUT.  175 

nor,  at  their  last  session,  he  proved  not  the  most  comfort-  BOOK  I. 
able  neighbour.     He  gave  no  answer  to  the  complaints  ^*~v~**s 
which  had  been  stated  to  him,  in  their  letter.     He  trans-    1648. 
mitted  no  account  of  the  customs  laid  upon  the  English 
merchants,  nor  of  the  cases  in  which  the  Dutch  made  sei- 
zures, So  that  it  was  extremely  difficult  to  know  on  what 
terms  they  could  trade,  or  how  to  escape  fines,  seizures, 
and  confiscations. 

By  Stuyvesant's  order,  the  Dutch  seized  a  vessel  of  Mr.  Mr.  Wes- 
Westcrhouse,  a  Dutch  merchant  and  planter.at  New-Haven,  *" m°?!? 

i  -i       •  T  •  i  •      i  i  TT  c          i      complains 

while  riding  at  anchor  within  the  harbour,     rle  preterred  a  Of  the  sei- 
complaint  to  the  commissioners.     He  came  in  from  Vir-  zure  of  his' 
ginia,  and  gave  evidence,  that,  when  he  sailed  thence,  he  slliP- 

made  a  full  payment  of  all  the  customs.  The  commission-  m 

'   /     T>.    ,   ,  v  ,  .  i  The  com- 

ers wrote  to  the  Dutch  governor  on  the  subject,  and  re-  missioners 

monstrated  against  such  a  flagrant  insult  to  the  united  colo-  remon- 
nies,  and  against  the  injustice  done  to  Mr.  Westerhouse. strate  an<* 
They  protested  against  the  Dutch  claim  to  all  the  lands,  pro 
rivers,  and  streams,  from  Cape  Henlopen  to  Cape  Cod; 
and  asserted  their  claim  to  all  the  lands  and  plantations  in 
the  united  colonies,  as  anciently  granted  by  the  kings  of 
England  to  their  subjects,  and  since  purchased  by  them  of 
the  Indians,  the  original  proprietors. 

At  the  same  time,  they  assured  him,  that  they  expected 
satisfaction,  both  for  the  injury  and  affront,  in  taking  a  ship 
out  of  one  of  their  harbours,  upon  such  a  challenge  and 
title  to  the  place,  unjustly  claimed  without  purchase,  pos- 
session, or  any  other  considerable  ground.  They  repre- 
sented to  him  in  strong  terms,  the  absolute  necessity  of  a 
meeting  for  the  adjustment  of  the  differences  between  tho 
Dutch  and  the  united  colonies.  They  professed  themselves 
to  be  inclined  to  pursue  all  proper  counsels  for  that  pur- 
pose. As  his  letters  to  them,  as  well  as  to  the  governors 
of  Massachusetts  and  New-Haven,  had  been  expressed  in 
such  indeterminate  language  on  the  subject,}  they  wished 
him  to  be  more  explicit.  They  avowed  their  determina- 
tion, that,  until  such  time  as  the  Dutch  should  come  to  an 
amicable  settlement  of  the  points  in  controversy,  neither 
their  merchants  nor  mariners  should  enjoy  any  privilege, 
in  any  of  the  English  plantations  or  harbours,  either  of  an- 
choring, searching,  or  seizing,  more  than  the  English  did 
at  the  Manhadoes.  They  declared,  that  if,  upon  search, 
they  should  find  arms  and  ammunition  on  board  any  of  the 
Dutch  ships,  for  the  mischievous  purpose  of  vending  them 
within  the  limits  of  the  united  colonies,  to  the  Indians,  they 
would  seize  them,  until  further  inquiry  and  satisfaction 
should  be  made.  In  short,  they  avowed  their  purpose  of 


I7G  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  IX. 

BOOK  I.  treating  the  Dutch  mariners  and  merchants  in  the  English 
V-X-N^~X»/  harbours  and  plantations,  in  the  same  manner  in  which 
1643.    they  treated  the  English.  They  declared,  that,  if  the  Dutch 
should  proceed  to  seize  any  vessel  or  goods,  within  any  of 
the  harbours  of  the  united  colonies,  whether  of  English, 
Dutch,  or  any  other  nation,  admitted  to  be  planters  in  any 
of  the  said  colonies,  they  should  be  necessitated  to  vindi- 
cate their  rights,  and  to  repair  the  damages  by  all  just 
means.*    . 

Mr.  Whit-      Soon  after  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  Mr.  John 
more  mur-  "Whitmore,  of  Stamford,  was  murdered  by  the  Indians.    He 

dered  in  ,  ,  J  ,.    . 

October.  was  a  peaceable,  worthy  man,  and  one  of  the  representa- 
tives of  the  town  in  the  general  court  at  New-Haven.  He 
fell  as  he  was  seeking  cattle  in  the  woods.  The  sachem's 
son  first  carried  the  news  into  town,  and  reported  that  one 
Toquattoes  had  killed  him,  and  had  some  of  his  clothes,  of 
which  he  gave  a  particular  description.  From  this  cir- 
cumstance, it  was  suspected,  that  he  was  either  a  principal 
or  an  accomplice  in  the  crime.  No  such  evidence,  how- 
ever, could  be  obtained  as  would  warrant  the  apprehend- 
ing him.  The  English  took  great  pains  to  find  the  remains 
of  Mr.  Whitmore,  but  could  make  no  discovery  at  that  time. 
About  two  months  after,  Uncas,  with  several  of  his  Indians, 
went  to  Stamford,  and  making  inquiry  concerning  Mr. 
Whitmore's  body,  the  sachem's  son  and  one  Kehoran,  an- 
other of  the  natives  who  had  been  suspected,  led  Uncas, 
with  his  men,  and  a  number  of  the  English,  directly  to  the 
place  of  his  remains.  Upon  carrying  them  into  town,  the 
sachem's  son  and  Kehoran  fell  a-trembling,  and  manifest- 
ed such  signs  of  guilt,  that  the  Moheagans  declared  that 
they  were  guilty.  But  before  they  could  be  apprehended, 
they  made  their  escape.  The  Indians  at  Stamford  and  its 
vicinity,  either  through  fear  of  their  sachem,  or  favour  to 
his  son,  or  from  some  other  cause,  charged  the  murder  upon 
Toquattoes.  But  neither  he,  nor  the  other  suspected  per- 
sons, were  delivered  up,  nor  could  the  English  bring  them 
to  any  examination  respecting  the  subject. 

Murder  at      About  the  same  time  it  wa*  reported,  that  the  Indians 
Maml        llPon  Long-Island  had,  some  years  before,   murdered  a 
number  of  Englishmen,  who  were  part  of  the  crew  of  o 
vessel  of  one  Mr.  Cope,  which  had  been  cast  away  near 
the  island.     These   instances   of  bloodshed   gave   great 
alarm  to  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  especially  to  Stam- 
ford, and  the  towns  in  that  vicinity.     Mrs.  Whitmorc,  by 
letters  and  messengers,  sued  for  justice  against  the  mur- 
derers of  her  husband.     The  Indians  grew  haughty  and 
*  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


CHAP.  IX.  CONNECTICUT.  177 

insolent,  and  censured  the  conduct  of  the  English,*     It  was  BOOK   I. 
dangerous  to  suffer  such  crimes  to  be  unpunished,  as  it  v-x-v>^ 
would  embolden  the  natives  to  be  constantly  massacreing    1649. 
the  English.     But  as  nothing  could  be  done,  in  this  case, 
except  by  an  armed  force,  it  was  deferred  to  the  conside- 
ration of  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies. 

At  the  general  election  in  Connecticut,  Mr.  Haynes  was  Election, 
chosen  governor,  and  Mr.  Hopkins  deputy-governor.    Mr.  J^17thj 
Ludlow  took  his  place  again  among  the  magistrates.    The 
other  officers  were  as  they  had  been  the  preceding  year. 

In  consequence  of  the  burning  of  the  old  fort  at  Say- 
brook,  a  new  one  was  begun  the  last  year,  at  a  place  call- 
ed the  new  fort  hill.  At  this  session  of  the  assembly,  or- 
ders were  given  for  the  erecting  of  a  new  dwelling-house 
in  the  fort,  and  for  completing  the  works  and  buildings  at 
Saybrook.  The  magistrates  were  empowered  to  impress 
suitable  hands  for  carrying  the  business  into  effect,  _and 
appropriations  were  made  for  that  purpose. 

Whereas  the  commissioners  of  Massachusetts,  in  their  Resolu- 
pleadings  before  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies,  ^e"^ the 
at  their  last  session,'  had  expressed  their  doubts,  whether  court,  in 
the  act  of  Connecticut,  imposing  a  duty  upon  certain  arti-  the  May 
cles  exported  from  Connecticut  river,  had  any  respect  to sesslon- 
the  inhabitants  of  Springfield,  the  general  court  declared, 
that  they  had  particular  respect  to  them,  as  under  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Massachusetts.     They  also  resolved,  that,  . 
in  their  best  apprehensions,  nothing  was  imposed  on  them 
more  than  was  strictly  just,  or  than  had  been  imposed  on 
themselves ;  and  that  they  ought  to  submit  to  the  impost. 
They  declared,  that  the  execution  of  the  act,  with  respect 
to  their  brethren  at  Springfield,  had  been  deferred,  only 
that  the  judgment  of  the  commissioners  of  the  other  colo- 
nies might  be  had  on  the  premises.     The  assembly  also  re- 
solved, that  they  were  wholly  unsatisfied  that  Springfield 
did  fall  within  the  true  limits  of  the  Massachusetts  patent. 
They  also  expressed  their  earnest  wishes,  that  the  line 
might  be  speedily  and  fully  settled,  in  righteousness  and 
peace.     It  was  ordered,  that  these  resolutions  should  be 
laid  before  the  commissioners  at  their  next  meeting. 

Mr.  Ludlow  had,  for  several  years  successively,  been 
desired  by  the  general  court  to  make  a  collection  of  the 
laws  which  had  been  enacted,  and  to  revise,  digest,  and 
prepare  a  body  of  laws  for  the  colony.  He  had  now  fin- 
ished the  work,  and  at  this  session  a  code  was  established. 

Until  this  time,  punishments,  in  many  instances,  had 
been  uncertain  and  arbitrary.  They  had  been  left  wholly 
to  the  discretion  of  the  court.  Defamation  had,  in  some 

X 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  IX. 

BOOK  I.  instances,  been  punished  by  fine,  repeated  scourging,  and 
<ls^"v-^-/  imprisonment.*     For  violation  of  the  sabbath,  there  is  an 
1649.    instance  of  imprisonment  during  the  pleasure  of  the  court. 
Unehastity  between  single  persons  was,  sometimes,  punish- 
ed by  setting,  the  delinquent  in  the  pillory,  and  by  whip- 
ping him  from  one  town  to  another.     But,  from  this  time, 
the  laws,  in  general,  became  fixed,  and  the  punishment  of 
particular  crimes  was  specified,  so  that  delinquents  might 
know  what  to  expect,  when  they  had  the  temerity  to  trans- 
gress. 

The  statute  now  required  a  jury  of  twelve  men  :  that  in 
cases  in  which  they  were  doubtful  with  respect  to  law,  they 
should  bring  in  a  non  liquet,  or  special  verdict ;  and  that 
matter  of  law  should  be  determined  by  the  bench,  as  it  is 
at  the  present  time.  But  if,  after  the  jury  had  been  seat 
out  repeatedly,  the  court  judged  they  had  mistaken  the  evi- 
dence, and  brought  in  a  wrong  verdict,  they  were  author- 
ised, in  civil  cases,  to  impannel  a  new  jury.  The  court, 
also,  retained  the  power  of  lessening  and  increasing  the 
damages  given  by  the  jury,  as  they  judged  most  equitable.! 
All  cases  of  life,  limb,  or  banishment,  were  determined  by 
a  special  jury  of  twelve  able  men,  and  a  verdict  could  not 
be  accepted  unless  the  whole  jury  were  agreed.  Con- 
necticut now  had  the  appearance  of  a  well  regulated  com- 
monwealth. 

Commis-        An  extraordinary  meeting  of  the  commissioners  was 
sioners       holden  this  year  at  Boston.     The  members  were  Thomas 
meet,  July  Dudiey?  Esq,r<  Mr<  gjmon  Bradstreet,  William  Bradford, 
Esq'r.  Mr.  John  Brown,   Edward   Hopkins,  Esq'r.  Mr. 
Thomas  Wells,  Governor  Eaton,  and  Mr.  John  Astwood. 
The  settle-     Governor  Eaton,  in  behalf  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven, 
mentof     proposed  that  effectual  measures  might  be  immediately 
a(^dPte^  f°r  l^e  settlement  of  Delaware  bay.     The  title 
^j^  a  number  of  merchants,  at  New-Haven,  had  to  ex- 
tensive tracts  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  by  virtue  of  fair 
purchases  from  the  Indians,  was  laid  before  the  commis- 
sioners.    The  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  healthfulness  of  the 
country,  the  convenience  of  the  several  rivers,  the  great 
advantages  of  settlements,  and  a  well  regulated  trade  there, 
not  only  to  New-Haven,  but  to  all  the  New-England  colo- 
nies, were  strongly  represented. 

*  In  1646,  one  Robert  Bartlett,  for  defamation,  was  sentenced  to  stand 
in  the  pillory  during  the  public  lecture,  then  to  be  whipped,  pay  £5,  and 
suffer  six  months  imprisonment.  This  year  one  Daniel  Turner,  for  thr 
same  crime,  was  sentenced  to  be  whipped,  and  then  imprisoned  a  month  ; 
at  the  month's  end  to  go  to  the  post  again,  and  then  to  be  bound  to  his 
good  behaviour. 

t  Old  Connecticut  code,  p.  37. 


CHAP.  IX.  CONNECTICUT.  179 

The  commissioners,  after  a  full  hearing  and  mature  cle-  BOOK  I. 
liberation,  were  of  the  opinion,  that  the  circumstances  of  v^r-v*^ 
the  colonies  were  such,  that  it  would  not  be  prudent,  at    1649. 
that  time,  by  any  public  act,   to  encourage  the  settlement 
of  those  tracts.     Besides  the  contest  with  the  Dutch  and 
the  danger  of  involving  the  colonies  in  war,  it  was  observ- 
ed, that  they  had  scarcely  sufficient  numbers  of  men  at 
home  for  their  own  defence,  and  the  prosecution  of  the 
necessary  affairs  of  their  respective  plantations. 

It  was  therefore  recommended  to  the  merchants  and  gen-  Advice  of 
tlemen  at  New-Haven,  either  to  settle  or  make  sale  of  the  th.e  ^on?' 
lands  which  they  had,  as  should  appear  most  expedient,  ^pect-" 
The  commissioners  resolved,  that  if  any  persons  in  the  uni-  ing  it. 
ted  colonies  should  attempt,  without  their  consent,  to  make 
settlements  on  the  lands,  or  to  do  any  thing  injurious  to 
the  rights  of  the  purchasers,  that  they  would  neither  own 
nor  protect  them  in  their  unjust  attempts.* 

The  murder  of  Mr.  Whitmore,  and  the   other  murders  Resolu- 
which  the  Indians  had  committed  against  the  English,  were tions  .r«- 
fully  considered.     The  commissioners  therefore  resolved,  j^-^15 
that  the  guilty  should  be  delivered  up ;  and  if  they  were  murder- 
not,  that  the  sachem,  at  Stamford,  or  his  son,  should  beap-  e«"«. 
prehended  and  kept  in  durance,  until  they  should  be  se- 
cured, and  justice  have  its  course.     They  ordered,    that 
search  should  be  made  with  respect  to  the  murders,  said 
to  be  committed,   at  Long-Island,   and,  if  evidence  could 
be  obtained,  to  apprehend  the  delinquents  and  bring  them 
to  justice. 

Some  time  before  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  the  Murder  at 
Indians  upon  Long-Island  perpetrated  murder  at  South-  Southhold. 
hold.  They  rose,  in  a  hostile  manner,  for  several  days 
round  the  town.  The  inhabitants  were  obliged  to  arm 
and  stand  upon  their  defence  against  them  for  a  considera- 
ble time  ;  and  afterwards  to  keep  a  strong  and  vigilant 
guard  by  night.  The  town  was  not  only  exceedingly 
alarmed  and  distressed,  but  put  to  great  expense.  They 
therefore  made  application  to  the  commissioners  for  relief. 
But  they  would  not  consent,  that  the  colonies  in  general 
should  bear  any  of  the  charge,  in  such  instances.  They 
determined  in  this  case,  as  they  had  done  before  with  res- 
pect to  other  towns  in  the  jurisdictions  of  Connecticut  and 
New-Haven.  The  colonies  and  towns,  which  had  suffer- 
ed, had  been  obliged  to  bear  all  the  expense  of  defending 
Stamford  and  other  places,  Uncas  and  the  Moheagans,  in 
all  instances  in  which  they  had  not  been  warranted,  by  the 
particular  directions  of  the  commissioners- 
*  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


180  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  JX. 

BOOK  I.  The  Narraganset  and  Nehantick  Indians  still  persisted 
**^v~^>  in  their  murderous  designs  against  Uncas,  arid  in  their  per- 
1649.  fidious  conduct  towards  the  colonies.  The  alarming  as- 
Narragan-  pect  of  affairs,  with  respect  to  them,  was  the  occasion  of 
setsand  ^{s  extraordinary  meeting. 

tfckfcon-  An  Indian,  hired  by  the  Narraganset  and  Nehantick  sa- 
tinue  their  chems  to  kill  Uncas,  going  on  board  a  vessel  in  the 
plots.  Thames,  where  he  was,  ran  him  through  the  breast  with  a 
to^ssa^si-  sword-  The  wound,  at  first,  was  judged  to  be  mortal ; 
nate  Un-  Uncas  however  finally  recovered.  At  this  meeting,  he 
caa.  presented  himself  before  the  commissioners,  and  com- 

plained of  the  assault  made  upon  him  ;  and  affirmed,  that 
these  sachems  had  hired  the  Mohawks  and  other  Indians 
against  him,  as  well  as  an  assassin  to  kill  him  secretly. 
He  complained  also,  that  the  Narragansets  had  neither  re- 
stored his  canoes  nor  his  captives,  as  had  been  expressly 
demanded  and  stipulated.  He  prayed,  that,  as  he  had 
ever  been  friendly  and  faithful  to  the  colonies,  they  would 
provide  for  his  safety,  avenge  these  outrages,  and  do  him 
justice. 

Ninigrate  was  examined  before  the  commissioners  on 
these  points  ;  and  it  was  proved,  by  the  confession  of  the 
Mohawks  themselves,  that  the  Narragansets  had  hired 
them  against  Uncas.  The  Indian,  who  had  wounded  Un- 
cas, declared,  that  he  had  been  hired  by  Pessacus  and 
Ninigrate.  Ninigrate  made  but  a  poor  defence,  either  of 
himself  or  Pessacus.  The  commissioners  dismissed  him, 
entirely  unsatisfied,  and  assured  him,  that  unless  he  imme- 
diately complied  with  the  terms  on  which  they  had  form- 
erly agreed,  they  should  leave  him  to  his  own  counsels. 

The  colonies  were  alarmed  with  the  report,  that  one  of 
the  brothers  of  Sassacus,  or  his  son,  was  about  to  marry 
the  daughter  of  Ninigrate :  and  it  was  conjectured,  that 
the  Narraganset  and  Nehantick  Indians  were  concerting  a 
plan  to  collect  the  scattered  remains  of  the  Pequots,  and 
to  set  them  up  as  a  distinct  nation  with  the  son,  or  brother 
of  Sassacus,  at  their  head.  The  commissioners  viewed 
the  colonies  as  upon  the  commencement  of  an  Indian  war, 
and  gave  directions,  that  they  should  be  immediately  pre- 
pared for  any  emergency. 

Petition  of  The  Pequots,  who  had  been  given  to  Uncas,  had  now 
quots."  for  more  than  two  years  revolted  from  him,  and  lived  sepa- 
rately, as  a  distinct  clan.  In  1647,  they  complained  to 
the  commissioners,  that  Uncas  and  the  Moheagans  had 
abused  them.  They  represented,  that,  though  they  had 
submitted  and  been  faithful  to  him,  assisted  him  in  his  wars, 
been  esteemed  as  his  men,  and  paid  him  tribute,  he  had 


CHAP.  IX.  CONNECTICUT.  181 

nevertheless  grossly  injured  them.  They  said,  that  he  had  BOOK  I. 
required  tribute  of  them,  from  time  to  time,  upon  mere  pre-  v^r-v-x*' 
te.nces ;  and  that  since  they  had  been  put  under  him,  they  1649. 
paid  him  wampum  forty  times.  They  alledged,  that  upon 
the  death  of  one  of  his  children,  he  gave  his  squaw  pres- 
ents, and  ordered  them  to  comfort  her  in  the  same  way ; 
and  that  they  presented  her  with  a  hundred  fathom  of 
wampum :  That  Uncas  was  pleased,  and  promised  that, 
for  the  future,  he  would  esteem  and  treat  them  as  Mohea- 
gans.  They  affirmed,  that  notwithstanding  this  engage- 
ment, the  Moheagans  wronged  them  in  their  plays,  and  de- 
prived them  of  their  just  rights.  Obachickquid,  one  of 
their  chief  men,  complained  that  Uncas  had  taken  away 
his  wife  and  used  her  as  his  own.  They  proved,  that  Un- 
cas had  wounded  some  of  them,  and  plundered  the  whole 
company.  They  prayed,  that  the  English  would  inter- 
pose for  their  relief,  and  take  them  under  their  protection. 
The  petition  was  presented  in  the  behalf  of  more  than 
sixty. 

The  commissioners  found  these  charges  so  well  sup-  Determi- 
ported,  that  they  ordered  Uncas  to  be  reproved,  and  de- naflon  UP- 
creed,  that  he  should  restore  Obachickquid  his  wife,  and  Unca's 
pay  damages  for  the  injuries  he  had  done  the  Pequots.  fined. 
They  also  fined  him  a  hundred  fathom  of  wampum.  Ne- 
vertheless, as  it  had  been  determined,  by  Connecticut,  that 
the  name  of  the  Pequots  should  be  extinguished,  and  that 
they  should  not  dwell  in  their  own  country,  it  was  resolv- 
ed that  they  should  return,  and  be  in  subjection  to  Uncas. 
He  was  directed  to  receive  them  without  revenge,  and  to 
govern  them  with  moderation,  in  all  respects,  as  he  did  the 
Moheagans.  They  did  not  however  return  to  Uncas  ;  but 
annually  presented  their  petition  to  the  commissioners  to 
be  taken  under  the  protection  of  the  English,  and  to  be- 
come their  subjects.  They  pleaded,  that  though  their  tribe 
had  done  wrong,  and  were  justly  conquered,  yet  that  they 
had  killed  no  English  people  ;  and  that  Wequash  had 
promised  them,  if  they  would  flee  their  country,  and  not 
injure  the  colonies,  that  they  would  do  them  no  harm. 
To  ease  them,  as  far  as  might  be  consistent  with  former  de- 
terminations, the  commissioners  recommended  it  to  Con- 
necticut to  provide  some  place  for  them,  which  might  not. 
injure  any  particular  town,  where  they  might  plant  and 
dwell  together.  At  the  same  time,  they  were  directed  to 
be  in  subjection  to  Uncas;  and  it  was  again  enjoined  on 
him  to  govern  them  with  impartiality  and  kindness. 

Mr.  Westerhouse  renewed  his  complaint  respecting  the  Complaint 
seizure  of  his  vessel,  in  the  harbour  of  New-Haven.     He  and  peti- 


182  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  IX. 

BOOK  I.  alledgcd,  that    besides  the  loss  of  his  vessel,  and  the  ad- 
v^-v~x^  vantages  of  trading,  the  prime  cost  of  his  goods  was  2,000 
1649.    pounds;  and  that,  after  repeated  application  to  the  Dutch 
tionof  Mr.  governor,  he  had  not  been  able  to  obtain  the  least  corn- 
Wester-     pensation.     He  had  therefore  petitioned  the  government  of 
New-Haven,  that  some  Dutch  vessel  might  be  taken  by 
way  of  reprisal.     He  now  petitioned   the  commissioners 
for  liberty  to  make  reprisals,  by  way  of  indemnification, 
until  he  should  obtain  satisfaction. 

Commis-        Though  the  commissioners  declared  against  the  injustice 
prisah  not  °^ tne  se^zure?  a°d  regretted  both  the  insult  done  to  the  u- 
granted.     nited  colonies,  and  the  damages  sustained  by  Mr.  Wester- 
house,  yet  they  declined  granting  him  a  commission  to 
make   reprisals.     They  judged  it  expedient  first  to  nego- 
tiate. 

Commis-  They  therefore  wrote  to  the  Dutch  governor,  that  Mr. 
wrttelo  Westerhouse  had  applied  to  them  for  a  commission  to  make 
the  Dutch  reprisals,  and  that  they  had  not  granted  his  petition,  as 
governor,  they  wished  first  to  acquaint  him  with  the  motion,  and  to 
represent  to  him  the  equity  of  making  reprisals,  unless  jus- 
tice should  be  done  him  some  other  way.  They  again  a- 
vowed  their  claim  to  all  parts  of  the  united  colonies.  They 
asserted  the  right  of  New-Haven  to  Delaware  bay,  and  as- 
sured him,  that  it  would  not  be  given  up.  They  com- 
plained of  his  letter,  the  last  year,  that  it  was,  in  various 
respects,  unsatisfying  ;  and  that  with  regard  to,  that  dan- 
gerous trade  of  arms  and  ammunition  carried  on  with  the 
Jndians,  at  fort  Aurania  and  in  the  English  planta- 
tions, it  was  wholly  silent.  They  observed,  that  all  dif- 
ferences, between  them  and  the  Dutch,  might  have  been 
amicably  settled,  had  it  pleased  him  to  attend  the  meeting 
of  the  commissioners,  at  Boston,  according  to  the  invita- 
tion which  they  had  given  him.  As  that  was  not  agreea- 
ble to  him,  they  avowed  their  designs  of  making  provision 
for  their  own  safety. 

Resolution      To  prevent  the  vending  of  arms  and  ammunition  to  the 

against      Indians  in  the  united  colonies,  they  passed  the  following 

arms'to      resolve  :  "  That  after  due  application  hereof,   it  shall  not 

the  na-       be  lawful  for  any  Frenchman,  Dutchman,  or  person  of  any 

tives.         foreign  nation,  or  any  Englishman  living  among  them,  or 

under   the  government  of  any  of  them,  to  trade  with  any 

Indian  or  Indians  within  this  jurisdiction,  either  directly  or 

indirectly,  by  themselves  or  others,  under  the  penalty  of 

confiscation  of  all  such  goods  and  vessels  as  shall  be  found 

so  trading,  or  the  true  value  thereof,  upon  just  proof  of  any 

goods  or  vessels  so  traded  or  trading." 

The  gentlemen  from  Massachusetts,  at  this  meeting,  a- 


CHAP.  IX.  CONNECTICUT.  183 

gain  brought  on  the  dispute  between  them  and  Connecti-  BOOK  I. 
cut  relative  to  the  impost.     They  pretended,  that  Mr.  Fen-  v-^~v-*^/ 
wick,  some  years  before,  had  promised  to  join  with  them,    1649. 
in  running  the  line,  but  that  as  he  had  not  done  it,  and  it  Further 
had  now  been  done  by  them,  at  their  own  expense,  and Jlt 
to  their  satisfaction,    it  ought  to  be  satisfactory  to  all  oth-  theim-   * 
ers,  who  could  make  no  legal  claim  to  the  adjacent  lands,  post. 
This  they  insisted  that  Connecticut  could  not,  because  9bJec" 

.•         i      ,  ^  tionsot 

they  had  no  patent.  Massa- 

The  commissioners  from  Connecticut  denied  the  facts  chusetts. 
which  had  been  stated.  They  insisted,  that  Mr.  Fenwick  ReP'y  °( 
never  had  agreed  to  run  the  line  with  them ;  and  that  Cl^nn£ 
their  running  the  line,  at  their  own  expense,  was  not  ow- 
ing to  any  defect  of  his,  nor  on  the  part  of  Connecticut ; 
for  they  ran  the  line  a  year  before  the  dispute  with  Mr. 
Fenwick  respecting  Waranoke.  Besides,  they  said,  what 
he  promised  at  that  time,  was  not  to  run  the  line,  but  to 
clear  his  claim  to  that  plantation.  With  respect  to  the  pa- 
tent, they  acknowledged,  they  had  not  indeed  exhibited 
the  original,  but  a  true  copy,  to  the  authenticity  of  which 
Mr.  Hopkins  could  give  oath.  They  observed,  it  was  well 
known  that  they  had  a  patent ;  that  the  original  was  in 
England,  and  could  not  then  be  exhibited  ;  and  that  the 
Massachusetts  insisting  on  this  point  was  an  entire  bar  to 
the  amicable  settlement  of  the  line  between  the  colonies. 
Mr.  Hopkins  insisted,  that  the  southerly  extent  of  the  Mas- 
sachusetts patent  ought  first  to  be  mutually  settled ;  then 
he  proposed,  that  the  line  should  be  run  by  skilful  men, 
mutually  chosen,  and  at  the  mutual  expense  of  the  colo- 
nies. The  commissioners  from  Connecticut  indeed  de- 
clared, that  it  was  evident,  beyond  all  doubt,  that  Spring- 
field, at  first,  was  settled  in  combination  with  Connecticut : 
and,  that  it  had  been  acknowledged  to  be  so  even  by  the 
colony  of  Massachusetts.  They  affirmed,  that  when  prop- 
ositions were  sent,  by  governor  Winthrop,  to  the  planta- 
tions upon  the  river,  in  1637,  relative  to  a  confederation 
of  the  New-England  colonies,  Mr.  Pyncheon,  in  prosecu- 
tion of  that  design,  was,  in  1638,  chosen  and  sent  as  a 
commissioner  from  Connecticut,  to  act  in  their  behalf: 
That  it  was  at  this  time,  and  never  before,  he  suggested 
his  apprehensions,  that  Springfield  would  fall  within  the 
limits  of  Massachusetts  ;  and  that  this  was  received  as  a 
fact  without  any  evidence  of  what  had  been  alledged. 
They  expressed  it,  as  their  full  persuasion,  that  Mr.  Pyn- 
cheon's  representations  and  motion,  at  that  time,  originated 
from  a  pang  of  discontent  which  had  overtaken  him,  in  con- 
sequence of  a  censure  laid  upon  him.  by  the  general  court 


184 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  IX. 


Final  de- 
cision of 
the  com- 
mission- 
ers. 
Act  of 
Massa- 
chusetts. 


l)eclara- 
tionofthe 
commis- 
sioners. 


of  Connecticut.*  They  concluded  by  expressing  their 
earnest  wishes,  that  both  the  government  of  the  Massachu- 
setts and  their  commissioners  would  consider,  that  they 
did  not  comply  with  the  advice  of  the  commissioners  rela- 
tive to  the  present  dispute;  and  that  they  insisted  upon 
what  they  knew  could  not,  at  that  time,  be  obtained. 
They  charged  them,  with  an  unwillingness  to  submit  the 
differences,  subsisting  between  them  and  Connecticut,  to 
the  mature  and  impartial  judgment  of  the  commissioners 
of  the  other  colonies,  according  to  the  true  intent  of  the 
confederation.  In  a  very  modest  and  respectful  manner, 
they  referred  it  to  the  serious  consideration  of  their  breth- 
ren of  the  Massachusetts,  whether  their  conduct  was  not 
directly  contrary  to  the  articles  and  design  of  the  confede- 
rates, to  which  they  all  ought  to  pay  a  conscientious  re- 
gard, t 

The  commissioners  finally  decided  the  controversy  in 
favor  of  Connecticut.  Upon  this  the  gentlemen  from  Mas- 
sachusetts produced  an  order  of  their  general  court,  pass- 
ed by  way  of  retaliation,  imposing  a  duty  upon  all  goods 
belonging  to  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  Plymouth,  Connec- 
ticut or  New-Haven,  imported  within  the  castle,  or  ex- 
ported from  any  part  of  the  bay.f 

This  was  very  extraordinary  indeed,  as  it  was  contrary 
to  all  the  arguments  from  justice,  liberty,  expediency,  or 
brotherly  love,  which  they  had  pleaded  against  their  sis- 
ter colony.  It  was  extravagant  and  unreasonable,  as  it 
respected  Connecticut ;  as  the  impost  at  Saybrook  affect- 
ed the  inhabitants  of  one  of  their  towns  only  ;  and  thaf 
solely  upon  the  export  of  two  or  three  articles  ;  whereas 
their  impost  was  upon  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  planta- 
tions in  the  colony ;  and  upon  all  their  imports,  as  well  as 
exports.  With  respect  to  the  other  colonies,  who  had  laid 
no  kind  of  imposition  on  any  of  the  inhabitants  of  Massa- 
chusetts, it  was  still  more  unjust  and  cruel. 

The  commissioners  from  Plymouth,  Connecticut  and 
New-Haven,  in  consequence  of  this  extraordinary  act, 
drew  up  the  following  declaration  and  remonstrance,  ad- 
dressed to  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts. 

"  A  difference  between  the  Massachusetts  and  Connec- 
ticut, concerning  an  impost  at  Saybrook,  required  of 
Springfield,  having  long  depended,  the  commissioners 
hoped,  according  to  the  advice  at  Plymouth,  might,  at  this 
meeting,  have  been  satisfyingly  issued  :  but  upon  the  pe- 

*  It  seems  the  court  had   blamed  him  for  a  particular  instance  of  his 
conduct,  in  trading  with  the  Indians. 
t  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 
t  Hutchiuson,  vol.  i.  p.  154,  155, 


CHAP.  IX.  CONNECTICUT.  185 

rusal  of  some  late  orders  made  by  the  general  court  of  the  BOOK  I. 
Massachusetts,  they  find,  that  the  line  on  the  south  side  of  s^-v^w 
the  Massachusetts  jurisdictipn  is  neither  run,  nor  the  1649. 
place  whence  it  should  be  run  agreed  :  That  the  original 
patent  for  Connecticut,  or  an  authentic  exemplification 
thereof,  (though  Mr.  Hopkins  hath  offered  upon  oath  to  as- 
sert the  truth  of  the  copy  by  himself  presented,)  is  now  re- 
quired ;  and  that  a  burthensome  custom,  is,  by  the  Massa- 
chusetts, lately  imposed  not  only  upon  Connecticut,  inter- 
ested in  the  impost  at  Saybrook,  but  upon  Plymouth  and 
New-Haven  colonies,  whose  commissioners,  as  arbitrators, 
according  to  an  article  in  the  confederation,  have  been  only 
exercised  in  the  question,  and  that  upon  the  desire  of  the 
Massachusetts,  and  have  impartially,  according  to  their 
best  light,  declared  their  apprehensions  ;  which  custom 
and  burthen,  (grievous  in  itself)  seems  the  more  unsatisfy- 
ing and  heavy,  because  divers  of  the  Massachusetts  depu- 
ties, who  had  a  hand  in  making  the  law,  acknowledge,  and 
the  preface  imports  it,  that  it  is  a  return,  or  retaliation  upon 
the  three  colonies  for  Saybrook :  and  the  law  requires  it  of 
no  other  English,  nor  of  any  stranger  of  what  nation  soev- 
er. How  far  the  premises  agree  with  the  law  of  love,  and 
with  the  tenor  and  import  of  the  articles  of  confederation, 
the  commissioners  tender  and  recommend  to  the  serious 
consideration  of  the  general  court  for  the  Massachusetts. 
And  in  the  mean  time  desire  to  be  spared  in  all  future  agi- 
tations respecting  Springfield."* 

Governor  Hutchinson  observes,  that  this  law  was  pro- 
duced to  the  dishonor  of  the  colony :  That  had  the  Massa- 
chusetts imposed  a  duty  upon  goods  from  Connecticut  only, 
they  might,  at  least,  have  had  a  colour  to  justify  them  ;  but 
that  extending  their  resentment  to  the  other  colonies,  be- 
cause their  commissioners  had  given  judgment  against 
them,  admitted  of  no  excuse.  It  was  a  mere  exertion  of 
power,  and  a  proof  of  their  great  superiority,  which  ena- 
bled them,  in  effect,  to  depart  from  the  union,  whenever 
they  found  it  to  be  for  their  interest.  If  it  had  been  done 
by  a  single  magistrate,  it  would  have  been  pronounced  ty- 
rannical and  oppressive.  He  observes  that,  in  all  ages  and 
countries,  communities  of  men  have  done  that,  of  which, 
most  of  the  individuals,  of  whom  they  consisted,  would, 
acting  separately,  have  been  ashamed.! 

The  Massachusetts  treated  Connecticut  in  the  same  un-  Manner  of 
generous  manner,  with  respect  to  the  line  between  the  col- 
onies.     In  1642,  they  employed  one  Nathaniel  Woodward 

*  Records  of  the  united  colonies.  the  hnp* 

t  Hutchinson,  vol.  i.  p.  p.  155,  156. 

Y 


18G  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  IX. 

BOOK  I.  and  Solomon  Saffery,  whom  Douglass  calls  two  obscure 
S^^-N/-^/  sailors,  to  run  the  line  between  them  and  Connecticut. 
J64&  They  arbitrarily  fixed  a  boundary,  as  the  exact  point  to 
which  three  miles  south  of  every  part  of  Charles  river 
would  carry  them.  Thence  by  water  they  proceeded  up 
Connecticut  river,  and  setting  up  their  compass  in  the  same 
latitude,  as  they  supposed,  declared,  that  the  line  struck 
the  chimney  of  one  Bissell's  house,  the  most  northern 
building  then  in  the  town  of  Windsor.  This  was  a  whole 
range  of  towns  south  of  the  true  line  between  the  colonies. 
Connecticut  considered  the  boundary  fixed  as  entirely  ar- 
bitrary, and  six  or  eight  miles  further  south  than  it  ought 
to  have  been;  They  imagined,  that  the  error  at  Windsor 
was  still  greater,  as  no  proper  allowance  had  been  made 
for  the  variation  of  the  needle*  They  viewed  the  manne? 
in  which  this  had  been  effected,  as  contrary  to  all  the  rules 
of  justice,  and  to  the  modes  in  which  differences  of  that 
magnitude  ought  to  be  accommodated.  The  utmost  extent 
of  Narraganset  river  was  their  north  line,  and  they  were 
persuaded,  that  this  would  run  so  far  north  as  to  compre- 
hend the  town  of  Springfield,  and  other  towns  in  the  same 
latitude.  Therefore,  neither  Connecticut^  nor  the  com- 
missioners of  the  united  colonies,  considered  any  boundary 
as  properly  settled,  whence  the  line  should  be  run,  nor 
any  line  run  between  the  colonies. 

Connecticut  wished  to  have  the  southern  boundary  of 
Massachusetts  mutually  settled  and  the  line  run,  at  the 
joint  expense  of  the  two  colonies ;  but  Massachusetts 
would  neither  consent  to  this,  nor  even  allow  that  the  copy 
of  the  Connecticut  patent  was  authentic.  For  nearly  sev- 
enty years  they  encroached  upon  this  'colony,  and  settled 
whole  towns  within  its  proper  limits. 

The  general  court  of  Connecticut  adopted  the  recom- 
mendation of  the  commissioners,  with  respect  to  the  pro- 
hibition of  all  trading  of  foreigners  among  the  Indians  of 
the  united  colonies.  They  made  the  penalty  to  be  the 
confiscation  of  all  vessels  and  goods  employed  in  such 
trade. 

The  as-          The  court  also,  after  conferring  with  New-Haven,  de- 
sembly]s    termiried  to  avenge  the  blood  of  John  Whitmore,  of  Stam- 
«on!to"a^~  *orc^ '  anc^'  considering  aM  its  circumstances,  and  the  con- 
Test  mur-    duct  of  the  Indians  in  the  town,  and  bordering  upon  it,  re- 
derers.       solved,  that  it  was  lawful  to  make  war  upon  them.     It  was 
ordered,  that  fifty  men  should  be  immediately  drafted,  arm- 
ed, and  victualled,  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  the  murder- 
ers to  condign  punishment,  or  of  arresting  other  Indians, 
until  the  delinquents  should  be  delivered  to  justice.*  These 
•*  Records  of  Connecticut. 


CHAP.  X.  CONNECTICUT.  1 87 

spirited  measures  appear  to  have  had  the  desired  effect.  BOOK  I. 
The  Indians  at  Stamford,  it  seems,  became  peaceable,  and  v-x^v-v,' 
there  is  nothing  further  upon  the  records  respecting  any     iGiO. 
^rouble  with  them. 


CHAPTER  X. 

'^ourt  of  Election  at  Hartford.  Grants  to  Captain  Mason. 
The  commissioners  meet  and  dispatch  Captain  Atherton  to 
the  Narragansets.  Their  message  to  Ninigrate.  The 
Dutch  governor  arrives  at  Hartford,  and  refers  the  differ- 
ences between  him  and  th-e  colonies  to  arbitrators.  Their 
determination,  and  the  line  is  fixed  between  the  English 
and  Dutch  plantations.  Agreements  with  Mr.  Fenwick 
occasion  general  uneasiness.  Committees  are  appointed  to 
explain  and  ascertain  them.  Towns  are  invited  to  attend 
the  committees,  by  their  deputies,  at  Say  brook.  An  act  for 
the  encouragement  of  Mr.  Winthrop,  in  seeking  and  im- 
proving mines.  Norwalk  and  J\httabeseck  settled,  and 
made  towns.  The  colony  of  New-Haven  make  another  at- 
tempt to  settle  at  Delaware.  The  Dutch  governor  seizes 
the  company,  and  frustrates  the  design.  He  pursues  his 
former  line  of  conduct  towards  the  colonies.  The  resolu- 
tions of  the  commissioners  relative  to  his  conduct,  to  the 
settlement  of  Delaware,  and  the  tribute  to  be  paid  by  the 
Peqiiots.  French  commissioners  from  Canada.  Their 
proposals.  Reply  to  them.  The  Dutch  governor  and  In- 
dians concert  a  plan  to  extirpate  the  colonies.  The  com- 
missioners meet,  and  dispatch  agents  to  the  Dutch  gover- 
nor. They  determine  upon  war,  unless  he  should  mani- 
fest his  innocence,  and  redress  the  grievances  of  the  colo- 
nies. They  determine  on  the  number  of  men  to  be  raised, 
and  draw  a  declaration  of  the  reasons  of  the  war.  The. 
agents  return  unsuccessful.  The  commissioners  meet 
again,  and  determine  to  make  war  upon  the  Dutch  and 
Narraganset  Indians.  The  general  court  of  Massachu- 
setts refuses  to  raise  men,  and  prevents  the  war.  Alterca- 
tions between  that  general  court  and  the  commissioners, 
and  between  that  and  the  general  courts  of  Connecticut 
and  New- Haven.  The  alarm  and  distress  of  the,  planta- 
tions in  these  colonies.  Their  general  courts  protest  against 
the  court  of  Massachusetts,  as  violators  of  the  articles  of 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  X. 

confederation  ;  and  write  to  Cromwell  and  the  parliament 
for  assistance.     The  tumultuous  state  of  the  inhabitants  in 
1650.        several  of  the  towns. 

flection,    TTPON  the  election  at  Hartford,  Mr.  Hopkins  was  cho- 

May  16th.  \J    g^  governor,  and  Mr.  Haynes  deputy  governor.  Mr. 

Clark  was  added  to  the  magistrates.     The  court  consisted 

of  thirty-two  members ;  the  governors,  ten  assistants,  and 

twenty  deputies. 

Grant  to  The  CQ.urt  had  granted  a  thousand  acres  of  land  to  cap- 
captain  tam  Mason,  for  his  good  services  in  the  Pequot  war ;  five 
hundred  to  himself,  and  five  hundred  to  be  given  to  his 
five  best  officers  and  soldiers.  It  was  now  ordered,  that 
the  five  hundred  acres  granted  to  the  soldiers,  should  be 
laid  out  for  them  at  Pequot,  or  in  the  Neanticut  country. 
The  next  year  the  court  made  a  grant  of  Chippachauge 
island,  in  Mystic  bay,  and  a  hundred  and  ten  acres  of  land 
at  Mystic,  to  the  captain. 

(Commis-        The  commissioners  met  this  year  at  Hartford.     The 
sioners       meeting  consisted  of  Mr.  Simon  Bradstreet  and  Mr.  Wil- 
Sept'sth.  ^am  Hawthorne,  Mr.  Thomas  Prince  and  Mr.  John  Brown, 
and  of  Governors  Hopkins  and  Haynes,  EaXon  and  Good- 
year.    Governor  Hopkins  was  chosen  president. 
Captain         As  the  Narragansets  still  neglected  to  pay  the  tribute 
Atherton    which  nad  been  so  many  years  due,   the  commissioners 
Narra^an-  dispatched  captain  Atherton,  of  Massachusetts,  with  twenty 
pet  men,  to  demand  and  collect  the  arrearages.     He  was  au- 

thorised, if  they  should  not  be  paid,  upon  demand,  to  seize 
on  the  best  articles  he  could  find,  to  the  full  amount  of  what 
was  due ;  or  on  Pessacus,  the  chief  sachem,  or  any  of  his 
children,  and  carry  them  off.  Upon  his  arrival  among  the 
Narragansets,  he  found  the  sachem  recurring  to  his  former 
arts,  putting  him  off  with  deceitful  and  dilatory  answers, 
and  not  suffering  him  to  approach  his  presence.  .In  the 
mean  time,  he  was  collecting  his  warriors  about  him.  The 
captain,  therefore,  marched  directly  to  the  door  of  his  wig- 
wam, where  posting  his  men,  he  entered  himself  with  his 
pistol  in  his  hand,  and  seizing  Pessacus  by  the  hair  of  his 
head,  drew  him  from  the  midst  of  his  attendants,  declaring, 
that  if  they  should  make  the  least  resistance,  he  would  dis- 
patch him  in  an  instant.  This  bold  stroke  gave  him  such 
an  alarm,  that  he  at  once  paid  all  the  arrearages. 

Ninigrate,  sachem  of  the  Nehanticks,  continuing  his  per- 
fidious practices,  began  to  lay  claim  to  the  Pequot  country, 
and  appeared  to  be  concerting  a  plan  to  recover  it  from 
the  English.  Captain  Atherton,  therefore,  made  him  a  visit, 
and,  according  to  his  instructions,  assured  him,  that  the 


CHAP.  X.  CONNECTICUT.  189 

commissioners  were  no  strangers  to  his  intrigues,  in  mar-  BOOK  I. 
rying  his  daughter  to  the  brother  of  Sassacus  ;  in  collect-  v^-v-^/ 
ing  the  Pequots  under  him,  as  though  he  designed  to  be-  1650. 
come  their  head  ;  and  in  his  claims  and  attempts  respect- 
ing the  Pequot  country.  He  remonstrated  against  his  con- 
duct, as  directly  opposite  to  all  the  covenants  subsisting 
between  him  and  the  English  colonies.  He  protested  to 
him,  that  the  colonies  would  never  suffer  him  to  accom- 
plish his  designs  ;  either  to  possess  any  part  of  the  coun- 
try which  they  had  conquered,  or  even  to  hunt  within  its 
limits.  He  demanded  where  the  brother  of  Sassacus  was  ? 
What  numbers  he  had  with  him  ?  And  what  were  his  de- 
signs ?  He  insisted  upon  categorical  answers,  that  the  com- 
missioners might  order  their  affairs  accordingly.  Having, 
in  this  spirited  manner,  accomplished  his  business,  he  re- 
turned in  safety. 

Meanwhile,  Stuy vesant,  the  Dutch  governor,  arrived  at 
Hartford.  He  had  been  often  invited  to  attend  the  meet- 
ing  of  the  commissioners,  with  a  view  to  the  accommoda- 
tion of  the  difficulties  subsisting  between  him  and  the  En- 
glish colonies.  He  chose  to  treat  by  writing,  and  on  the  Corres- 
1 3th*  day  of  September,  he  introduced  his  correspondence  pondence 
with  the  commissioners.  In  his  letter  he  complained  of commen" 
the  encroachments  made  upon  the  West  India  company, 
and  the  injuries  done  them,  both  by  Connecticut  and  New- 
Haven.  He  pretended,  that  the  Dutch,  in  behalf  of  said 
company,  had  purchased  the  lands  upon  the  river,  of  the 
native  Americans,  before  any  other  nation  had  bought 
them,  or  laid  any  claim  to  them.  He,  therefore,  demand- 
ed a  full  surrender  of  said  lands,  and  such  compensation  as 
the  nature  of  the  case  required.  He  also  complained  of 
the  act  prohibiting  all  foreigners  to  trade  in  the  English 
colonies,  and  that  the  English  sold  goods  so  cheap  to  the 
natives,  as  to  ruin  the  trade  for  other  nations.  He  conclu- 
ded with  intimations  of  his  willingness  to  settle  a  general 
provisional  line,  between  the  Dutch  and  English  planta- 
tions, by  a  joint  writing  to  their  superiors  in  England  and 
Holland,  or  by  the  decision  of  agents,  mutually  chosen  and 
empowered  for  that  purpose. 

The  commissioners,  observing  that  his  letter  was  dated 
at  New-Netherlands,  replied,  that  they  would  not  treat, 
unless  he  would  alter  the  name  of  the  place  where  he  wrote.  re«!|^.^n 
He  answered,  that  if  they  would  not  date  at  Hartford,  he  the  place 
would  not  at  New-Netherlands,  but  at  Connecticut.     They  of  dating. 
consented,  that  he  should  date  at  Connecticut,  but  claim- 
ed a  right  for  themselves  to  date  at  Hartford.     He  gave 
*  23d  old  style,  as  he  dated. 


190  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  X. 

BOOK  I.  up  the  right  of  dating  at  the  Netherlands,  and  the  treaty 
V^~NX~>W>  proceeded. 

1650.  The  commissioners  replied  to  his  complaints,  to  this  ef- 
Repiyof  feet:  That  their  title  to  Connecticut  river,  and  the  adja- 
the  com-  cent  country  had  been  often  asserted,  and  made  sufficient- 
missioners  ,  .  ,  v  .  T-V  i  i  r<  i-  i 

to  the  v  evident,  both  to  tne  Dutch  and  English  ;  and  that  they 
Dutch  hoped  amply  to  prove  their  title  to  what  they  enjoyed,  by 
complaints  patentj  purchase,  and  possession.  Consequently,  they  in- 
sisted, that  they  had  made  no  encroachments  on  the  hon- 
orable West  India  company,  nor  done  them  the  least  in- 
jury. They  affirmed,  that  they  knew  not  what  the  Dutch 
claimed,  nor  upon  what  grounds :  That  at  some  times  they 
claimed  all  the  lands  upon  the  river,  and  at  others,  a  part 
only  :  That  their  claim  was  founded  sometimes  upon  one 
thing,  and  at  other  times  upon  another  ;  and  that  it  had 
been  so  various  and  uncertain,  as  to  involve  the  whole  af- 
fair in  obscurity. 

With  respect -to  trade,  they  observed,  that  they  had  the 
same  right  to  regulate  it,  within  their  jurisdiction,  which 
the  Dutch,  French,  and  other  nations  had  to  regulate  it, 
within  their  respective  dominions  :  That  their  merchants 
had  a  right  to  deal  with  the  natives  on  such  terms  as  they 
pleased ;  and  that  they  presumed  they  did  not  trade  to  their 
own  disadvantage.  They  gave  intimations  that,  if  the 
then  present  treaty  should  succeed  agreeably  to  their  wish- 
es, they  might  reconsider  the  act  of  trade,  and  repeal  the 
prohibition  respecting  foreigners. 

They  then  proceeded  to  a  large  and  particular  statement 
Statement  of  the  grievances  (hey  suffered  from  the  Dutch;  particu- 
of  their  larly  representing  those  which  have  been  already  noticed 
'"  in  this  history,  with  several  other  more  recent  injuries. 
Especially,  that  the  Dutch  agents  had  gone  off  from  Hart- 
ford, without  paying  for  the  goods  which  they  had  taken 
up  :  That  their  successors  had  refused  to  make  any  settle- 
ment of  their  accounts  ;  and  that  the  Dutch  governor  had 
not  obliged  them  to  make  payment :  That  the  Dutch 
bought  stolen  goods,  and  would  make  no  compensation  to 
the  English,  whose  property  they  were :  And  that  they 
had,  not  only  formerly,  helped  criminals  to  file  off  their 
irons  and  make  their  escape  ;  but  that  they  had  been  guil- 
ty of  a  recent  instance  of  similar  conduct.  They  alleged, 
that  a  Dutch  servant  had,  lately,  assisted  a  criminal,  com- 
mitted for  a  capital  offence,  to  break  gaol  and  make  his  es- 
cape ;  and  that  the  Dutch  called  him  to.no  account,  for  so 
gross  a  misdemeanor. 

Arbitra-        Various  letters  passed,  and  several  days  were  spent,  in 
s£" c        these  altercations.     At  length,   the  commissioners  chose 


CHAP.  X.  CONNECTICUT.  191 

Mr.  Bradstreet,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Mr.  Prince,  of  Ply-  BOOK  I. 
mouth,  as  arbitrators,  to  hear  and  compose  all  differences  v>-v^^/ 
with  respect  to  injury  and  damages  ;  to  make  provisional     1650. 
boundaries,  in  all  places  where  their  respective  limits  were 
controverted,  and  to  settle  a  just  and  free  correspondence 
between  the  parties.     The  Dutch  governor  chose  Thomas 
Willet  and  George  Baxter  for  the  same  purpose.     Both 
parties,  in  the  most  ample  manner,  authorised  the  arbitra- 
tors to  hear  and  determine,    in  the  most  full  and  absolute 
manner,  all  differences   between  the  two  nations  in  this 
country. 

The  arbitrators,  after  a  full  hearing  of  the  parties,  came 
to  the  following  determination,  which  they  drew  up  in  the 
form  of  an  agreement* 

"  Articles  of  an  agreement,   made   and  concluded   at  Detenu?- 
Hartford,  upon  Connecticut  river,  September  19th,  1650,  J^^0/ 
betwixt  the  delegates  of  the  honored  commissioners  of  the  trators. 
united  English  colonies,  and  the  delegates  of  Peter  Stuyve- 
sant,  governor  general  of  New-Netherlands. 

I.  u  Upon  a  serious  consideration  of  the  differences  and 
grievances  propounded  by  the  two  English   colonies  of 
Connecticut  and  New-Haven,   and  the  answer  made  by 
the  Dutch  governor,   Peter  Stuyvesant,  Esq.  according  to 
the  trust  and  power  committed  to  us,  as  arbitrators,  and 
delegates  betwixt  the  said  parties:  We  find  that  most  of 
the  offences  or  grievances  were  things  done  in  the  time,  or 
by  the  order  and  command  of  Mons.  Kieft,  the  former  gov- 
ernor, and  that  the  present  honorable  governor  is  not  pre- 
pared to  make  answer  to  them ;  we  therefore  think  meet 
to  respite  the  full  consideration  and  judgment  concerning 
them,  till  the  present  governor  may  acquaint  the  H.  M.* 
States  and  West  India  company  with  the  particulars,  that 
so  due  reparation  may  accordingly  be  made." 

II.  "  The   commissioners,  for  New-Haven,  complained 
of  several  high  and  hostile  injuries  which  they,  and  others 
of  that  jurisdiction,  have  received  from  and  by  order  of  the 
aforesaid  Mons.  Kieft,  in  Delaware  bay  and  river,  and  in 
their  return  thence,  as  by  their  former  propositions  and 
complaints  may  more  fully  appear ;  and  besides  the  Eng- 
lish right,  claimed  by  patent,  presented  and  showed  several 
purchases  they  have  made,  on  both  sides  the  river  and  bay 
of  Delaware,   of  several  large   tracts  of  land   unto,   and 
somewhat  above  the   Dutch  house  or  fort  there,  with  the 
consideration  given  to  the  said  sachems  and  their  compa- 
nies for  the  same,  acknowledged  and  cleared  by  the  hands 
of  the  Indians,  who  they  affirmed  were  the  true  proprietors ; 

*  H,  M,  Hieh  and  Mi?htv, 


HISTORY  OF  GIJAP.  X. 

BOOK  I.  and  testified  by  many  witnesses.  They  also  affirmed,  that, 
\^r^s~*~'  according  to  the  best  of  their  apprehensions,  they  have 
1650.  sustained  1000  pounds  damage  there,  partly  by  the  Swe- 
dish governor,  but  chiefly  by  order  from  Mons.  Kieft. 
And  therefore  required  due  satisfaction,  and  a  peaceable 
possession  of  the  aforesaid  lands,  to  enjoy  and  improve 
according  to  their  just,  rights.  The  Dutch  governor,  by 
way  of  answer,  affirmed  and  insisted  on  the  title  and  right 
to  Delaware,  or  the  south  river,  as  they  call  it,  and  to  the 
lands  there,  as  belonging  to  the  H.  M.  States  and  West- 
India  company  ;  and  professed  he  must  protest  against  any 
other  claim  ;  but  is  not  provided  to  make  any  such  proof, 
as  in  such  a  treaty  might  be  expected,  nor  had  he  com- 
mission to  treat  or  conclude  any  thing  therein.  Upon  con- 
sideration whereof,  we,  the  said  arbitrators  or  delegates, 
wanting  sufficient  light  to  issue  or  determine  any  thing  in 
the  premises,  are  necessitated  to  leave  both  parties  in  statn 
quojirius,  to  plead  and  improve  their  just  interest,  at  Del- 
aware, for  planting  or  trading,  as  they  shall  see  cause  : 
Only  we  desire,  that  all  proceedings  there,  as  in  other  pla- 
ces, may  be  carried  on  in  love  and  peace,  till  the  right  may 
be  further  considered  and  justly  issued,  either  in  Europe  or 
here,  by  the  two  states  of  England  and  Holland." 

III.  "  Concerning  the  seizing  of  Mr.  Westerhouse's 
ship  and  goods,  about  three  years  since,  in  New-Haveu 
harbour,  upon  a  claim  to  the  place,  the  honored  governor, 
Peter  Stuyvesant,  Esq.  professed,  that  what  passed  in  wri- 
ting that  way  was  through  error  of  his  secretary,  his  intent 
not  being  to  lay  any  claim  to  the  place,  and  with  all  affirm- 
ing, that  he  had  orders  to  seize  any  Dutch  ship,  or  vessel, 
in  any  of  the  English  colonies  or  harbours,  which  should 
trade  there  without  express  license  or  commission.  We 
therefore  think  it  meet,  that  the  commissioners  of  New- 
Haven  accept  and  acquiesce  in  this  answer." 

"  Concerning  the  bounds  and  limits  betwixt  the  Engjish 
United  colonies,  and  the  Dutch  province  of  New-Nether- 
lands, we  agree  as  followed). " 

I.  "  That  upon   Long-Island,  a  line  run  from  the  wes- 
ternmost part  of  Oyster-Bay,  and  so  a  straight  and  direct 
line  to  the  sea,  shall  be  the  bounds  betwixt  the  English  and 
Dutch  there,  the  easterly  part  to  belong  to  the  English, 
and  the  westernmost  to  the  Dutch." 

II.  "  The  bounds  upon  tbe  main  to  begin  at  the  west 
side  of  Greenwich  bay,  being  about  four  miles  from  Stam- 
ford, and  so  to  run  a  northerly  line,  twenty  miles  up  into 
the  country,  and  after,   as  it  shall  be  agreed,  by  the  two 
governments  of  the  Dutch  and  New-Haven,  provided  the 


CHAP.  X.  CONNECTICUT.  193 

said  line   come   not  within  ten  miles   of  Hudson's   river.  BOOK  I. 
And  it  is  agreed,  that  the  Dutch  shall  not,  at  any  time  here-  <^~v-^ 
after,  build  any  house  or  habitation  within  six  miles  of  the    1650. 
said  line;  the  inhabitants  of  Greenwich  to  remain  (till  fur- 
ther consideration  thereof  be   had)  under  the  government 
of  the  Dutch." 

III.  "  The  Dutch  shall  hold  and  enjoy  all  the  lands  in 
Hartford,  that  they  are  actually  possessed  of,  known  and 
set  out  by  certain  marks  and  bounds,  and  all  the  remainder 
of  the  said  land,  on  both  sides  of  Connecticut  river,  to  be 
and  remain  to  the  English  there." 

"  And  it  is  agreed,  that  the  aforesaid  bounds  and  lim- 
its, both  upon  the  island  and  main,  shall  be  observed  and 
kept  inviolable,  both  by  the  English  of  the  united  colonies, 
and  all  the  Dutch  nation^  without  any  encroachment  or  mo- 
lestation, until  a  full  and  final  determination  be  agreed 
upon,  in  Europe,  by  the  mutual  consent  of  the  two  states  of 
England  and  Holland." 

"  And  in  testimony  of  our  joint  consent  to  the  several 
foregoing  conclusions,  we  have  hereunto  set  our  hands  this 
19th  day  of  September,  AnnoDom.  1650." 

SIMON  BRADSTREET, 
THOMAS  PRINCE, 
THOMAS  WILLET, 
GEORGE  BAXTER. 

The  Dutch  governor  promised  also,  and  his  agents^ 
Messrs.  Willet  and  Baxter,  engaged  for  him,  that  Green- 
wich should  be  put  under  the  government  of  New-Haven, 
to  whom  it  originally  belonged.  It  was  also  agreed,  that 
the  same  line  of  conduct  which  had  been  adopted,  with* 
respect  to  fugitives,  by  the  united  colonies,  in  the  eighth 
article  of  confederation,  should  be  strictly  observed  be- 
tween them  and  the  Dutch,  in  the  province  of  New-Neth- 
erlands. The  Dutch  governor  also  acquainted  the  com- 
missioners, that  he  had  orders  from  Europe  to  maintain 
peace  and  good  neighbourhood  with  the  English  in  Ameri- 
ca ;  and  he  proceeded  so  far  as  to  make  proposals  of  a 
nearer  union  and  friendship,  between  the  Dutch  and  the 
united  colonies.  The  commissioners  declined  acting  up- 
on these  proposals,  without  consulting  their  constituents; 
and  recommended  the  consideration  of  them  to  their  res- 
pective general  courts. 

While  this  settlement  with  the  Dutch  seemed  to  give  a  General 
favorable  aspect  to  the  affairs  of  the  colonies,  there  arose  a  !!! 

1  1  •  •        f~*l  *  l         *  l  co^HJCUilg 

great  and  general  uneasiness  in  Connecticut,  relative  to  the  the  agree- 
agreements  which  had  been  made  with  Mr.  Fenwick,  and  ments  witli 
to  the  state  of  the  accounts  between  him  and  the  colony,  " 


194  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  X. 

BOOK  I.  By  the  first  agreement,  besides  the  impost  on  several  arti- 
v-^vx./  cles  exported  from  the  mouth  of  the  river,  for  ten  years, 
1650.  the  people  were  obliged  to  pay  one  shilling  annually  for 
every  milch  cow  and  mare  in  the  colony,  and  the  same 
sum  for  every  swine  killed  either  for  market  or  private  use. 
Springfield  refused  to  pay  the  impost ;  and  it  seems  that 
Connecticut  was  obliged,  by  the  conduct  of  Massachusetts, 
to  repeal  the  act  relating  to  the  imposition.  By  reason  of 
the  controversy  which  arose  between  Connecticut  and  Mas- 
sachusetts, and  some  other  circumstances,  several  of  the 
towns,  during  the  two  first  years,  paid  but  a  small  propor- 
tion of  what  had  been  stipulated.  The  colony  therefore, 
on  the  17th  of  February,  1646,  made  a  new  agreement 
with  Mr.  Fen  wick.  This  was  to  the  following  effect : 

That,  instead  of  all  former  grants,,  he  should  receive 
from  the  colony,  annually,  one  hundred  and  eighty  pounds, 
for  ten  years.  He  was  to  collect  what  was  due  from  Spring- 
field, and  to  enjoy  certain  profits  arising  from  the  beaver 
trade.  A  hundred  and  seventy  or  eighty  pounds  was  also 
to  be  paid  to  him  from  Saybrook  and  one  or  two  newly  set- 
tled towns.  The  whole  amount  appears  to  have  been, 
more  than  2,000  pounds,  which  the  colony  paid  for  the 
right  of  jurisdiction,  the  ordnance,  arms  and  stores  at  the 
fort.*  As  different  apprehensions  had  arisen,  respecting 
?eb  5th  tnese  agreements,  and  the  state  of  affairs  between  Mr.  Fen- 
1651.  '  wick  and  the  colony,  the  general  court  appointed  commit- 
tees to  meet  at  Saybrook  to  ascertain  them.  To  quiet  the 
minds  of  the  people,  notice  was  given  to  every  town  of  the 
time  and  place  of  the  meeting  of  the  committees,  and  each 
was  authorized  to  send  representatives  to  hear  the  disputes 
and  report  the  issue,  with  the  reasons  of  it,  to  their  con- 
stituents. By  these  means-  the  inhabitants  obtained  gene- 
ral satisfaction. 

May  15.         Mr.  John  Winthrop,  at  the  election,  was  chosen  into  the 
magistracy.     The  assembly  consisted  of  thirty  four  mem- 
bers ;  twelve  magistrates  and  twenty  two  deputies. 
Rhode-          The  colony  of  Rhode-Island  gave  great  trouble  to  her 
Island  en-  neighbours,  by  giving  entertainment  to  criminals  and  fugi- 

tertams         .     »        ,-,    '  .     ,.    .    ,  3  ~ 

fugitives,  lives.  Connecticut  iound  it  so  prejudicial  to  the  course  of 
justice  and  to  the  rights  of  individuals,  that  the  court  re- 
solved torcJommend  the  consideration  of  the  affair  to  the 
commissioners  of  the  united  colonies.! 

Mr.   Winthrop   imagined,   that  Connecticut  contained 

v  See  the  agreements,  Numbers  V  and  VI. 

1  Augustus  Harriman,  a  Dutch  trader,  with  his  vessel,  was  seized  by  the 
people  of  Saybrook  for  illicit  trade  with  the  Indians.  The  court  fined  hku 
40  pounds  and  confiscated  his  vessel  and  cargo.  They  also  made  him  give 
it  in  writing,  under  his  hand,  that  he  had  been  well  treated- 


CHAP.X.  CONNECTICUT.  195 

mines  and  minerals,  which  might  be  improved  to  great  ad-  BOOK  T. 
vantage  to  individuals,  as  well  as  to  the  public  emolument,  ^*-^**s 
Upon  a  motion  ofhis,  the  assembly  passed  the  following    1651. 
act. 

"  Whereas,  in  this  rocky  country,  among  these  moun-  Act  to  en" 

i          i        i  -H        i  ii  -i-  •          c      •  .-courage 

tains  and  rocky  hills,  there  are    probabilities  of  mines  0«thedii*o»r- 

metals,  the  discovery  of  which  may  be  of  great  advantage  ery  of 
to  the  country,  in  raising  a  staple  commodity  ;  and  where-  mine*, 
as  John  Winthrop,  Esquire,  doth  intend  to  be  at  charges 
and  adventure,  for  the  search  and  discovery  of  such  mines 
and  minerals  ;  for  the  encouragement  thereof,  and  of  any 
that  shall  adventure  with  the  said  John  Winthrop,  Esquire, 
in  the  said  business,  it  is  therefore  ordered  by  the  court, 
that  if  the  said  John  Winthrop,  Esquire,  shall  discover, 
set  upon,  and  maintain  such  mines  of  lead,  copper  or  tin  ; 
or  any  minerals,  as  antimony,  vitriol,  black  lead,  allum, 
stone  salt,  salt  springs,  or  any  other  the  like,  within  this 
jurisdiction  ;  and  shall  set  up  any  work  for  the  digging, 
washing  and  melting,  or  any  other  operation  about  the 
said  mines  or  minerals,  as  the  nature  thereof  requireth ; 
that  then  the  said  John  Winthrop,  Esquire,  his  heirs,  as- 
sociates, partners  or  assigns,  shall  enjoy  forever,  said 
mines,  with  the  lands,  wood,  timber  and  water,  within  two 
or  three  miles  of  said  mines,  for  the  necessary  carrying  on 
of  the  works,  and  maintaining  of  the  workmen,  and  pro- 
vision of  coal  for  the  same :  provided  it  be  not  within  the 
bounds  of  any  town  already  settled,  or  any  particular  per- 
son's property  ;  and  provided  it  be  not  in,  or  bordering 
upon  any  place,  that  shall,  or  may,  by  the  court,  be  judg- 
ed fit  to  make  a  plantation  of." 

Though  the  eastern  and  middle  parts,  of  Norwaik  had  gettic. 
been  purchased  more  than  ten  years,  yet  there  had  been  ment  of 
only  a  few  scattering  inhabitants  within  its  limits.      But  Norwaik, 
the  last  year,  upon  the  petition  of  Nathan  Ely  and  Rich- 
ard Olmstead,  the  court  gave  liberty  for  its  settlement,  and 
ordained  that  it  should  be  a  town  by  the  name  of  Norwaik. 
The  western  part  of  it  was  purchased  on  the  15th  of  Feb- 
ruary.    The  inhabitants,  at  this  time,  consisted  of  about 
twenty  families.     About  four  years  after,  the  general  court 
vested  them  with  town  privileges.      The  situation  of  the 
place  is  very  agreeable  ;    the  harbor  is  pleasant  and  safe. 
and  the  lands  rich,  yielding  plenteously.      The  air  is  un- 
commonly healthful  and  salubrious.* 

*  From  the  first  settlement  of  the  town,  to  1732,  a  term  of  more  than  8Q 
years,  there  was  no  general  sickness,  except  the  measles,   in  the  towa. 
From  1715,  to  1719,  there  died  in  that  large  town,  twelve  persons  only 
Out  of  one  train  band,  consisting  of  a  hundred  men,  there  died  not  one  per- 
SOD,  frim  1716.  to  1730,  during  the  term  of  fourteen  years.    Mr;,  jla* 


196  HISTORY  OF  CHAP,  X. 

BOOK  I.      The  settlement  of  Mattabeseck  commenced  about  the 

*^~v-*~>  same  time.      The  principal  planters  were  from  England, 

1651.     Hartford,  and  Weathersfield.     The  greatest  number  were 

Settle-       from  Hartford.     There  was  a  considerable  accession  from 

JWddl°f      Rowley»  Chelmsford,  and  Woburn,  in  Massachusetts.     By 

town.         tne  close  of  this  year  it  became  considerably  settled.     In 

November,  1653,  the  general  court  gave  it  the  name  of 

Middletown.      Twenty  years  after,  the  number  of  shares 

was  fixed  at  fifty-two.     This  was  the  whole  number  of  the 

householders,  at  that  period,  within  the  town» 

The  agreement,  made  the  last  year,  with  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor, and  his  professions  of  amity,  encouraged  the  Eng- 
lish to  prosecute  the  settlement  of  the  lands,  which  they 
had  purchased  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Dutch, 

Fifty  men  from  New-Haven  and  Totoket,  made  prepa- 
eettie  Del?  tions  to  settle  their  lands  at  Delaware.     This  spring,  they 
fiware.       hired  a  vessel  to  transport  themselves  and  their  effects  in- 
to those  parts.      They  had  a  commission  from  governor 
Eaton  ;  and  he  wrote  an  amicable  letter  to  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor, acquainting  him  with  their  design  ;    assuring  him, 
that,  according  to  the  agreement  at  Hartford,  they  would 
settle  upon  their  own  lands,  and  give  no  disturbance  to 
their  neighbours.      A  letter,  of  the  same  import,  was  also 
addressed  to  him  from  the  governor  of  Massachusetts.  But 
no  sooner  had  governor  Stuyvesant  received  the  letters, 
New-Ha-    tnan  ne  arrested  the   bearers,  and  committed  them  close 
ven  people  prisoners,  under  guard.      Then  sending  for  the  master  of 
imprisoned  the  vessel  to  come  on  shore,  that  he  might  speak  with  him, 

£,y,thu        he  arrested  and  committed  him.     Others,  as  they  came  on 

JJutch  .  .  ,         .         .  -II  J 

governor,    shore,  to  visit  and  assist  their  neighbours,  were  confined 

with  them.  The  Dutch  governor  desired  to  see  their  com- 
mission, promising  it  should  be  returned  when  he  had  tak- 
en a  copy.  But  when  it  was  demanded  of  him,  he  would 
not  return  it  to  them.  Nor  would  he  release  the  men  from 
confinement,  until  he  had  forced  them  to  give  it  under 
their  hands,  that  they  would  not  prosecute  their  voyage  ; 
tut,  without  loss  of  time,  return  to  New-Haven.  He  threat- 
ened, that,  if  he  should  afterwards  find  any  of  them  at  Del- 
aware, he  would  not  only  seize  their  goods,  but  send  them 
prisoners  into  Holland,  He  also  caused  a  considerable 
part  of  the  estate  of  the  inhabitants  of  Southampton  to  be 
attached,  and  would  not  suffer  them  to  remove  it  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  English.  Captain  Tapping,  Mr.  Fordv 
ham,  and  others,  therefore  complained,  and  petitioned  to 
the  commissioners  for  redress. 

ford,  relict  of  the  first  minister  of  the  town,  died  Sept.  12th,  1730,  aged 
"jOD  years.  Manuscripta  ofthp  Rev.  Mos«s  Dickinson. 


CHAP.X.  CONNECTICUT.  197 

They  met  this  year  at  New-Haven.    The  members  were  BOOK  I. 
Mr.  Bradstreet  arid  captain  John  Hawthorne,  Mr.   John  ^~*-v**+s 
Brown  and  Mr.  Timothy  Hatherly,  governor  Hopkins  and    1651. 
Mr.  Ludlow,  governors  Eaton  and  Goodyear.      Governor  Commis- 
Eaton  was  chosen  president. 

Jasper  Crane  and  William  Tuttle,  in  behalf  of  them- 


selves,  and  many  others,  inhabitants  of  New-Haven  and  ven. 
Totoket,  presented  a  petition  to  the  commissioners,  com-  $*&•  14th> 
plaining  of  the  treatment  which  they  had  received  from  Petition 

the  Dutch  governor,  and  representing,  that  they  had  sus-  respecting 
.    .       ,  fe   .  111  i  •  i      Delaware. 

tamed  more  than  three  hundred  pounds  damage,  besides 

the  insult  and  injury  done  to  the  united  colonies.  They 
showed,  that  the  Dutch  had  seized,  and  were  about  to  for- 
tify, upon  the  very  lands  which  they  had  bought  of  the 
original  proprietors  at  Delaware  :  That,  had  it  not  been 
for  the  injustice  and  violence  of  the  Dutch,  the  New-En- 
gland colonies  might  have  been  greatly  enlarged,  by  set- 
tlements in  those  parts  ;  that  the  gospel  might  have  been 
published  to  the  natives,  and  much  good  done,  not  only  to 
the  colonies,  at  present,  but  to  posterity.  They  also  rep- 
resented, that  the  Dutch  were,  by  gifts  and  art,  enticing 
the  English  to  make  settlements  under  their  jurisdiction. 
They  insisted,  that  suffering  them  thus  to  insult  the  En- 
glish, and  to  seize  on  lands  to  which  they  could  shew  no 
just  claim,  would  encourage  them  to  drive  them  from  their 
other  settlements,  and  to  seize  on  their  lands  and  property, 
whenever  they  pleased  ;  and  that  it  would  make  them  con- 
temptible among  the  natives,  as  well  as  among  all  other 
nations.  They  pressed  the  commissioners,  therefore,  to 
act  with  spirit,  and  immediately  to  redress  the  injuries 
which  had  been  done  to  them  and  the  colonies. 

The  commissioners  nevertheless,  declined  acting  against  Tfie  conu 
the  Dutch,  without  previously  writing,  and  attempting  to  missioners 
obtain  redress  by  negotiation.     They  wrote  to  Stuyvesant,  remon- 
insisting  that  he  had  acted  in  direct  contravention  of  the  strate  and 

TT        f      i  -11  i  protest 

agreement  at  Hartford,  and  noticed  that,  in  a  letter  togov-  against  the 
ernor  Eaton,  he  had  threatened  force  of  arms,  and  blood-  Dutch 
shed,  to  any  who  should  go  to  make  settlements  upon  their  §overnor- 
lands,  at  Delaware,  to  which  he  was  unable  to  show  any 
claim.     They  represented  to  him,  how  deficient  it  appear- 
ed at  Hartford,  not  only  to  the  commissioners,  but  even  to 
the  arbitrators  of  his  own  choosing.     They  charged  him 
with  a  breach  of  the  engagement  of  Mr.  Willet  and  Mr. 
Baxter,  in  his  behalf,  with  respect  to  the  restoration  of 
Greenwich  to  the  government  of  New-Haven.     They  re- 
monstrated against  his  conduct,  in  imprisoning  the  people 
$f  New-Haven  and  Totoket,  in  detaining  their  coinmis- 


198 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  X, 


Resolu- 
tion res- 
pecting 
the  settle- 
ment of 
Dela- 
ware. 


Tribute 
demanded 
of  the  Pe- 
quots. 


They  de- 
mand why 
it  was  re- 
quired. 


Answer  of 
the  com- 
mission- 
ers. 


sion,  and  frustrating  their  voyage  ;  and  also  in  beginning 
to  erect  fortifications  upon  the  lands  of  the  New-Haven 
people,  at  Delaware.  They  affirmed,  that  they  had  as 
good  a  right  to  the  Manhadoes,  as  the  Dutch  had  to  those 
lands.  They  declared  that  the  colonies  had  just  cause  to 
vindicate  and  promote  their  interests,  and  to  redress  the  in- 
juries which  had  been  done  to  their  confederates.  They 
protested,  that  whatever  inconveniences  or  mischief  might 
arise  upon  it  would  be  wholly  chargeable  to  his  unneigh- 
bourly  and  unjust  conduct. 

At  the  same  time,  for  the  encouragement  of  the  petition- 
ers, they  resolved,  that  if,  at  any  time,  within  twelve 
months,  they  should  attempt  the  settlement  of  their  lands, 
at  Delaware,  and,  at  their  own  charge,  transport  a  hundred 
and  fifty,  or  at  least  a  hundred  men,  well  armed,  with  a 
good  vessel  or  vessels  for  such  an  enterprise,  with  a  suffi- 
cient quantity  of  ammunition  ;  and  warranted  by  a  com- 
mission from  the  authority  at  New-Haven,  that  then,  if  they 
should  meet  with  any  opposition  from  the  Dutch  or  Swedes, 
they  would  afford  them  a  sufficient  force  for  their  defence. 
They  also  resolved,  that  all  English  planters,  at  Delaware, 
either  from  New-Haven,  or  any  other  of  the  united  colo- 
nies, should  be  under  the  jurisdiction  of  New-Haven. 

The  Pequots  among  the  Moheagans  and  Narragansels, 
and  those  who  had  removed  to  Long-Island,  had,  to  this 
time,  neglected  to  pay  any  part  of  the  tribute,  which  had 
been  stipulated,  at  Hartford,  in  1638,  upon  condition,  that 
the  English  would  spare  their  lives  and  defend  them  from 
their  enemies.  The  general  court  had  given  orders,  that 
it  should  be  collected  forthwith,  and  had  appointed  captain 
Mason  to  go  to  Long-Island,  and  demand  it  of  the  Pequots 
there,  as  well  as  of  those  in  other  places. 

Uncas,  with  a  number  of  the  Moheagans,  andofNini- 
grate's  men,  therefore  presented  himself  before  the  com- 
missioners; and,  in  behalf  of  the  Pequots,  paid  a  tribute  of 
about  three  hundred  fathoms  of  wampum.  He  then,  in 
their  name,  demanded,  why  this  tribute  was  required  ? 
How  long  it  was  to  continue  ?  And  whether  it  must  be  paid 
by  the  children  yet  unborn  ? 

The  commissioners  answered,  that,  by  covenant,  it  had 
been  annually  due  ever  since  the  year  1638  :  That  after  a 
just  war,  in  which  the  Pequots  were  conquered,  the  Eng- 
lish, to  spare,  as  far  as  might  be,  the  blood  of  the  guilty, 
accepted  of  a  small  tribute,  as  expressed  in  the  covenant. 
They  insisted,  that  they  had  a  right  to  demand  it  as  a  just 
debt.  They  observed,  that  twelve  years  tribute  was  now 
due,  reckoning  only  to  the  year  1650;  but  that,  to  show 


CHAP.  X.  CONNECTICUT.  199 

their  lenity,  and  encourage  the  Pequots,  if  they  would  be-  BOOK  I. 
have  themselves  well,  and  pay  the  tribute  agreed  upon,  for  v^-v-x^1 
ten  years,  reckoning  from  1650,  they  would  give  them  all    1651. 
which  was  due  for  past  years ;  and  that,  at  the  expiration 
of  the  ten  years,  they  and  their  children  should  be  free. 
This,  it  seems,  they  thankfully  accepted,  and  afterwards 
became   as  faithful  friends  to   the  English  as  the  Mohea- 
gans.     They  assisted  them  in  their  wars  with  other  In- 
dians ;  especially,   in  that  against  Philip  and  the  Narra- 
gansets. 

While  the  commissioners    were  at  New-Haven,   two  French 
French  gentlemen,  Monsieur  Godfroy  and  Monsieur  Ga-  agents 
briel  Druillets,  arrived  in  the  capacity  of  commissioners  |™™Can~ 
from  Canada.     They  had  been  sent  by  the  French  gov- 
ernor, Monsieur  D'Aillebout,  to  treat  with  the  united  colo- 
nies.    They  presented  three  commissions,  one  from  Mon-  Present 
sieur  D'Aillebout,  another  from  the  council  of  New-France,  %"".  com" 
and  a  third  to  Monsieur  Gabriel  Druillets,  who  had  been  m 
authorized  to  publish  the  doctrines  and  duties  of  Christiani- 
ty among  the  Indians. 

In  behalf  of  the  French  in  Canada,  and  the  christianized  gue  for 
Indians  in  Acadia,  they  petitioned  for  aid  against  the  Mo-  aid  against 
hawks  and  warriors  of  the  six  nations.     They  urged,  that  ^e  SIX  na" 
the  war  was  just,  as  the  Mohawks  had  violated  the  most 
solemn  leagues,  and  were  perfidious  and  cruel :    That  it 
was  a  holy  war,  as  the  Acadians  were  converted  Indians, 
and  the  Mohawks  treated  them  barbarously,  because  of 
their  Christianity.     They  insisted,  that  it  was  a  common 
concern  to  the  French  and  English  nations,  as  the  war  with 
the  six  nations  interrupted  the  trade  of  both,   with  the  In- 
dians in  general. 

Monsieur  Druillets  appeared  to  be  a  man  of  address.  Their  ad- 
He  opened  the  case  to  the  best  advantage,  displaying  all  his  dress- 
art,  and  employing  his  utmost  ability  to  persuade  the  com- 
missioners to  engage  in  the  war  against  the  six  nations. 
He  urged,  that,  if  they  would  not  consent  to  join  in  the  war, 
they  would  at  least,  permit  the  enlistment  of  volunteers,  in 
the  united  colonies,  for  the  French  service ;  and  grant 
them  a  free  passage  through  the  colonies,  by  land  or  water, 
as  the  case  might  require,  to  the  Mohawk  country.  Ho 
also  pleaded,  that  the  christianized  Indians  might  be  ta- 
ken under  the  protection  of  the  united  colonies.  He  made 
fair  promises  of  the  ample  compensation  which  the  French 
would  make  the  colonies  for  these  services.  He  represent- 
ed, that,  if  these  points  could  be  gained,  they  would  enter 
immediately  upon  a  treaty,  for  the  establishment  of  a  free 
trade  between  tho  French  and  English  in  all  parts  oi 
America, 


200  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  £. 

BOOK  I.      The  reply  of  the  commissioners  exhibits  policy  and  pru- 
^*~^f~^>  dence  ;  snowing,  that  they  were  not  ignorant  of  men,  nor 
1651.     of  the  arts  of  negotiation.     They  answered,  that  they  look- 
Reply  of    ed  upon  such  Indians,  as  had  received  the  yoke  of  Christ, 

the  com-     wjtn  ano^her  eye,  than  upon  those  who  worshipped  the 
missioners.   i      ••      r™         i   J       •  •    -,    .   r  .  , 

devil :   That  they  pitied  the  Acadians,  but  saw  no  way  to 

help  theni,  without  exposing  the  English  colonies,  and 
their  own  neighbouring  Indians,  to  war  :  and  that  some  of 
those  Indians  professed  Christianity  no  less  than  the  Aca- 
dians. They  observed,  that  it  was  their  desire,  by  all  just 
means,  to  keep  peace  with  all  men,  even  with  these  bar- 
barians ;  and  that  they  had  no  occasion  for  war  with  the 
Mohawks,  who,  in  the  war  with  the  Pequots,  had  shown  a 
real  respect  to  the  English  colonies,  and  had  never  since 
committed  any  hostility  against  them.  They  declared  their 
readiness  to  perform  all  offices  of  righteousness,  peace,  and 
good  neighbourhood  towards  the  French  colony ;  yet,  that 
they  could  not  permit  the  enlisting  of  volunteers,  nor  the 
marching  of  the  French  and  their  Indians  through  the  colo- 
nies, without  giving  grounds  of  offence  and  war  to  the  Mo- 
hawks, and  exposing  both  themselves  and  the  Indians, 
whom  they  ought  to  protect.  They  observed,  that  the 
English  engaged  in  no  war,  until  they  were  satisfied  that 
it  was  just,  nor  until  peace  had  been  offered  on  reasonable 
terms,  and  had  been  refused  :  that  the  Mohawks  were  nei- 
ther in  subjection  to  the  English,  nor  in  league  with  them ; 
so  that  they  had  no  means  of  informing  themselves  what 
they  could  say  in  their  own  vindication.  They,  also,  as- 
sured the  French  ambassadors,  that  they  were  exceedingly 
dissatisfied  with  that  mischievous  trade,  which  the  French 
and  Dutch  had  carried  on,  and  still  continued,  with  the  In- 
dians, in  vending  them  arms  and  ammunition,  by  which 
they  were  encouraged,  and  made  insolent,  not  only  against 
the  Christian  Indians  and  catechumens,  but  against  all 
christians  in  Europe,  as  well  as  America.  But  if  all  other 
difficulties  were  removed,  they  represented,  they  had  no 
such  short  and  convenient  passage,  by  land  or  water,  as 
might  be  had  by  Hudson's  river  to  fort  Aurania  and  be- 
yond, in  the  possession  of  the  Dutch.  They  concluded, 
by  observing,  that  the  honoured  French  deputies,  as  they 
conceived,  had  full  powers  to  settle  a  free  trade  between 
the  English  and  French  colonies;  but  if,  for  reasons  best 
known  to  themselves,  it  was  designed  to  limit  the  English, 
by  the  same  restraints  and  prohibitions  to  which  the  un- 
privileged French  were  subjected,  not  suffering  them  to 
trade,  until  they  had  obtained  a  particular  license  from  the 
governor  and  company  of  New  France,  they  must  wait  a 


CHAP.  X*  CONNECTICUT.  201 

more  favourable  opportunity  for  negotiation.  Such  an  6p-  BOOK  I. 
portunity,  whenever  it  should  offer,  they  intimated  they  ^"v-^> 
should  readily  embrace.*  1651. 

The  commissioners,  apprehending  that  there  was  Httle  *f  tt".to- 
prospect  of  obtaining  a  redress  of  their  grievances  from  |~0£ 
the  Dutch,  by  remonstrance  and  negotiation,  wrote  to  Mr. 
Winslow,  agent  for  Massachusetts  in  England,  on  the  sub- 
ject. They  represented  the  claims  and  rights  of  the  colo- 
nies, and  the  injuries  which  they  suffered  from  the  Dutch. 
They  insisted,  that  their  conduct  was  a  high  affront,  not 
only  to  the  colonies,  but  to  the  honour  of  the  English  na- 
tion. They  desired  Mr.  Winslow  to  inquire  how  the  par- 
liament and  council  of  state  esteemed  the  ancient  patents^ 
and  how  any  engagements  of  the  colonies  against  the  Dutch, 
for  the  defence  of  their  rights,  would  be  viewed  by  the 
parliament.  It  was  de'sired,  that  he  would  give  them  the 
earliest  information  on  the  subject. 

The  people  at  New-Haven  persisted  in  their  purpose  ofcapt.  Ma-* 
making,  if  possible,  a  permanent  settlement  upon  their  son  invited 
lands  at  Delaware.  They  were  sensible,  that  such  was  !°  ^move 
the  situation  of  their  affairs,  that  a  leader,  who  was  not  only 
a  politician,  but  a  man  of  known  courage,  military  skill 
and  experience,  would  be  of  great  importance  to  the  en- 
terprise. They,  therefore^  made  application  to  captain. 
Mason,  to  remove  with  them  to  Delaware,  and  take  on 
him  the  management  of  the  company.  They  made  him 
such  offers,  that  it  seems  he  had  a  design  of  leaving  the 
colony,  and  putting  himself  at  the  head  of  the  English  set- 
tlements in  those  parts.  But  the  general  court  at  Con- 
necticut, would  by  no  means  consent.  They  unanimously 
desired  him  to  entertain  no  thoughts  of  changing  his  situa- 
tion. This  appears  to  have  prevented  his  going,  and  to 
have  frustrated  the  design. 

The  grand  list  of  the  colony  appears  this  year,  for  the 
first  time,  upon  the  records.  There  are  the  lists  of  seven 
towns  only.  The  others  either  paid  no  taxes,  or  their  lists  o^gthv 
were  not  completed  and  returned.  The  amount  of  the 
whole,  was  75,4921.  10s.  6d.  It  appears  that  the  towns, 
at  this  period,  were  not,  upon  an  average,  more  than  equal 
to  our  common  parishes  at  this  day. 

At  the  general  election  in  Connecticut,  in  1652,  the  for- Election, 
mer  magistrates  were  re-elected.  M*7 

The  commencement  of  hostilities,  the  last  year,  between 
England  and  Holland,  the  perfidious  management  of  the 
Dutch  governor,  with  apprehensions  of  the  rising  of  the 
Indians,  spread  a  general  alarm  through  the  colony. 
*  Records  of  the  united  colonies, 
A2 


202  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  X. 

BOOK  I.       The  assembly  convened  on  the  30th  of  June,  and  adopt- 
•^-^~+*/  ed  several  measures  for  the  common  safety.     Orders  were 
1652.    giv'en,  that  the  cannon  at  Say  brook  should  be  well  mount- 
June  30th.  ed  on  carriages;  that  the  fort  should  be  supplied  with  am- 
munition; and  that  the  inhabitants,  who  were  scattered 
abroad,  should  collect  their  families  into  it,  and  hold  them- 
selves in  the  best  state  of  readiness  for  their  common  de- 
fence* 

Indians  re-  The  Indians  in  the  vicinity  of  the  several  plantations, 
quired  to  ^vithin  the  colony,  were  required  to  give  testimony  of  their 
their  a«ns  friendship  and  fidelity  to  the  English,  by  delivering  up  their 
April,  '  arms  to  the  governor  and  magistrates.  Those  who  refn- 
1653.  secj^  were  to  be  considered  as  enemies. 

Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  governor,  made  no  satisfaction  for 
past  injuries ;  but  added  new  insults  and  grievances  to 
those  which  were  past.  He  again  revived  the  claims 
which  he  had  renounced  at  Hartford  ;  and  though  he  re- 
strained the  Dutch  from  open  hostility,  yet  he  used  all  his 
arts  with  the  Indians  to  engage  them  to  massacre  the  Eng- 
lish colonists. 

A  discovery  was  made  in  March,  that  he  was  confede- 
rate with  the  Indians,  in  a  plot  for  the  extirpation  of  the 
April  19th,  English  colonies.     An  extraordinary  meeting  of  the  com- 
r.ommis-     missioners  was  called  upon  the  occasion.     It  consisted  of 
meet.         Governor  Endicott,  Mr.  William  Hawthorne,  William  Brad- 
ford, Esq'r.   Mr.  John  Brown,  Mr.  Ludlow,  Captain  Cul- 
lick,  Governor  Eaton,  and  Captain  John  Astwood.     Gov. 
Endicott  was  chosen  president. 

Upon  a  close  attention  to  the  reports  which  had  been 
spread,  and  a  critical  examination  of  the  evidence,  all  the 
commissioners,  except  those  of  the  Massachusetts,  were  of 
the  opinion,  that  there  had  been  a  horrid  and  execrable 
Plot  of  the  plot,  concerted  by  the  Dutch  governor  and  the  Indians, 
l)utch  and  j-Qr  t[ie  destruction  of  the  English  colonies.  Ninigrate,  it 
appeared,  had  spent  the  winter  at  the  Manhadoes,  with 
Stuyvesant,  on  the  business.  He  had  been  over  Hudson's 
river,  among  the  western  Indians  ;  procured  a  meeting  of 
the  sachems ;  made  ample  declarations  against  the  Eng- 
lish ;  and  solicited  their  aid  against  the  colonies.  He  was 
brought  back  in  the  spring,  in  a  Dutch  sloop,  with  arms 
Evidence  and  ammunition  from  the  Dutch  governor.  The  Indians, 
for  some  hundreds  of  miles,  appeared  to  be  disaffected  and 
hostile.  Tribes,  which  before  had  been  always  friendly  to 
the  English,  became  inimical ;  and  the  Indians  boasted, 
that  they  were  to  have  goods  from  the  Dutch,  at  half  the 
price  for  which  the  English  sold  them,  and  powder  as  plen- 
ty as  the  sand.  The  Long-Island  Indians  testified  to  th<* 


CHAP.  X.  CONNECTICUT.  203 

plot.  Nine  sachems,  who  lived  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Dutch,  BOOK  I. 
sent  their  united  testimony  to  Stamford,  "  that  the  Dutch  \^-v~>*s 
governor  had  solicited  them,  by  promising  them  guns,  pow-     1653. 
der,  swords,  wampum,  coats,  and  waistcoats,  to  cut  off  the  March  17. 
English."     The   messengers   who   were   sent,    declared, 
••  they  were  as  the  mouth  of  the  nine  sagamores  who  all 
spake,  they  would  not  lie."      One  of  the  nine  sachems, 
afterwards,  came  to  Stamford,  with  other  Indians,  and  tes- 
tified the  same.     The  plot  was  confessed  by  a  Wampcag 
and  a  Narraganset  Indian,  and  was  confirmed  by  Indian 
testimonies  from  all  quarters.*     It  was  expected,  that  a 
Dutch  fleet  would  arrive,  and  that  the  Dutch  and  Indians 
would  unite  in  the  destruction  of  the  English  plantations. 
It  was  rumoured,  that  the  time  for  the  massacre  was  fixed 
upon  the  day  of  the  public  election,  when  the  freemen 
would  be  generally  from  home. 

The  country  was  exceedingly  alarmed  ;  especially  Con-  Alarm  ami 
necticut  and  New-Haven.     They  were  greatly  hindered  in  t^^o?' 
their  ploughing,  sowing,   planting,  and  in  all  their  affairs.  nje6. 
They  were  worn  down  with  constant  watching  and  guard- 
ing, and  put  to  great  expense  for  the  common  safety. 

Six  of  the  commissioners  were  satisfied,  that  they  had 
just  grounds  of  war  with  the  Dutch.  They  drew  up  a 
general  declaration  of  their  grievances,  for  the  satisfaction 
of  the  people.  They  also  stated  the  evidence  they  had  of 
the  conspiracy,  which  they  supposed  was  then  in  hand. 
They  determined,  nevertheless,  before  they  commenced 
hostilities  against  the  Dutch,  to  acquaint  the  governor  with 
ihe  discovery  which  they  had  made,  and  to  give  him  an  op- 
portunity of  answering  for  himself. 

In  the  mean  time  letters  arrived  from  the  Dutch  govern* 
or,  in  which  he  appeared,  with  great  confidence,  absolute- 
ly to  deny  the  plot  which  had  been  charged  upon  him.  He 
offered  to  go  or  send  to  Boston  to  clear  his  innocence  ;  or 
desired  that  some  persons  might  be  deputed  and  sent  to  the 
Manhadoes,  to  examine  the  charges  and  receive  his  an- 
swers. Other  letters  arrived  at  the  same  time  confirming 
the  evidence  of  the  conspiracy,  and  representing,  that  the 
Indians  were  hastened  to  carry  it  into  execution. 

The  commissioners  determined  to  send  agents  to  the  gov-  Agents 
ornor ;  and  with  the  utmost  dispatch  made  choice  of  Fran-  dupaicl- 
cis  Newman,  one  of  the  magistrates  of  New-Haven,  cap-  i>utch 
tain  John  Leveret,  afterwards  governor  of  Massachusetts,  governor, 
and  Mr.  William  Davis.     They  vested  them  with  plenary 
powers  to  examine  the  whole  aftair,  and  to  receive  the 
governor's  answer,  according  to  his  own  proposals. 
*  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


204 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  X. 


BOOK  I, 

V-^-N/-^< 

1653. 

Letters  to 
him  and 
his  coun- 
cil. 


Troops  to 
be  raised. 


The  Dutch 
governor 
avoids  ex- 
amina- 
tion. 


Stuyvesant,  in  his  letters,  pretended  to  express  his  ad- 
miration, that  the  English  should  give  credit  to  Indian  tes- 
timony. The  commissioners,  therefore,  in  their  reply, 
charged  him  with  making  use  of  heathen  testimony  against 
New-Haven ;  and  observed,  that  Kieft,  his  predecessor, 
had  used  Indian  testimonies  against  the  English  in  a  strange 
manner,  in  a  case  of  treason,  and  life  or  death.  They 
also  acquainted  him  with  the  bloody  use  which  the  Dutch 
governor  and  his  council  had  made  of  the  confession  of  the 
Japanese,  against  captain  Towerson  and  the  English  chris- 
tians  at  Amboyna,  though  it  was  extorted  by  torture. 

They  wrote  to  Monsieur  Montague  and  captain  New- 
ton, who  were  of  the  Dutch  governor's  council,  that  his 
protestations  of  innocence  gave  them  no  satisfaction.  They 
charged  the  fiscal,*  as  well  as  the  governor,  with  the  plot. 
They  stated  their  grievances,  demanded  satisfaction  for 
past  injuries,  and  security  for  the  future. 

While  their  agents  were  employed  at  the  Manhadoes, 
they  determined  on  the  number  of  men  to  be  raised,  in 
case  of  a  war.  For  the  first  expedition  they  resolved  to 
send  out  five  hundred  ;  and  appointed  captain  Leveret  to 
the  chief  command.  They  also  determined,  that,  should 
they  engage  in  war  with  the  Dutch,  the  commissioners  of 
the  united  colonies  should  meet  at  New-Haven,  to  give  all 
necessary  directions  respecting  the  expedition,  and  to  or- 
der the  war  in  general. 

Notwithstanding  the  fair  proposals  which  governor  Stuy- 
vesant had  made,  he  would  submit  to  no  examination,  by 
the  agents,  any  further  than  a  committee  of  his  own  ap- 
pointing should  consent.  Two  of  the  committee  were  per- 
sons who  had  been  complained  of  for  misdemeanors,  at 
Hartford  ;  and  one  of  them  had  been  laid  under  bonds  for 
his  crimes.  The  agents  conceived,  that  the  very  proposal 
of  such  persons  as  a  committee  was  a  high  affront  to  them, 
to  the  united  colonies,  and  to  the  English  nation.  Be- 
sides, the  Dutch  governor  would  not  suffer  the  witnesses  to 
speak  unless  they  were  previously  laid  under  such  res- 
traints as  would  prevent  all  benefit  from  their  evidence. 
The  agents  not  only  objected  to  the  committee,  and  de- 
clined all  connection  with  them,  but  remonstrated  against 
the  restraints  proposed  to  be  laid  on  the  witnesses.  Find- 
ing that  nothing  could  be  effected  with  respect  to  the  de- 
sign of  their  agency,  they,  in  a  spirited  manner,  demanded 
satisfaction  for  insults  and  injuries  past,  and  security  a- 
gainst  future  abuse,  and  took  leave  of  the  Manhadoes. 

As  they  returned,  they  took  various  testimonies  respect? 
*  That  is,  the  treasurer. 


CHAP.  X.  CONNECTICUT.  205 

ing  the  plot ;  some  from  the  Indians,  and  others  from  the  BOOK  I. 
English,  sworn  before  proper  authority.     Before  their  re-  --^X-V-N*/ 
turn,  the  commissioners  were  dispersed,  and  the  general     1653. 
elections  were  finished.     The   courts  at  Connecticut  and  Agents 
New-Haven  voted  their  respective  quotas  of  men,  appoint- return- 
ed  their  officers,  and  gave  orders,  that  all  necessary  prepa- 
tions  should  be  made  for  the  designed  expedition.  . 

On  the  election  at  Hartford,  the  former  officers  were  Date's  of 
rechosen.     The  time  of  election,  at  New-Haven,  had  been  New-H^,- 
changed  from  October  to  May  ;    and  this  year  was  on  the  ven. 
25th  of  the  month.     The  governors  were  the  same  as  they 
had  been  for  several  years,  Eaton  and  Goodyear.      The 
magistrates  were,   Mr.  William  Fowler,  Mr.  John  Ast- 
wood,  William  Leet,  Esquire,   Mr.  Joshua  Atwater,  and 
Mr.  Francis  Newman.      Mr.  Atwater  was  treasurer,  and 
Mr.  Newman  secretary. 

Immediately,  on  the  return  of  the  agents,  from  the  Man-  Commis- 
hadoes,  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  summoned  an-  s">ne« 
other  extraordinary  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  at  Bos-  ™^in. 
ton,  about  the  last  of  May.     The  commissioners  were  all 
the  same  who  composed  the  last  meeting,  except  Mr.  Brad- 
street  in  the  room  of  governor  Endicott,  who  was  obliged 
to  attend  the  general  court. 

The  agents  made  report  of  the  treatment  which  they  had  Agents 
received  from  the  Dutch,  and  of  such  evidence  as  they  had  make  re- 
taken of  the  plot  on  their  return.  The  commissioners  were  portm 
also  certified,  that  the  Indians,  on  Long-Island,  had  charg- 
ed the  fiscal  with  the  plot ;  and  that  captain  Underbill, 
having  reported  what  the  Indians  declared,  was  seized  and 
carried  by  a  guard  of  soldiers,  from  Flushing  to  the  Man- 
hadoes,  where  he  was  confined  by  the  fiscal,  until  what  he 
had  reported,  was  affirmed  to  his  face :  then  he  was  dis- 
missed, without  trial,  and  all  his  charges  borne.  No  soon- 
er had  the  agents  taken  their  departure  from  the  Manha- 
does,  than  the  captain,  because  he  had  been  active  in  ex- 
hibiting the  evidence  of  the  Dutch  and  Indian  conspiracy, 
notwithstanding  all  the  important  services  he  had  rendered 
the  Dutch,  was  ordered  to  depart.  The  commissioners  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  him,  May  24th,  representing  the  ex- 
treme danger  in  which  he  and  all  the  English  were,  as- 
suring them,  that  as  necessity  had  no  law,  he  had,  like  Jep- 
tha,  put  his  life  in  his  hand,  to  save  English  blood  ;  and 
that  he  was  waiting  their  orders,  with  loyalty  to  them  and 
the  parliament,  to  vindicate  the  rights  of  the  nation.  The 
Dutch  demanded,  that  all  the  English  among  them  should 
take  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  them.  This,  in  case  of  war, 
m.ight  have  induced  them  to  fight  against  their  own  nation^ 


206  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  \. 

BOOK  I.      The  people  of  Hampstead,  at  the  same  time,  represented 
v^r-v-x^  that  they  were  in ,  the  utmost  danger,  and  wrote,  in  the 
1653.    most  pressing  manner,  for  arms  and  ammunition,  to  defend 
themselves.     Letters  were  also  sent  from  Connecticut  and 
New-Haven,  with  intelligence,  that  the  Dutch  governor,  by 
presents  of  wampum,  coats,  and  other  articles,  was  excit- 
ing the  Mohawks,  and  various  Indian  tribes,  to  rise  and  at- 
tack the  English,  both  on  Long-Island,  and  on  the  main. 

A  long  letter  from  the  Dutch  governor  was  also  receiv- 
ed, in  which,  in  general  terms,  he  excused  himself  relative 
to  the  plot ;  but  he  gave  no  encouragement  of  the  least 
satisfaction,  in  a  single  instance ;  or  that  the  colonies 
should  be  more  safe  from  injury  and  insult,  for  the  future. 
Indeed,  he  still  insulted  them,  renewing  the  claims,  both  to 
Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  which  he  had  given  up  at 
Hartford, 

Thecom-  All  the  commissioners,  excepting  Mr.  Bradstreet,  voted 
are"™  ^  ^or  war  aga*nst  tne  Dutch.  He  was  under  the  influence  of 
war.  tne  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  who  were  using  all 
their  arts  to  oppose  the  commissioners,  and  prevent  open 
hostility.  The  commissioners,  however,  so  strenuously 
urged  the  justice  and  necessity  of  an  immediate  war  with 
the  Dutch,  and  so  spiritedly  remonstrated  against  the  con- 
duct of  the  court,  as  violators  of  the  articles  of  union,  that 
they  appointed  a  committee  of  conference  with  them.  They 
desired,  that  a  statement  of  the  case  might  be  made,  and 
the  advice  of  the  elders  taken  on  the  subject.  The  com- 
mittee of  the  court  were  major  Denison  and  captain  Lev- 
eret. 

The  commissioners  replied,  that  their  former  declara- 
tion, their  letter  to  the  Dutch  governor,  and  the  evidence 
before  them,  afforded  clear  and  sufficient  light  in  the  af- 
fair. Nevertheless,  they  appointed  captain  Hawthorne, 
Mr.  Bradford,  and  governor  Eaton,  a  committee  to  confer 
with  the  gentlemen  appointed  by  the  court.  Governor 
Eaton  drew  a  state  of  the  case,  in  behalf  of  the  committee 
of  the  commissioners,  The  committee  from  the  general 
court  would  not  consent  to  it,  but  drew  a  statement  of  their 
own.  Under  the  influence  of  the  general  court,  and  the 
different  representation  which  their  committee  had  made, 
the  elders  gave  their  opinion  : . 

Advice  of  "  That  the  proofs  and  presumptions  of  the  execrable  plot, 
the  elders.  tenc]ing  to  the  destruction  of  so  many  of  the  dear  saints  of 
God,  imputed  to  the  Dutch  governor  and  the  fiscal,  were 
of  such  weight  as  to  induce  them  to  believe  the  reality  of 
it ;  yet  they  were  not  so  fully  conclusive,  as  to  clear  up  a 
present  proceeding  to  war  before  the  world  ;  and  to  bear 


CHAP.  X.  CONNECTICUT.  207 

up  their  hearts  with  that  fulness  of  persuasion,  which  was  BOOK  I. 
meet  in  commending  the  case  to  GOD,    in  prayer,  and  to  •^*~v~**s 
the  people  in  exhortations;  and  that  it  would  be  safest  for    1653. 
the  colonies  to  forbear  the  use  of  the  sword ;  but  advised 
to  be  in  a  posture  of  defence,  and  readiness  for  action,  un- 
til the  mind  of  GOD  should  be  more  clearly  known,  either 
for  a  more  settled  peace,  or  manifest  grounds  of  war.'7 

It  seems,  that  the  affair  was  very  partially  referred  to 
the  ministers,  whether  the  evidence  of  the  plot  was  so  clear 
as  to  warrant  a  war ;  whereas,  this  was  but  one  circunv 
stance  among  many,  which  might  render  it  just  and  ne- 
cessary. These  ought  to  have  been  considered,  no  less 
than  the  other.  The  deputies  of  the  court  concurred  with 

the  clergy. 

T      I  *•  11    ,i_  •     •  *   TIT     Governor 

In  the  mean  time,  all  the  commissioners,  except  Mr.  Eaton's 

Bradstreet,  continued  determined  for  war.     Governor  Ea-  represen- 

ton  insisted,  that  the  Dutch  had,  for  many  years,  during  a  ^tl0"  °/. 
'.  ,  .    ,'.     ,  .    .      .J  J      ,C      .-i    &r  the  Dutch 

succession  oi  governors,  multiplied  injuries  and  hostile  at-contjuctt 

fronts,  with  treachery  and  falsehood,  against  the  English, 
to  their  very  great  damage  :  That  these  injuries  had  been 
fully  and  repeatedly  represented  to  them,  and  satisfaction, 
demanded ;  yet  that  nothing  had  been  received  in  return, 
but  dilatory,  false,  and  offensive  answers.  He  observed, 
that  the  governor  and  his  associates  had  been  formerly 
suspected  and  accused  of  instigating  the  Indians  against 
the  English ;  and  that  now  a  treacherous  and  bloody  plot 
had  been  discovered,  and  charged  upon  him  and  his  fiscal, 
by  more  witnesses  than  could  have  been  expected  ;  that  by 
it  the  peace  of  the  country  had  been  disturbed,  their  own 
lives,  the  lives  of  their  children,  and  all  their  connexions, 
had  been  in  constant  jeopardy  :  That  though  they  had  al- 
lowed the  Dutch  governor  a  fair  opportunity  of  clearing 
himself,  of  making  satisfaction,  and  securing  the  colonies 
for  the  future ;  yet  that,  by  his  conduct,  he  had  increased 
the  evidence  of  his  guilt ;  and  that  he  had  given  the  colo- 
nies no  security  for  their  future  peace  and  safety  ;  nor  had 
they  the  least  reason  to  expect  them.  He  insisted,  that 
the  English,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Dutch,  were  in 
the  most  immediate  danger,  not  only  from  them,  but  the 
Indians,  through  their  instigation;  because  they  would 
not  submit  to  an  oath  to  join  with  them  in  fighting  against 
their  own  nation.  He  urged,  that  the  insolence,  treachery, 
and  bitter  enmity,  which  the  Dutch  had  manifested  against 
the  nation  of  England,  and  all  the  English  abroad,  as  they 
had  opportunity,  were  sufficient  to  assure  them  that,  as 
«oon  as  the  States  General  should  be  able  to  send  a  small 
fleet,  to  the  Manhadoes,  the  colonies  could  not  bo  safe,  ei- 


203 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  X. 


Mr.  Norris 
pleads  for 
war. 


May  30. 


Declara- 
tion of  the 
general 
Court  of 
Massa- 
chusetts. 


Resolution 
of  the  gen- 
eral court 
at  Con- 
necticut. 
June  25th. 


ther  in  their  persons  or  property,  by  land  or  sea.  He  fur- 
ther insisted,  that  the  state  of  the  commonwealth  of  En- 
gland, and  of  the  colonies,  was  such  as  called  for  war; 
and  that,  if  either  of  the  colonies  should  refuse  to  join  in  it, 
against  the  common  enemy,  and  if  any  of  the  plantations, 
through  such  refusal,  should  be  destroyed,  the  guilt  of  such 
blood  would  lie  upon  them.* 

Some  faithful  people  in  the  Massachusetts  were  entirely 
opposed  to  the  conduct  of  their  general  court,  and  ventur- 
ed to  express  their  opinion.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Norris,  of  Sa- 
lem, sent  a  writing  to  the  commissioners,  representing  the 
necessity  of  a  war.  He  urged,  that  if  the  colonies,  in  their 
then  present  circumstances,  should  neglect  to  engage  in  it, 
it  would  be  a  declaration  of  their  neutrality  in  the  contest ; 
might  be  viewed  in  that  light  by  the  parliament ;  and  be 
of  great  and  general  disservice  to  their  interests  :  That  the 
spending  of  so  much  time  in  parlies  and  treaties,  after  all 
the  injuries  they  had  received,  and  while  the  enemy  was 
insulting  them,  and  fortifying  against  them,  would  make 
them  contemptible  among  the  Indians :  That  it  was  dis- 
honoring GOD,  in  whom  they  professed  to  trust,  and  bring- 
ing a  scandal  among  themselves.  He  insisted  that,  as  their 
brethren  had  sent  their  moan  to  them,  and  desired  their 
assistance,  if  they  should  refuse,  the  curse  of  the  angel  of 
the  Lord  against  Meroz  would  come  upon  them.  This,  he 
said,  he  presented  in  the  name  of  many  pensive  hearts.! 

But  nothing  could  induce  the  Massachusetts  to  unite 
with  their  brethren,  in  a  war  against  the  Dutch.  The  gen- 
eral court,  in  direct  violation  of  the  articles  of  confedera- 
tion, resolved,  that  no  determination  of  the  commissioners, 
though  they  should  all  agree,  should  bind  the  general  court 
to  join  in  an  offensive  war,  which  should  appear  to  such 
general  court  to  be  unjust.  This  declaration  gave  great 
uneasiness  to  the  commissioners,  and  to  the  sister  colo- 
nies. Indeed,  it  nearly  effected  a  dissolution  of  their  un- 
ion. 

The  commissioners,  finding  that  the  Massachusetts  would 
not  submit  to  their  determination,  nor  afford  any  assistance 
to  her  confederates,  dissolved. 

In  this  important  crisis,  governor  Haynes  called  a  spe- 
cial court,  on  the  25th  of  June.  The  court  resolved,  that 
the  fears  and  distresses  of  the  English,  bordering  upon  the 
Dutch,  and  the  damages  which  they  had  sustained,  should 
be  forthwith  represented  to  the  magistrates  in  Massachu- 
setts :  That  the  opinion  of  the  court,  respecting  the  power 

*  Records  of  the  united  colonies, 
t  Records  of  the  united  colonies, 


CHAP.  X.  CONNECTICUT.  209 

of  the  commissioners  to  make  war,  and  the  reasons  of  their  BOOK  I. 
opinion,  should  be  communicated.     They  also  determined,  ^~*~v~*»^ 
that  their  messengers  should  humbly  pray,  that  war  might    1653. 
be  carried  on  against  the  Dutch,   according  to  the  deter- 
mination of  the  commissioners.     The  messengers  were  in- 
structed, t*  use  their  influence,  that  three  magistrates  might 
have  power  to  call  a  meeting  of  the  commissioners,   at 
Hartford  or  New-Haven,  to  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  war, 
as  occasion  might  require.     If  this  could  not  be  obtained 
they  were  to  desire  that  liberty  might  be  given  to  enlist 
volunteers,  in  the  Massachusetts,  for  the  defence  of  the 
colonies. 

Governor  Haynes  and  Mr.  Ludlow,  were  appointed  to  £onfer 
confer  with  governor  Eaton  and  his  council  on  the  sub- with  New 
ject.     The  court  at  New-Haven  were  no  less  clear  and  Haven- 
unanimous,  in  the  opinion  of  the  power  of  the  commission- 
ers to  declare  war  and  make  peace,  than  the  general  court 
at  Connecticut;  and  that  all  the  colonies  were  absolutely 
bound  by  their  determination.     Both  colonies  united  in 
sending  the  messengers,  and  in  the  purport  of  their  mes- 
sage.    But  nothing  more  could  be  obtained,  than  the  cal- 
ling of  another  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  at  Boston. 

They  met  on  the  1 1  th  of  September.     The  resolutions  Commis- 
of  the  general  courts  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  were  sioners 
produced,  expressing  their  entire  approbation  of  the  deter- 
mination  of  the  commissioners,  and  remonstrating  against 
the  declaration  of  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  and 
the  sense  which  they  had  put  on  the  articles  of  confedera- 
tion. 

The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  returned  an  answer 
to  this  effect ;  that  since  their  brethren  of  the  other  colo- 
nies had  apprehensions  different  from  theirs,  they  judged  it 
might  conduce  most  to  peace  to  wave  the  point  in  contro- 
versy. At  the  same  time,  they  intimated  they  had  no  oc- 
casion to  answer  them. 

The  commissioners  refused  to  accept  this  as  an  answer.  Reject  the 
They  insisted,  that  they  had  ample  powers,  from  all  the  answer  of 
other  colonies,  to  determine,  in  all  affair's  of  peace  and  ^  general 
war ;  and  that  this  was  consistent  with  the  grammatical,  jjassa- 
and  true  sense  of  the  articles  of  confederation.     They  in-  chusetts. 
sisted,  that  it  was  totally  inconsistent,  not  only  with  the  Alterca- 
articles  of  union,   but  with  the  welfare  of  the  colonies,  tions  be- 
that  they  should   be  at  so  much  expense  and  trouble,   to|ween 
meet  and  deliberate  on  the  general  interests  of  the  confed- 
erates, if  their  determinations  were  to  be  annulled  by  one 
rourt  and  another. 

The  general  ^ourt,  on  their  part,  insisted,  that  the  deter- 
B  2 


210  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  X. 

BOOK  I.  minalions  of  the  commissioners,  could  not  bind  them  to  a 
V^-V-N^  war  which  they  could  not  see  to  be  just ;  and  that  it  was 
1653.     inconsistent  with  the  liberties  of  the  colonies,  that  their  de- 
cisions should  compel  them  to  action. 

The  commissioners  replied,  that  no  power  could  bind 
men  to  do  that  which  was  absolutely  unlawful ;  but  that 
their  authority  was  as  absolute,  with  respect  to  war  and 
peace,  as  any  authority  could  be ;  and  that  it  was  their 
province  only  to  judge  of  the  justice  of  the  cause.  They 
maintained,  that  it  could  be  no  infringement  of  the  rights 
of  the  colonies,  to  be  bound  by  the  acts  of  their  own  agents, 
vested  with  plenary  powers  for  those  very  acts.  They  re- 
presented the  religious  and  solemn  manner  in  which  the 
confederation  was  made  ;  that,  by  its  express  words,  it  was 
a  perpetual  league  for  them  and  their  posterity,  in  which 
their  eight  commissioners,  or  any  six  of  them,  should  have 
full  power  to  determine  all  affairs  of  war  and  peace, 
leagues,  aids,  &c  :  That  every  article  had  been  examined, 
not  only  by  a  committee  of  the  four  general  courts,  but  by 
the  whole  court  of  Massachusetts,  at  the  time  when  it  was 
completed  :  That  many  prayers  were  addressed  to  heaven, 
for  its  accomplishment,  while  it  was  under  consideration  ; 
and  that  the  carrying  of  it  into  execution,  had  been  an  oc- 
*  casion  of  abundant  thanksgiving.  They  said,  that  after 
practising  upon  it  for  ten  years,  the  colonies  had  experi- 
enced the  most  salutary  effects,  to  the  great  and  general 
advantage  of  all  the  confederates.  In  these  views,  they 
insisted,  that  the  violation  of  it  would  be  matter  of  great 
sin  in  the  presence  of  GOD,  and  of  scandal  before  men. 
They  referred  it  to  the  serious  consideration  of  the  general 
court,  whether  they  would  notr  in  his  sight  who  knew  all 
hearts,  be  guilty  of  this  sin  and  scandal  ? 

The  general  court  earnestly  requested,  that  they  would 
drop  the  dispute,  and  enter  upon  business.  Their  com- 
missioners also  pressed  the  same.  But,  with  a  spirit  o£ 
magnanimity  and  firmness,  becoming  their  character,  they 
utterly  refused  ;  determining,  to  a  man,  after  drawing  a  re- 
monstrance against  the  Massachusetts,  to  return  to  their 
respective  colonies,  and  leave  the  event  with  the  supreme 
ruler. 

No  sooner  had  the  general  court  intelligence  of  what 
was  transacting,  than  they  dispatched  a  writing  to  the  com- 
missioners, apparently  retracting  all  which  they  had  before 
advanced  in  opposition  to  them.  It  was,  however,  expres- 
sed artfully  in  doubtful  language.  Upon  the  reception  of 
this,  they  proceeded  to  business. 

Emigrate,  ever  since  the  Pequot  war,   had  been  the- 


CHAP.  X.  CONNECTICUT.  21 1 

common  pest  of  the  colonies.     He  had  violated  all  his  BOOK  I. 
contracts  with  them  ;  had  fallen   on  the  Long-Island  In-  ^~v^ 
<Hans,  who  were  in  alliance  with  the  English,  and  slain    1653. 
many  of  them  ;  and  carried  others,  men,  women,  and  chil-  Conduct  of 
tlren,  into  captivity.     By  his  hostilities,  he  gave  alarm  and    ' 
trouble  to  the  English  plantations,  on  the  island,   in    the 
neighbourhood  of  the   Indians.      When  messengers  had 
been  sent  to  him,  demanding  that  he  would  return  the  cap- 
tives, and  desist  from  war,    he  absolutely  refused ;    and 
would  give  no  account  of  his  conduct.     He  had  now  spent 
the  winter  with  the  Dutch  governor,  in  concerting  mea- 
sures against  the  English  colonies  ;   and  had  been  beyond 
Hudson's  river,  spiriting  up  the  Indians  there,  as  well  as  in 
other  quarters,  to  a  general  rising  against  them.    The  com- 
missioners therefore  declared  war  against  him,  and  ap-  War  (1e.i 
pointed  the  number  of  men  and  officers  for  the  service,  dared  a- 
They  also  again  resolved  upon  war  against  the  Dutch,  gainst  him. 
All  the  commissioners  joined  in  these  resolutions,  except 
Mr.  Bradstreet.      But   they  were  to  no  purpose.      The 
general  court  refused  to  bear  any  part  in  the  war  against 
either. 

The  commissioners  protested  against  the  members  ofpr°testa- 
the  court  of  Massachusetts,  as  violators  of  the  confedera- 1^"^ 
tion.     They  pressed  it  as  an  indispensable  duty,  to  avenge  Jsetts. 
the  blood  of  innocents,  who  had  depended  on  them  for 
safety,  and  had  suffered  on  the  account  of  their  faithfulness 
to  the  colonies  ;   to  recover  their  wives  and  children  from 
captivity ;   to  protect  their  friends  from  the  insults  of  bar- 
barous and  bloody  men ;    and  to  vindicate  the  honor  of 
themselves,  and  of  the  nation.* 

The  Massachusetts  nevertheless  persisted  in  their  oppo-  Th         _ 
sition  to  the  commissioners,  and  would  bear  no  part  in  the  sist  in  theis 
war.     Their  desertion  of  their  confederates  was  matter  of  opposition 
great  injury  and  distress  to  them ;  especially  to  Connecti- to      - 

s  i  TVT         TT  mi  111-1  commis- 

cut  and  New-Haven.  They  were  not  only  obliged  to  put  sioners. 
up  with  all  former  insults  and  damages  from  the  Dutch ;  but 
after  they  had  been  at  great  expense  already,  in  fortifying 
and  guarding  against  the  Dutch  and  Indians,  and  had  been 
worn  down  with  anxiety  and  watching,  from  the  very  open- 
ing of  the  spring,  they  were  still  left  to  their  fears,  and 
obliged  to  combine  together  for  mutual  defence,  in  the  best 
manner  of  which  they  were  capable. 

Few  instances  occur  in  history,  of  so  flagrant  and  obsti- 
nate a  violation  of  a  covenant,  so  solemnly  made,  as  this  of 
the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  ;  especially,  of  a  cove- 

*  Records  of  the  united  colonies,  in  which  this  controversy  is  recorded 
*t large. 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  X. 


Meetings 
of  the  gen- 
eral courts 
of  Con- 
necticut 
and  New- 
Haven. 


They  ad- 
dress let- 
ters to 
Cromwell 
and  the 
parlia- 
ment. 


nant  made  between  Christians  of  the  same  nation,  and  all 
professed  brethren  of  the  same  faith.  What  interest  the 
Massachusetts  made  by  thus  favoring  the  Dutch,  is  not 
known  ;  but  surely  it  is  painful  to  relate  the  indelible  stain, 
which  the  legislature  of  so  ancient  and  respectable  a  colo- 
ny have  left,  by  this  conduct,  upon  their  honor,  as  men, 
and  upon  their  morals,  as  Christians. 

The  general  courts  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven 
were  convoked  soon  after  the  return  of  the  commissioners. 
That  at  New-Haven  convened  on  the  12th  of  October,  and 
the  court  at  Connecticut,  on  the  25th  of  November.  Both 
considered  the  court  of  Massachusetts  as  having  wilfully 
violated  the  articles  of  union.  The  general  court  at  New- 
Haven  expressly  resolved,  "  that  the  Massachusetts  had 
broken  their  covenant  with  them,  in  acting  directly  contra- 
ry to  the  articles  of  confederation." 

Both  colonies  therefore  determined  to  seek  redress  from 
the  commonwealth  of  England.  Captain  Astwood  was  ap- 
pointed agent  to  the  lord  protector  and  parliament,  to  rep- 
resent their  state,  and  to  solicit  ships  and  men  for  the  re- 
duction of  the  Dutch.  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  con- 
ferred together,  by  their  committees,  and  letters  were  sent, 
in  the  name  of  both  the  general  courts,  containing  a  com- 
plete statement  of  their  circumstances.  It  was  agreed, 
that  the  address  to  lord  Cromwell  should  be  concluded  in 
the  words  following  : 

"  That  unless  the  Dutch  be  either  removed,  or  so  far,  at 
least,  subjected,  that  the  colonies  may  be  free  from  injuri- 
ous affronts,  and  secured  against  the  dangers  and  mischiev- 
ous effects,  which  daily  grow  upon  them,  by  their  plotting 
with  the  Indians,  and  furnishing  them  with  arms  against 
the  English ;  and  that  the  league  and  confederation  be- 
tween the  four  united  English  colonies,  be  confirmed  and 
settled  according  to  the  true  sense,  and,  till  this  year,  the 
continued  interpretation  of  the  articles,  the  peace  and  com- 
fort of  these  smaller,  western  colonies,  will  be  much  haz- 
arded, and  more  and  more  impaired.  But  as  they  con- 
ceive it  their  duty,  thus  fully  to  represent  their  afflicted  con- 
dition to  your  excellency,  so  they  humbly  leave  them- 
selves, with  the  remedies,  to  your  consideration  and  wis- 
dom." 

As  governor  Hopkins  was  now  in  England,  he  was  de- 
sired to  give  all  assistance  in  his  power,  to  the  agent 
whom  they  had  agreed  to  send.  Connecticut  dispatched 
letters  to  the  parliament,  to  general  Monk,  and  Mr.  Hop- 
kins. 

\s  Stamford  was  a  frontier  town,  a  guard  of  men  was 


CHAP.  X.  CONNECTICUT.  21  a 

dispatched  for  its  defence.      Connecticut  and  New-Haven  BOOK  I. 
provided  a  frigate  of  ten  or  twelve  guns,  with  forty  men,  v^~v-^/ 
to  defend  the  coast  against  the  Dutch,  and  to  prevent  Nin-    1653. 
igrate  and  his  Indians  from  crossing  the  sound,  in  prose-  Provide  a 
cutionof  his  hostile  designs  against  the  Indians  in  alliance  f"Sat«for 

...  ,      .       j.  their  de- 

with  the  colonies.  fence. 

The  towns  bordering  upon  the  Dutch,  on  Long-Island, 
were  in  great  distress  and  alarm.  Captain  Underhill  sent 
to  his  friends  at  Rhode-Island,  for  assistance ;  and,  with 
such  Englishmen  as  he  could  obtain,  made  the  best  de- 
fence in  his  power.  However,  Hampstead  and  some  otB- 
er  towns  were  continually  harassed,  and  suffered  much 
damage  and  insult  from  the  Dutch. 

Indeed,  this  was  a  year  of  uncommon  alarm,  expense, 
and  distress  to  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  Early  in  the 
spring  they  were  filled  with  the  most  terrible  apprehen- 
sions of  a  sudden  and  general  massacre.  A  great  propor- 
tion of  time  was  employed,  by  the  magistrates  and  princi- 
pal men,  in  meetings  of  the  general  courts,  of  the  commis- 
sioners, of  committees  and  officers  to  consult  and  provide 
for  the  general  safety  ;  in  raising  men  and  making  prepa- 
rations for  war.  The  common  people,  at  the  same  time, 
were  called  offfrom  their  labors  and  worn  down  with  watch- 
ing and  guarding  by  night  and  day. 

The  Dutch,  at  New-Netherlands,  waited  only  for  a  rein-  Expecta- 
forcement  from  Holland  to  attack  and  reduce  the  English  tions  of  a- 
colonies.     Of  this,  both  they  and  the  English  were  in  con-  Dutch 
slant  expectation.-     It  was  reported,  and  feared,  that  when  eet' 
the  signals  should  be  given  from  the  Dutch  ships,  the  In- 
dians would  rise,  fire  the  English  buildings,  and  begin  their 
work  of  destruction. 

Providence,    however,  combined  a  number  of  circum-  Circum- 
stances for  the  preservation  of  the  exposed  colonies.     The  stances 
defeat  of  the  Dutch  fleet  by  the  English,  and  the   spoil  g^jjj5 
which  they  made  upon  their  trade,  prevented  the  arrival  ofnjes. 
the    expected   reinforcements ;  the  Indians   could  not  be 
united;  many  of  the  sachems  said,  the  English  had  done 
them  no  injury,  and  they  would  not  fight  them.     The  ear- 
ly intelligence,  received   by    the  colonies,   of  the  plans 
which  they  and  the  Dutch  were  concerting,  and  the  con- 
stant watch  and  guard   which  the  plantations  maintained 
disconcerted  them.     By  these  means,  a  general  attack  up- 
on them  was  prevented. 

Another  mischief  however  arose.     Some  of  the  towns,  Plst,ur" , 
and  many  of  the  people,  in  the  colonies  of  Connecticut  and  Stamford 
New-Haven,  were  so   dissatisfied  that   the  war  was  not  and  Fair- 
*  Records  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  ^eld- 


214  HISTORY  OF  GHAP.  X*. 

BOOK  I.  prosecuted  against  the  Dutch,  according  to  the  resolution 
<—^v>^/  of  the  commissioners,  that  they  were  with  great  difficulty 
1653.  restrained  from  open  mutiny  and  rebellion.  They  imag- 
ined, that  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  were  sufficient  to 
subdue  the  Dutch,  and  ought  to  have  undertaken  an  expe- 
dition against  them. 

Stamford  and  Fairfield,  in  particular,  became  very  dis- 
orderly. The  former  complained,  that  the  government 
was  bad,  and  the  charges  unreasonable ;  and  that  they 
•were  neglected,  and  deprived  of  their  just  privileges. 
They  pretended  to  set  up  for  the  government  of  England, 
for  their  liberties,  as  they  called  them,  in  opposition  to  the 
government  of  the  colony.  They  sent  to  the  general  court 
at  New-Haven  desiring  them  to  prosecute  the  war  against 
the  Dutch  ;  resolved  to  raise  a  number  of  men  among  them- 
selves ;  and  prayed  for  permission  to  enlist  volunteers  in 
the  several  towns. 

The  town  of  Fairfield  held  a  meeting  on  the  subject,  and 
determined  to  prosecute  the  war.  They  appointed  Mr. 
Ludlow  commander  in  chief.  He  was  in  the  centre  of  the 
evidence  against  the  Dutch  ;  had  been  one  of  the  commis- 
sioners, at  the  several  meetings  relative  to  the  affair ;  had 
been  zealous  and  active  for  the  war ;  and  conceiving  him- 
self and  the  town  in  imminent  danger,  unless  the  Dutch 
could  be  removed  from  the  neighbourhood,  too  hastily  ac- 
cepted of  the  appointment.  Robert  Basset  and  John 
Chapman  were  the  heads  of  this  party.  They  attempted 
to  foment  insurrections,  and,  without  any  instructions  from 
authority,  to  raise  volunteers,  for  an  expedition  against 
the  Netherlands. 

The  general  court,  at  New-Haven,  judged  that  the  sea- 
son was  too  far  advanced  to  undertake  the  enterprise. 
They  nevertheless  determined  to  consult  Connecticut,  and 
to  proceed  or  not,  as  the  council  there  should  judge  most 
expedient. 

It  was  now  the  latter  part  of  November,  and  it  was  the 
general  opinion,  that  ships  and  men  could  not  be  seasona- 
bly provided. 

Deputy  governor  Goodyear  and  Mr.  Newman  were  dis- 
patched to  Stamford  to  compose  the  minds  of  the  people. 
They  called  a  meeting  of  the  town,  and  labored  to  quiet 
them  ;  buf  could  make  no  considerable  impressions  upon 
them,  until  they  read  an  order  of  the  committee  of  parlia- 
ment, requiring,  that  the  plantations  should  be  in  subjec- 
tion to  the  authority  of  their  respective  jurisdictions.  This, 
appeared  to  have  some  good  effect.  But  as  the  inhabi- 
tants had  been  at  great  expense,  not  only  in  watching  and 


XL  CONNECTICUT.  215 

guarding  the  town,  but  in  erecting  fortifications  about  the  BOOK  I. 
meeting  house,  they  insisted,  that  the  colony  should  bear  a  v_x-vx^ 
part  of  the  expense,  and  provide  a  guard  during  the  win-    1654. 
ter. 

The  public  burthens  this  year  were  great.  The  expen- 
ses of  the  colony  of  New-Haven  were  about  400  pounds. 
The  court  made  some  abatements  in  favour  of  Stamford  ; 
but  Basset  and  Chapman  were  punished  for  attempting  to 
make  an  insurrection  in  the  colony,  and  others  were  boundj 
in  large  bonds,  to  their  good  behaviour.* 


CHAPTER  XI. 

The  death  and  character  of  Governor  Haynes.  The  freemen 
of  Connecticut  meet,  and  appoint  a  moderator.  Mr.  Lud- 
low  removes  to  Virginia.  The  spirited  conduct  of  the  peo- 
ple at  Milford,  in  recovering  Manning*  s  vessel.  The  free- 
men add  to  the  fundamental  articles.  Fleet  arrives  at 
Boston  for  the  reduction  of  the  Dutch.  The  colonies  agree 
to  raise  men  to  assist  the  armament  from  England.  Peace 
prevents  the  expedition.  The  general  court  at  New-Haven, 
charge  the  Massachusetts  with  a  breach  of  the  confedera- 
tion. They  refuse  to  join  in  a  war  against  Ninigrate,  and 
oblige  Connecticut  and  New- Haven  to  provide  for  the  de-< 
fence  of  themselves  and  their  allies.  Ninigrate  continuing 
his  hostile  measures,  the  commissioners  send  messengers  to 
him.  His  answer  to  them.  They  declare  war,  and  send 
an  army  against  him.  The  art  of  Massachusetts,  and  the 
deceit  of  Major  Willard,  defeat  the  designed  expedition. 
The  number  of  rateable  polls,  and  the  amount  of  the  list 
of  Connecticut.  The  Pequots  are  taken  under  their  pro- 
tection* Ninigrate  persisting  in  his  hostilities  against  the 
Indians  upon  Long-Island,  the  general  court  adopt  mea~ 
sures  for  the  defence  of  the  Indians  and  the  English  in- 
habitants there.  New-Haven  perfect  and  print  their  laws. 
The  answer  of  New-Haven  to  the  protectors  invitation, 
that  they  would  remove  to  Jamaica.  Reply  of  the  com- 
missioners to  the  Dutch  governor.  Uncas  embroils  the 
eountry.  Deaths  and  characters  of  Governors  Eaton  and 
Hopkins.  Settlement  of  Stonington.  Mr.  Winthrop  cho- 

*  Records  of  New-Haven.  The  general  court  of  Connecticut,  at  their 
session  in  November,  ordered  that  20  pounds  should  be  paid  to  the  support 
of  a  fellowship  in.  Cambridge  College. 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XT. 


BOOK  I. 


1654. 


Death  of 
Governor 
Haynes. 


His  char- 
acter. 


sen,  governor.  The  third  fundamental  article  is  altered 
by  the  freemen.  Mr.  Fitch,  and  his  church  and  people, 
remove  to  Norwich.  Final  settlement  of  accounts  with  the 
heirs  of  Mr.  Fenwick.  Deputy  governor  Mason  resigns 
the  Moheagan  lands  to  the  colony. 


this 


the 


THE  colony  sustained  a  great  loss  this  year,  in 
death  of  Governor  Haynes.  He  had  been  a  father 
to  it  from  the  beginning;  employed  his  estate,  counsels, 
and  labours,  for  its  emolument,  and  bore  a  large  share  in 
its  hardships  and  dangers.  He  was  a  gentleman  from  the 
county  of  Essex,  in  England,  where  he  had  an  elegant  seat, 
called  Copford  Hall,  worth  a  thousand  pounds  sterling  a 
year.  He  came  into  New-England  with  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Hooker,  in  1632,  and  settled  with  him,  first  at  Cambridge, 
in  Massachusetts.  His  distinguished  abilities,  prudence, 
and  piety,  so  recommended  him  to  the  people,  that,  in 
1635,  he  was  chosen  governor  of  Massachusetts.  He  was 
not  considered,  in  any  respect,  inferior  to  Governor  Win- 
throp.  His  growing  popularity,  and  the  fame  of  Mr.  Hook- 
er, who,  as  to  strength  of  genius,  and  his  lively  and  pow- 
erful manner  of  preaching,  rivalled  Mr.  Cotton,  were  sup- 
posed to  have  had  no  small  influence  upon  the  general 
court,  in  their  granting  liberty  to  Mr.  Hooker  and  his  com- 
pany to  remove  to  Connecticut.  There,  it  was  judged, 
they  would  not  so  much  eclipse  the  fame,  nor  stand  in  the 
way  of  the  promotion  and  honour  of  themselves  or  their 
friends.  Upon  his  removal  to  Connecticut,  he  was  chosen 
governor  of  this  colony.  He  appealed  to  be  a  gentleman 
of  eminent  piety,  strict  morals,  and  sound  judgment.  Hu 
paid  attention  to  family  government,  instruction,  and  re- 
ligion. His  great  integrity,  and  wise  management  of  all 
affairs,  in  private  and  public,  so  raised  and  fixed  his  char- 
acter, in  the  esteem  of  the  people,  that  they  always,  when 
the  constitution  would  permit,  placed  him  in  the  chief  seat 
of.government,  and  continued  him  in  it  until  his  death.* 

*  The  governor,  by  two  wives,  had  eight  children;  five  sons  and  three 
daughters.  By  his  first,  he  had  Robert,  Hezekiah,  John,  Roger,  and  Ma- 
ry ;  and  by  his  second,  Joseph,  Ruth,  and  Mabel.  When  he  came  into 
New-England,  he  left  his  sons,  Robert  and  Hezekiah,  and  his  daughter 
Mary,  at  Copford  flail.  Upon  the  commencement  of  the  civil  wars  in 
England,  Robert  espoused  the  royal  cause ;  but  Hezekiah,  declaring  for 
the  parliament,  was,  afterwards,  promoted  to  the  rank  of  major-general, 
under  Cromwell.  Upon  the  ruin  of  the  king's  affairs,  Robert  was  put  un- 
der confinement,  and  died  without  issue.  Hezekiah  enjoyed  Copford  Hall, 
under  his  father,  until  his  decease.  He  then  possessed  it  as  a  paternal  in- 
heritance, and  it  descended  to  his  heirs.  John  and  Roger,  who  came  into 
this  country  with  their  father,  some  time  before  his  death  returned  to  Eng- 
land. Roger  died  on  his  passage,  or  soon  after  his  arrival.  John  settled 
irt  the  ministry,  at  or  near  Colchester,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  in  England, 


.  XI.  C6NNECTICUT; 

Mr.  Hopkins  was  in  England,  and  the  colony  had  neither  BOOK  I. 
governor  nor  deputy  governor  present,  to  act  in  its  behalf,  ^*^s^.s 
The  freemen,  therefore,  in  February,  convened  at  Hartford,    1654. 
and  elected  Mr.  Thomas  Wells  moderator  of  the  general  Feb.  16th. 
court,  until  a  governor  should  be  chosen. 

About  this  time,   there  happened  a  great  controversy  Controvert 
between  Uncas  and  the  inhabitants  of  New-London,  rela-  8V  witb- 
live  to  their  respective  limits.     It  seems  that  the  inhabit-    ncas 
ants  carried  the  dispute  so  far,  as  to  rise  and  take  posses- 
sion of  his  forts  and  many  of  his  wigwams.     The  assembly 
interposed,  and  gave  orders,  that  the  Indians  should  not  be 
injured,  and  that  the  people  should  be  accountable  for  all 
damages  which  they  had  done  them.     A  committee  was  March  1st. 
appointed  to  fix  the  boundaries  between  New-London  and 
Uncas,  and  to  compose  all  differences  between  the  parties. 

Nearly  at  the  same  time,  the  colony  received  an  order  order  of 
from  the  parliament,  requiring  that  the  Dutch  should  be  parlia- 
treated,   in  all  respects,  as   the  declared  enemies  of  the  ment- 
commonwealth  of  England.     In  conformity  to  this  order,  Sequestra- 
the  general  court  was  convened,  and  an  act  passed  seques-  tion  of  the 
tering  the  Dutch  house,  lands,  and   property  of  all  kinds,  Dutch 
at  Hartford,  for  the  benefit  of  the  commonwealth  ;  and  the  Hartford, 
court,  also,  prohibited  all  persons  whatsoever  from  impro-  April  6th. 
ving  the  premises,  by  virtue  of  any  former  claim,  or  title, 
had,  made,  or  given,  by  any  of  the  Dutch  nation,  or  any 
other  person,  without  their  approbation. 

In  the  proclamation  for  a  general  fast,  this  spring,  the 
great  breach  made  in  the  colony,  by  the  death  of  the  gov- 
ernor ;  the  alienation  of  the  colonies,  on  account  of  the 
violation  of  the  articles  of  confederation  ;  the  spreading  of 
erroneous  opinions  .in  the  churches;  the  mortality  which 
had  been  among  the  people  of  Massachusetts ;  and  the  ca- 
lamitous state  of  the  English  nation ;  were  particularized 
as  matters  of  humiliation. 

The  colony  was,  this  year,  deprived  of  Mr.  Ludlow,  Mr.  Lud- 
one  of  its  chief  magistrates.     He  was  one  of  the  most  zeal- low  leaves 
ous  for  prosecuting  the  war  against  the  Dutch,  and  no  man  t"600101^- 
was  more  displeased,  that  the  colonies  did  not  follow  the 
determinations  of  the  commissioners.     He  might  appre-  Reasons  of 
hend  himself  to  be  particularly  in  danger  at  Fail-field.    Be-  it- 
sides,  he  had  taken  a  very  hasty  and  unadvised  step,  in. 

where  he  left  issue.  Joseph  was  ordained  pastor  of  the  first  church  in 
Hartford.  Mary  married  Mr.  Joseph  Cook,  in  England ;  Ruth,  Mr.  Sam- 
uel Wyllys,  of  Hartford ;  and  Mabel,  Mr.  James  Russell,  of  Charlestown, 
in  Massachusetts;  and  all  had  issue.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Haynes,  of  Hartford, 
had  one  son,  John,  a  gentleman  of  reputation,  for  some  years  one  of  the 
magistrates  of  the  colony.  He  had  sons,  but  they  died  without  issue,  and 
the  name  became  extinct  in  this  country. 
C2 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP*  XL 


C'aptain 
Manning 
appre- 
hended. 


Court  of 
election,  . 
May  18th. 


accepting  the  command  of  men  to  go  against  the  Dutch, 
without  any  legal  appointment.  He  had,  doubtless,  ap- 
prehensions of  trouble  on  that  account,  or,  at  least,  that 
the  freemen  would  neglect  him.  For  some,  or  all  of  these 
reasons,  about  this  time,  he  removed  with  his  family  to- 
V  irginia.*  lie  was  clerk  of  the  town  of  Fairfield,  and  car- 
ried off  their  records,  and  other  public  writings.  He  came 
from  the  \vest  of  England,  with  Mr.  Warham  and  his  com- 
pany. In  1630,  he  was  chosen  into  the  magistracy  of  the 
Massachusetts  company;  and  in  1634,  deputy  governor  of 
that  colony.  He  was  twice  elected  deputy  governor  of 
Connecticut,  and  was  every  year  magistrate  or  deputy 
governor,  from  his  first  coming  into  the  colony,  in  1635, 
until  the  time  of  his  departure.  He  appears  to  have  been 
distinguished  for  his  abilities,  especially  his  knowledge  of 
the  law,  and  the  rights  of  mankind.  He  rendered  most 
essential  services  to  this  commonwealth ;  was  a  principal 
in  forming  its  original  civil  constitution,  and  the  compiler 
of  the  first  Connecticut  cocJe,  printed  at  Cambridge,  in 
1672.  For  jurisprudence,  he  appears  to  have  been  second 
to  none  who  came  into  New-England  at  that  time.  Had 
he  possessed  a  happier  temper,  he  would,  probably,  have 
been  the  idol  of  the  people,  and  shared  in  ail  the  honours 
which  they  could  have  given  him. 

Nearly  at  the  same  time,  an  affair  happened,  in  which 
the  people  of  Milford  exhibited  a  noble  spirit  of  zeal  and 
enterprise.  One  captain  Manning,  master  of  a  ten  gun 
ship,  had  been  apprehended  for  an  unlawful  trade  with  the 
Dutch,  at  the  Manhadoes.  While  the  affair  was  upon  trial 
before  the  court  a(  New-Haven,  his  men  ran  off  with  thr: 
ship  from  Milford  harbour.  The  people  completely  arm- 
ed and  manned  a  vessel,  with  so  much  dispatch,1  that  they 
pressed  hard  upon  the  ship  before  she  could  reach  the 
Dutch  island.  The  men.  perceiving  they  must  be  taken, 
unless  they  immediately  abandoned  the  ship,  made  their 
escape  in  their  boat.  The  ship,  thus  left  adrift,  was  re- 
covered, and  brought  into  Milford  harbour,  and,  with  all 
her  good*,  condemned  as  a  lawful  prize. 

At  the  general  election,  Mr.  Hopkins,  though  in  Eng- 
land, was  chosen  governor.  Mr.  Wells  was  appointed 
deputy  governor.  Mr.  Webster,  Mr.  Mason,  Mr.  Win- 
throp,  Mr.  Cullick,  Mr.  Wolcott,  Mr.  Clark,  Mr.  Wyllys, 
son  of  George  Wyllys,  and  Mr.  John  Talcott,  were  elected 
magistrates.  Mr.  Cullick  was  secretary,  and  Mr.  Talcott 
treasurer. 

*  By  (lie  records  of  New-Haven,  it  appears,  that  he  was  shipping  hi* 
and  effects  on  the  26th  of  April. 


CHAP.  XI,  CONNECTICUT.  2W 

At  this  court,  the  freemen  passed  the  following  resolu-  BOOK  I. 
tion,  as  an  addition  to  the  fundamentals  .of  their  constitu-  v^^^s*/ 
tion  :  —  "  That  the  major  part  of  the  magistrates,  in  the  ab-     1G54. 
sence  of  the  governor  and  deputy  governor,   shall  have  Addition 
power  to  call  a  general  court  ;  and  that  any  general  court,  *°       f"a~ 


being  legally  called  and  met,  the  major  part  of  the  magis-  articieg. 
Irates  and  deputies  then  met,  in  the  absence  of  the  gover- 
nor and  deputy  governor,  shall  have  power  to  choose  un- 
to, and  from  among  themselves,  a  moderator,  which  being 
done,  they  shall  be  deemed  as  legal  a  general  court,  as  if 
the  governor,  or  deputy  governor  were  present." 

At  the  election  in  New-Haven,   the  only  alteration 
public  officers,  was  the  addition  of  Mr.  Samuel  Eaton, 
New-Haven,  to  the  magistrates,  and  the  choice  of  Mr.  Ben-  Haven. 
jamin  Fenn,  in  the  room  of  captain  John  Aslwood. 

About  the  same  time,  in  answer  to  the  petitions  of  Con- 
necticut and  New-Haven,  major  Sedgwick  and  captain 
Leveret  arrived  at  Boston,  with  a  fleet  of  three  or  four 
ships,  and  a  small  number  of  land  forces,  sent  by  Oliver  • 
Cromwell,  lord  protector,  for  the  reduction  of  the  Dutch. 
On  the  8th  of  June,  governor  Eaton  received  a  letter  from 
his  highness,.  certifying,  that  he  had  sent  ships  and  ammu- 
nition for  the  assistance  of  the  colonies.  With  this  came 
a  letter  from  major  Sedgwick  and  captain  Leveret,  request- 
ing, that  commissioners  might  be  sent  immediately  from 
each  of  the  governments,  to  consult  with  them  on  the  ob- 
jects of  the  designed  expedition,  Mr.  William  Leet 
and  Mr.  Jordan  were  appointed  commissioners  for  June  9th- 
New-Haven.  They  were  authorised  to  engage,  in  behalf 
of  that  jurisdiction,  to  furnish  all  the  men  and  provisions 
which  it  could  spare.  An  embargo  was  laid  on  all  pro- 
visions, and  every  measure  adopted,  that  the  utmost  assist- 
ance might  be  given,  in  the  enterprise.  Such  was  the  zeal 
of  the  general  court,  that  they  instructed  their  commission- 
ers to  engage  the  assistance  of  that  colony,  though  no 
other,  except  Connecticut,  should  join  with  them. 

On  the  13th  of  June,    the  general  court  of  Connecticut  June  13tli, 
convened,  at  Hartford,  and  appointed  major  John  Mason 
and  Mr.  Cullick  commissioners.     They  were  directed  to 
proceed  with  the  utmost  dispatch  to  Boston  ;  and,  in  be- 
half of  Connecticut,  to  engage  any  number  of  men,  not  ex 
ceeding  two  hundred,  but  rather  than  the  expedition  should 
fail,  four  or  five  hundred. 

The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  was  convoked  on 
the  9th  of  June,  but  did  not  agree  to  raise  any  men  them- 
selves. They  granted  liberty,  nevertheless,  for  major 
Sedgwick  and  captain  Leveret  lo  raise  five  hundred  vpl- 


220  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XI. 

BOOK  I.  unteers.     The  commissioners  finally  agreed  upon  800  men, 
^^~v~w  as  sufficient  for  the  enterprise.     The  ships  were  to  furnish 
1654.    two  hundred  soldiers  ;  three  hundred    volunteers  were  to 
be  raised  in  Massachusetts  ;  two  hundred  men  were  to  be 
sent  from   Connecticut;  and  a  hundred  and    thirty  three 
from  New-Haven.     But  while  preparations  were  making 
with  vigor  and  dispatch,  the  news  of  peace,  between  Eng- 
land and  Holland,  prevented  all  further  proceedings  rela- 
tive to  the  affair. 

The  total  defeat  of  the  Dutch  fleet,  the  loss  of  admiral 
Tromp  and  a  great  number  of  their  merchantmen,  made 
the  Dutch  in  earnest  for  peace  5  and  it  was  expeditiously 
concluded,  on  the  5th  of  April.  The  nevys  of  it  arrived  in 
America,  almost  as  soon  as  the  fleet.  The  commander  in 
chief  therefore  employed  his  forces,  with  the  Massachu- 
setts volunteers,  in  dispossessing  the  French  from  Penob- 
scot,  St.  John's,  and  the  adjacent  coast.  This  was  doubt- 
less one  object  of  the,  expedition,  and  not  undertaken  with- 
out orders  from  the  protector. 

'Xransae-  '  It  was  not  expected,  that  there  would  have  been  any 
irons.  rj*7  meeting  of  the  commissioners  this  year.  Massachusetts 
confede-  *  had  violated  the  articles  of  union,  and  the  colonies  had  pro- 
tested  against  them,  as  breakers  of  the  most  solemn  con-t 
federation.  The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  had  also 
represented,  to  the  other  colonies,  that  the  articles  needed 
explanation  and  emendation,  that  they  might  be  consistent 
with  the  rights  of  the  several  general  courts.  Indeed,  it 
had  proposed  a  meeting  of  the  commissioners  for  that  pur- 
pose. The  other  colonies  viewed  the  articles  as  perfectly 
intelligible,  and  consistent  with  the  rights  of  the  confede- 
rates. They  therefore  rejected  the  motion.  The  general 
court  of  New-Haven  had  voted,  that  there  was  no  occasion 
for  appointing  commissioners  that  year. 

But  on  the  5th  of  July,  governor  Eaton  received  a  let- 
ter from  the  general  court  of  the  Massachusetss,  waving  an 
answer  to  the  letter  jointly  written  from  the  general  courts 
of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  and  lamely  excusing  their 
non-compliance  with  the  resolution  of  the  commissioners, 
on  the  account  of  their  not  being  able  to  apprehend  the  jus- 
tice of  the  war  with  the  Dutch  and  Ninigrate.  They 
complained  of  the  other  colonies,  for  treating  them  as  vio- 
lators of  the  confederacy.  They  professed  themselves  to 
be  passionately  desirous  of  its  continuance,  according  to 
the  genuine  construction  of  the  articles.  They  gave  in- 
formation, that  they  had  chosen  commissioners,  and  had 
fletermined  to  empower  them  as  had  been  usual. 

The  general  court,  at  New-Haven,  replied,  that  they  anJ, 


CHAP.  XI.  CONNECTICUT.  221 

the  other  colonies  had  justly  charged  them  with  a  violation  BOOK  I, 
of  their  covenant^  and  urged,  that,  according  to  their  own  v^-v*^/ 
interpretation  of  the  articles,  they  stood  responsible  to  them  1654, 
for  the  infraction  ;  and  that,  according  to  the  eleventh  ar- 
ticle of  the  confederation,  they  were  to  be  treated  by  them 
according  to  the  magnitude  of  their  fault.  They  observ- 
ed, that  her  sister  colonies  had  not  only  condemned  thei? 
conduct,  but  had  sent  messengers  and  taken  proper  pains 
to  inform  them,  and  adjust  the  difference  between  them  j 
but  that  they  had  treated  them  in  a  very  disagreeable  man- 
ner, and  their  endeavours  had  been  to  no  good  purpose. 
They  declared,  nevertheless,  that,  if  the  combination  might 
be  again  firmly  settled,  according  to  the  original  intention, 
and  grammatical  sense  of  the  articles,  they  would,  without 
further  satisfaction,  forgetting  what  was  past,  cheerfully  re- 
new their  covenant,  and  send  their  commissioners  to  meet, 
at  any  time  and  place,  for  that  end.  This  was  subscribed 
by  the  secretary,  and  sent  to  Hartford,  to  be  subscribed  by 
the  general  court  of  Connecticut ;  and  to  be  transmitted, 
in  the  name  of  each  of  the  colonies,  to  the  Massachusetts. 
This,  it  seems,  was  harmoniously  done. 

As  the  general  court  of  the  Massachusetts  would  not  join  Ninisrate 
with  her  confederates,  against  Ninigrate,  he  prosecuted  the  continues 
war  against  the  Long-Island  Indians,  and  it  was  supposed,  1C  ie' 
that  his  design  was  to  destroy,  both  those  Indians  and  the 
Moheagans.    For  this  purpose  he  had  hired  the  Mohawks, 
Pocomtocks,  and  Wamparioags,  afterwards  called  Philip's 
Indians,  to  assist  him.     By  a  collection  of  such  numbers  of 
Indians,  from  the  westward,  northward,  and  eastward,  the 
general  peace  of  the  country  would  have  been  greatly  en- 
dangered, and  the  Long-Island  Indians,  who  had  put  them- 
selves under  the  protection  of  the  English,  exposed  to  a  to- 
tal extirpation.     They  had  been  obliged,  not  only  to  fortify 
themselves,  and  to  use  every  precaution  for  their  own  de- 
fence, but  to  suffer  the  loss  of  many  of  their  people,  who 
had  been  already  either  slain  or  captivated. 

The  deputy  governor,  and  council,  of  Connecticut,  judg-  Connecti, 
ed  it  an  affair  of  such  importance,  to  defend  their  allies,  cut  and 
and  provide  for  their  own  safety,  that  they  determined  to  New"H^~ 

]•  i  '        •        n/r  -i  •  •          J    -.  ven  send 

dispatch  major  Mason,  with  ammunition,  and  a  number  of  aid  to 
men,  to  the   assistance  of  the  Indians  upon  the  Island.  Montau- 
The  deputy  governor  and  Mr.  Clark  acquainted  governor  jf-etn[n~ 
Eaton  with  their  views  and  determination,  and  desired  that 
the  colony  of  New-Haven  would  send  lieutenant  Seely, 
with  a  detachment  of  men,  and  with  supplies  of  ammuni- 
tion, to  second  their  design.      The  court  of  New-Haven 
Complied  with  the  desire  of  Connecticut.     Lieutenant  Sec- 


222 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP,  XI. 


Commis- 
sioners 
meet,  Sep- 
tember 7. 


Send  mes- 
sengers to 
Ninigrate. 


His  an- 
swer. 


ly  had  orders  to  join  major  Mason  at  Saybrook.  They 
were  instructed  to  acquaint  the  Montauket  Indians,  that 
the  colonies  made  them  that  present  of  ammunition,  wholly 
for  their  own  defence,  and  not  to  enable  them  to  injure 
Ninigrate,  or  any  other  Indians,  unless  they  should  make 
an  attack  upon  them  :  and  that,  while  they  continued  faith- 
ful to  the  English,  they  would  be  their  friends.  It  was  or- 
dered that,  if  Ninigrate  should  invade  the  Long-Island  In- 
dians, the  English  officers  should  use  their  endeavours  to 
persuade  them  to  peace,  and  to  refer  their  differences  to 
the  decision  of  the  commissioners.  But  if  he  would  fight, 
they  were  commanded  to  defend  themselves,  and  the  In- 
dians in  alliance  with  the  colonies,  in  the  best  manner  they 
could.* 

In  September,  the  commissioners  convened  at  Hartford. 
They  consisted  of  the  following  gentlemen,  Mr.  Simon 
Bradstreet,  Major  Denison,  Mr.  Thomas  Prince,  Mr.  John 
Brown,  major  Mason,  Mr.  John  Webster,  governor  Eaton, 
and  Mr.  Francis  Newman.  Governor  Eaton  was  chosen 
president.  They  immediately  dispatched  messengers  to 
Ninigrate,  demanding  his  appearance  at  Hartford,  and  the 
payment  of  the  tribute  so  long  due  for  the  Pequots  under 
him.  On  the  18th,  Mr.  Jonathan  Gilbert  returned,  and 
made  a  report  of  Ninigrate's  answer,  in  the  words  follow- 
ing: 

.  "  Concerning  the  Long-Island  Indians,  he  answered, 
wherefore  should  he  acquaint  the  commissioners,  as  the 
Long-Island  Indians  began  with  him,  and  had  slain  a  sa- 
chem's son,  and  sixty  of  his  men ;  and  therefore  he  will 
not  make  peace  with  the  Long-Islanders  ;  but  doth  desire 
that  the  English  will  let  him  alone ;  and  that  the  commis- 
sioners would  not  request  him  to  go  to  Hartford  ;  for  ho 
hath  done  no  hurt.  What  should  he  do  there  ?  If  our  gov- 
ernor's son  were  slain,  and  several  other  men,  would  you 
ask  counsel  of  another  nation,  how  and  when  to  right  your- 
selves ?  And  added,  that  he  would  neither  go  nor  send  to 
Hartford.  Concerning  the  upland  Indians,!  his  ansxver 
was,  that  they  were  his  friends,  and  came  to  help  him 
against  the  Long-Islanders,  who  had  killed  several  of  his 
men.  Wherefore  should  he  acquaint  the  commissioners  of 
it  ?  He  did  but  right  his  own  quarrel,  which  the  Long-Isl- 
anders began  with  him."  With  respect  to  the  tribute  due 
for  the  Pequots,  though  he  had  never  paid  it,  yet  he  pre- 
tended there  was  none  due. 

The  commissioners,  considering  his  perfidious  conduct, 

*  Jlecords  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven. 

tThus  he  called  the  Pocomtock=  and  \Vampanoags. 


CH\P.  XI.  CONNECTICUT.  223 

the  last  year,  his  present  answer,  and  that  lenity  and  for-  BOOK  I. 
bearance  had  been  an  encouragement  of  his  insolence  and  ^*~^**s 
barbarity,  ordered  forty  horsemen,    and  two  hundred  and     1654. 
seventy  infantry  to  be  raised,  to  chastise  his  haughtiness.  Commis- 
The  Massachusetts  were  to  raise  the  forty  horsemen,  and  "onej"  de~ 
a  hundred  and  fifty-three  footmen  ;  Connecticut  forty-five,  upon  war 
and  New-Haven   thirty-one.      Orders  were   given,    that  with  Nini- 
twenty  horse,  from  Massachusetts,  twenty-four  men  from  arate- 
Connecticut,  and  sixteen  from  New-Haven,  should  be  im- 
mediately dispatched  into  the  Nehantick  country.     The 
commissioners  nominated  major  Gibbons,  major  Denison, 
or  captain  Atherton,  to  the  chief  command  ;  leaving  it,  in 
complaisance,  to  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  to  ap- 
point which  of  the  three  should  be  most  agreeable  to  them. 
But  rejecting  these,  who  were  men  of  known  spirit  and 
enterprise,  they  appointed  major  Willard.     The  commis- 
sioners instructed  him  to  proceed  with  such  troops,  as  Massa- 
should  be  found  at  the  place  of  general  rendezvous,  by  the  chusetts 
13th  of  October,  directly  to  Ninigrate's  quarters,  and  de- ^JjJJJJ0* 
mand  of  him  the  Pequots,  who  had  been  put  under  him,  defeat 
and  the  tribute  which  was  due.     If  Ninigrate  should  not  their  de- 
deliver  them,  and  pay  the  tribute,  he  was  required  to  take  s'Sn- 
them  by  force.     He  was  instructed  to  demand  of  Ninigrate, 
a  cessation  from  all  further  hostilities  against  the  Long-Isl- 
anders.    If  he  would  not  comply  with  these  demands,  he 
had  express  orders  to  subdue  him.     If  a  greater  number 
of  men  should  be  found  necessary,  his  instructions  were 
to  send  for  such  a  number,  as  he  should  judge  sufficient  to 
carry  the  expedition  into  effect.     The  place  of  rendezvous 
was  at  Thomas  Stanton's,   in  the  Narraganset  country. 
When  he  arrived  at  the  place  appointed,  he  found  that  Ni- 
jiigrate  had  fled  into  a  swamp,  at  fourteen  or  fifteen  miles 
distance  from  the  army.     He  had  left  his  country,   corn, 
and  wigwams,  without  defence,  and  they  might  have  been 
laid  waste,  without  loss  or  danger.     Nevertheless,  he  re- 
turned, without  ever  advancing  from  his  head  quarters,  or 
doing  the  enemy  the  least  damage. 

About  a  hundred  Pequots  took  this  opportunity  to  re- 
nounce the  government  of  Ninigrate,  and  come  off  with 
the  army.  They  put  themselves  under  the  protection  and 
•government  of  the  English. 

The  commander  pleaded,  in  excuse,  that  his  instructions  commjs, 
were  equivocal,  and  the  season  for  marching  unfavorable,  sioners  A*. 
The  commissioners,  however,   were  entirely   unsatisfied,  satisfied. 
They  observed  to  him,  u  That,  while  the  army  was  in  the 
Narraganset  country,  Ninigrate  had  his  mouth  in  the  dust ; 
and  that  he  would  have  submitted  to  any  reasonable  terms. 


224  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XL 

BOOK  1.  which  might  have  been  imposed  upon  him."  They  char- 
v»x-s^-x^  ged  the  major  with  neglecting  an  opportunity  of  humbling 
1655.  his  pride;  and  they  referred  it  to  his  consideration,  what 
Charge  satisfaction  ought  to  be  expected  from  him,  and  those  of 
major  Wii-  jjjs  councj|i  vvno  advised  and  joined  with  him  in  his  mea- 

lard  with  *  J 

neglect  of   Slires.* 

duty.  Governor  Hutchinson  has  observed,  that  major  "VVillard 

was  a  Massachusetts  man,  and  although  that  colony  had  so 
far  complied  with  the  rest,  as  to  join  in  sending  oat  the  for- 
ces, yet  they  were  still  desirous  of  avoiding  an  open  war. 
This  was  the  second  time  of  their  preventing  a  general  war, 
contrary  to  the  minds  of  six  of  the  commissioners  of  the 
other  colonies.! 

The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  had  receded  from 
their  explanation  of  tRe  articles  of  confederation,  and  the 
commissioners  had  a  most  amicable  meeting.  They  were 
unanimous  in  the  war  against  Ninigrate,  and  yet  the  Massa- 
chusetts, by  private  intrigue,  defeated  their  designs.  In 
which  instance  they  acted  the  most  honorable  and  consis- 
tent part,  when,  by  an  open  infraction  of  the  articles  of  un- 
ion, they  prevented  a  war,  or  when  they  supplanted  their 
brethren,  by  secret  treachery,  the1  impartial  world  will 
judge. 

The  whole  number  of  rateable  persons,  in  the  colony  of 
Connecticut  this  year,  was  775,  and  the  grand  list  was 
79,073  pounds.^ 

Upon  the  election  at  Hartford,  Thomas  Wells,    Esq'r. 

was  chosen  governor,  and  Mr.  John  Webster,  deputy-gov- 

Election,    ernor.     The  magistrates  elected  were,  Mr.  Hopkins,  Mr. 

May  17th.  Mason,   Mr.  Winthrop,    Mr.  Wolcott,   Mr.  Cullick,  Mr. 

Clark,  Mr.  Wyllys,  Mr.  Talcott,  Mr.  JohnCosmore,  and 

Mr.  Thomas  Tapping.     Mr.  Cullick  was  secretary,  and 

Mr.  Talcott  treasurer. 

At  the  general  election  in  New-Haven,1  this  year,  there 
was  no  alteration  of  their  officers. 

*  Records  of  the  united  colonies*, 
t  Hutchinson,  vol.  i.  p.  186,  187. 

^  By  the  number  of  persons,  and  the  amount  of  the  lists  in  each  town,, 
an  idea  may  be  formed  of  their  proportion  to  each  other. 

Towns.                               Persons.  Estates. 

Hartford,                                  177  £  19.609 

"Windsor,                                   1CJ  15,833 

Weathersfield,                          113  12,602 

Fairfield,                                     94  8,634 

Saybrook,                                   53  4,437 

Stratford,                                   72  7,958 

Farmington,                               46  .    5.519 

Middletown,                               31  2^172 

24  2,309 

-lr>-  ,73.073 


CHAP.  XI.  CONNECTICUT.  £25 

The  Pcquots  persevering,  in  their  petitions,  to  be  taken  BOOK  I. 
under  the   protection  and  government  of  the  English,  the  v-x~v-%»' 
commissioners,  this  year,  granted  their  request.     Places    1655. 
of  residence  were  afterwards  appointed  for  them,  by  the  The  Pe~ 
general  court  of  Connecticut,   about  Pavvcatuck  and  Mis-  kenundej 
tic  rivers.     They  were  allowed  to  hunt  on  the  lands  west  the  ^ov- 
of  the  latter.     They  were  collected  together  in  these  twoernment 
places,  and  an  Indian  governor  was  appointed  over  them^  j^h 
in  each  place.     General  laws  were  made  for  their  govern- 
ment.    Blasphemy,  murder,  witchcraft,  and  conspiracy  a- Laws  for 
gainst  the   colonies,    were  prohibited  upon  pain  of  death.  theirf°tv° 
Sabbath-breaking,  adultery,  and  drunkenness,   were  pro- 
hibited under  proper  penalties.     He  who  stole  was  requir- 
ed, on  conviction,  to  pay  double  damages.     They  were 
prohibited  to  make  war  with  other  Indians,  or  to  join  with 
them  in  their  wars,  unless  it  were  in  their  own  just  defence, 
Avithout  the  consent  of  the  commissioners  of  the  united  col- 
onies.    They  were  obliged  to  submit  to  the  Indian  gov- 
ernors,   whom   they  should  appoint  over   them,    and  pay 
them  the  same  tribute  which  they  had  stipulated  to  pay  to 
the  English.* 

After  the  return  of  major  Willard  and  the  troops  under  Ninigrate" 
his  command,  from  the  Narraganset  country,  Ninigrate  as-  {£°s^ca"tes 
sumed   his  former  haughtiness,  and  continued  the  war  a-  a°-ainst  the 
gainst  the  Indians  upon  Long-Island.     Mr.  Thomas  James,  Long-Isl- 
minister  of  Easthampton,  captain  Tapping  of  Southamp-  aaders- 
ton,  captain  Underbill  and  others,  wrote  to  the  commis- 
sioners, that  both  the  English  and   Indians  on  the  Island 
were  in  a  calamitous  and  distracted  condition  ;  and  in  im- 
minent danger,   on  the  account  of  his  constant  hostilities. 
They  assured   them,   that  the  Indians,  upon  the   Island, 
could  not   hold   out  much  longer,   but  must  submit  them- 
selves and  their  country  to  the  Narragansets,  unless  they 
should   have   some   speedy   assistance.     They   intreated 
them  to  consult   some  effectual  measures  to  prevent  such 
calamity. 

In  consequence  of  this  intelligence,  they  ordered,  that  a  ^j^0* 
vessel,  well  armed  and  manned,  should  lie  in  the  road  be-  fence. 
tween  Neanticut  and  the  Island,  to  watch  the  motions  of 
Ninigrate  ;  and,  if  he  should  attempt  to  pass  the  sound,  to 
stave  and  destroy  his  canoes,  and  to  make  all  the  slaugh- 
ter and  destruction  upon  him,  which  should  be  in  their  pow- 
er. Captain  John  Youngs  was  appointed  to  command 
this  vessel  of  observation.  He  was  authorised  to  draught 
men  from  Saybrook  and  New-London,  as  emergencies 
might  require.  An  encouraging  message  was  sent  to  the 
*  Records  of  the  colonies. 

D2 


ftlSTORY  OF  CHAP.  XL 

BOOK  I.  Montauket  sachem,  acquainting  him  with  the  measures  the 
>— *~v>w'  English  were  taking  for  his  defence.  The  commissioners 
1655.  sent  him  a  supply  of  ammunition.  Provision  was  also> 
made,  that  South  and  East-Hampton,  with  all  the  adjacent 
towns,  should  be  completely  furnished  with  all  articles  ne- 
cessary for  war.  Orders  were  given,  that  if  the  Indians 
could  not  ma-intain  their  ground,  in  any  assault,  they  should 
ilee  towards  some  of  the  neighbouring  towns ;  and  that,  it" 
the  enemy  should  pursue  them  within  two  miles  of  any  ol 
the  settlements,  the  inhabitants  should  immediately  repair 
to  then*  assistance.  Intelligence  of  these  resolutions  wa^ 
dispatched  to  the  Narragansets,  as  well  as  the  Long-Isl- 
anders. All  the  united  colonies  were  exceedingly  offended 
at  the  conduct  of  major  Willard,  except  the  Massachusetts, 
under  whose  influence  he  was  supposed  to  act.  The  gene- 
ral court  at  New-Haven,  resolved,  that  he  had  not  follow- 
ed his  instructions,  in  the  expedition  against  Ninigrate  ; 
but  that  they  were  wilfing  to  suspend  their  judgment,  with 
respect  to  the  measures  to  be  taken  with  him,  until  they 
should  be  certified  of  the  opinions  of  the  other  confede- 
rates. Whatever  their  opinions  or  wishes  were,  major 
Willard  was  safe  under  the  wing  of  the  Massachusetts;  and 
Connecticut  and  New-Haven  had  principally  to  bear  the 
unhappy  consequences  of  his  perfidious  conduct.  They 
were  obliged,  the  next  year,  at  their  own  expense,  to  con- 
tinue the  commission  of  captain  Youngs  to- cruise  between 
the  main  and  Long-Island,  to  prevent  the  designs  of  Nini- 
grate. They  also  found  it  necessary  to  furnish  both  men' 
and  provisions,  for  the  defence  of  the  Islanders. 
Governor  Governor  Eaton  had  been  desired  to  perfect  a  code  of 
Euton  laws  for  the  colony  of  New-Haven.  For  his  assistance  in 
compiles  tne  compilation,  he  was  requested,  by  the  general  court, 

a  code  for  ,T      ^   ,        ,     -,.       J  '    .    ., 

New-Ha-  to  consult  the  Rev.  Mr.  Cotton's  discourse  on  civil  govern- 

ven.          ment  in  a  new  plantation,  and  the  laws  of  Massachusetts. 

Having  accomplished  the  work,  and  the  laws  having  been 

examined  and  approved,  by  the  elders  of  the  jurisdiction, 

October     they  were  presented  to  the  general  court.     They  ordered, 

iiuh  the     tnat  50Q  C0pjes  should  be  printed.     The  copy  was  sent  to 

court  or-     T-I      i       i      i         i      •  •  -ix  IT        i       • 

tier  them    England,  that  the  impression  might  be  made  under  the  in- 
to be         spection  of  governor  Hopkins.     He  procured  the  printing 
printed,      of  the  laws,  at  his  own  expense,  and  sent  them  the  number 
proposed,  with  some   other  valuable  books,  as  a  present. 
The  laws  were  distributed  to  the  several  towns  in  the  juris- 
diction. 
Death  of        This  year,  died  Henry  Wolcott,  Esq'r.  in  the  78th  year 

Wdcott     °f  n's  aSe*     ^e  was  l^e  owner  °f  a  g°°d  estate  in  Somer- 
setshirc,  in  England.     His  youth,  it  is  said,  was  spent  v* 


«HAP.  XL  CONNECTICUT. 

gaiety  and  country  pastimes ;  but  afterwards,  under  the  BOOK  T. 
instructions  of  Mr.  Edward  Elton,   h-is  mind  was  entirely  V-^-N/"W 
changed,  and  turned   to   the  sincere  love  and  practice  of   1655. 
religion.     As  the  puritans  were  -then  treated  with  great  se-  His  char- 
verity,  he  sold  about  8,000  pounds  worth  of  estate  in  Eng-  acter- 
iand,  and  prepared  for  a  removal  into  America.     He  came 
into  New-England  with  Mr.  Warham,  in  May,  1630,  and 
settled  first  at  Dorchester,  in  Massachusetts.     In  1636,  he 
removed  to  Windsor,  and  was  one  of  the  principal  planters 
of  that  town.     He  was  chosen  into  die  magistracy  in  1643, 
and  continued  in  it  until  his  death.     He  left  an  estate  in 
England,  which  rented  at  about  sixty  pounds  a  year,  which 
the  family,  for  some  time,  enjoyed ;  but  it  was  afterwards 
sold.     After  his  decease,  some  one  of  his  descendants  was 
annually  chosen  into  the  magistracy,  for  a  term  of  nearly 
eighty  years,  until  .the  year  1754,  when  governor  Wolcott 
left  the  chair.* 

At  the  election  in  Connecticut,  Mr.  John  Webster  was 
chosen  governor,  and  Mr.  Wells  deputy  governor.  This 
v/as  the  only  alteration  in  the  magistracy. 

At  New-Haven,  the  former  governors  and  magistrates  Election  at 
were  rechosen.     Mr.  John  Wakeman  was  appointed  treas-  Jfew-Ha- 
urer.     The  general  court  at  New-Haven,  took  great  pains  \Q^  ay' 
to  put  the  colony  in  a  state  of  defence.     Orders  were  given 
for  the  raising  of  a  troop  of  sixteen  horse,  in  the  five  towns  May  28th. 
upon  the  sea  coast,  with  complete  arms  and  furniture.  For 
their  encouragement,  they  were  exempted  from  taxation,  hoTse^p- 
and  from  training  with  the  foot,  and  were  to  enjoy  all  the  pointed, 
privileges  of  troopers  in  Massachusetts.     This  was  the  first 
troop  in  any  part  of  Connecticut.     It  was  ordered,  that  all 
the  common  soldiers  should   be  trained  to  shooting  at  a 
mark;  that  they  should  be  furnished  with  ammunition  for 
that  purpose,  at  the  public  expense  ;  and  that  prizes  should 
be  prepared  for  the  best  marksmen.     The  soldiers  were 
directed  to  play  at  cudgels,  and  at  the  broad  sword,  that 
they  might  know  how   to   defend   themselves  and  their 
country. 

*  Manuscripts  frojn  Windsor,  found  in  the  collection  of  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Prince,  at  Boston. 

The  family  have  kept  up  the  monument  of  their  ancestor,  and  preserved 
their  dignity  to  the  present  time.  His  Excellency,  Oliver  Wolcott,  Esq'r. 
one  of  the  sons  of  the  former  governor,  Roger  Wolcott,  Esq'r.  is  the  pre- 
sent governor  of  the  state.  His  brother,  the  Hon.  Erastus  Wolcott,  Esq'r. 
v/as,  for  some  years,  one  of  the  magistrates  of  Connecticut,  and,  after- 
wards, one  of  the  judges  of  the  superior  court.  Oliver  Wolcott,  Esq'r 
one  of  the  sons  of  the  present  governor  Wolcott,  is  secretary  of  the  treasu- 
ry of  the  United  States.  Some  of  the  family  have  been  members  of  the 
assembly,  judges  of  the  superior  court,  or  magistrates,  from  the  first  set- 
tlement of  the  colony  to  this  time,  during  the  term  of  more  than  a  centurj- 
;?.nd  a  half. A.  D.  1797. 


228 


HISTORY  OF 


C'lJAP .  XI. 


BOOK  I.  The  protector,  Oliver  Cromwell,  having  conquered  Ja- 
*~<r*v~^s  maica,  made  it  a  favourite  object  to  remove  the  people  of 
J656.  New-England  to  that  island.  He  artfully  represented,  that 
they  had  as  clear  a  call  for  transporting  themselves  from 
New-England  to  Jamaica,  as  they  had  for  emigrating  from 
Old  England  to  New,  for  the  advancement  of  their  inte- 
rests ;  as  the  Lord's  people  were  to  be  the  head,  and  not 
the  tail.  He  likewise  represented,  that  it  would  have  a 
tendency  to  the  destruction  of  the  man  of  sin.  He  wrote 
particularly  to  New-Haven  on  the  subject,  and  sent  them 
a  copy  of  his  instructions  relative  to  the  affair.  These  he 
had  given  to  one  captain  Gookins,  whom  he  had  employed 
in  the  several  plantations,  to  promote  this,  his  favourite  de- 
sign. He  arid  major  Sedgwick  dispatched  letters  also  to 
New-Haven,  on  the  same  business. 

Governor  Eaton  had,  some  time  before  this,  laid  them 
before  the  general,  court.  The  several  plantations  in  the 
colony  had  been  made  acquainted  with  their  contents,  and 
the  deputies  had  been  desired  to  return  their  opinion  to 
the  court.  After  a  long  and  serious  debate,  the  court  re- 
solved, "  That,  though  they  could  not  but  acknowledge 
the  love,  care,  and  tender  respect  of  his  highness,  the  Lord 
Protector,  to  New-England  in  general,  and  to  this  colony 
in  particular,  yet,  for  divers  reasons,  they  cannot  conclude 
that  God  calls  them  to  a  present  remove  thither." 

The  governor  was  desired  to  write  to  the  lord  protector, 
acknowledging  his  great  care  and  love  towards  the  colony. 

The  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies,  this  year, 
held  their  meeting  at  Plymouth,  They  received  a  very 


Letter 
from  the 
Putch 
governor 


Commis- 
sioners 

Sept' 4th  plausi°le  letter  from  Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  governor.  He 
wrote  with  a  great  show  of  religion,  expressing  his  joy 
that  God  had  quenched  the  bloody  war  between  the  Dutch 
and  the  English,  in  Europe ;  and  his  warm  desires,  that  it 
might  redound  to  the  great  advantage  of  the  subjects  of  the 
two  nations,  in  these  remote  parts  of  the  earth.  He  so- 
licited a  nearer  union  between  the  Dutch  and  the  united 
colonies.  At  the  same  time,  he  certified  them,  that  he  had 
received  a  ratification  of  the  agreement  made  at  Hartford, 
in  1650,  under  the  seal  of  the  High  and  Mighty  States  of 
the  United  Belgick  Provinces;  and  desired  that  time  anc| 
place  might  be  appointed  for  delivering  and  interchanging 
the  ratifications. 

The  governor  was  so  well  known  to  the  commissioners, 
that  neither  the  plausibility  of  his  letter,  nor  the  very  chris- 
tian  manner  in  which  it  was  written,  made  any  deep  im- 
pressions upon  them.  They  replied,  in  short,  that  the 
peace  was  matter  of  joy  to  them,  and  they  wished  the  con- 


CHAP.  Xt.  CONNECTICUT.  229 

tinuance  of  it  in  Europe,  and  in  all  the  plantations  abroad.  BOOK  I. 
They  gave  assurances,  that  the  preservation  of  it  should  v-x-v-%^ 
be  their  constant  endeavour.     Nevertheless,  they  gave  no    165(5. 
intimations  that  they  desired  a  nearer  union,  or  to  ratify 
the  agreement.     The  Dutch  governor  had  not  observed  it 
himself;  they  considered  the  Dutch  as  mere  intruders,  and 
were  growing  daily  more  able  to  defend  themselves  against 
their  encroachments  :  they  were,  therefore,  determined  to 
do  nothing  further  relative  to  the  affair. 

They  observed  to  the  governor,  that  he  had  made  no  re- 
paration of  the  damages  he  had  done  the  colonies,  and  that 
they  had  not  heard  that  he  designed  to  make  any  :  that  they 
heard  he  yei  laid  claim  to  Oyster  bay,  and  that  he  had 
made  no  proper  resignation  of  Greenwich.  They  desired 
him  to  be  explicit  on  these  points.* 

The  last  year,  complaints  were  made  to  the  court  atCom- 
Ne\y-Haven,  that  the  inhabitants  of  Greenwich  were  under  P5ai.nt 
little  government,  and  demeaned  themselves  in  a  lawless  Green- 
manner.  They  admitted  of  drunkenness  among  themselves,  wich. 
and  among  the  Indians,  by  reason  of  which,  damages  were 
done  to  themselves  and  to  the  towns  in   the  vicinity,   and 
the  public  peace  .was  disturbed.     They  received  children 
and  servants,  who  fled  from  the  correction  of  their  parents 
and  masters,    and  unlawfully  joined   persons  in  wedlock, 
with  other  misdemeanors. 

Upon   this,   the  general  court  asserted  their  right  to 
Greenwich,  and  ordered  the  inhabitants  to  submit  to  then- 
jurisdiction.     But  they  continued  much  in  the  same  state, 
and  sent  a  letter  to  the  court  in  May,   denying  their  juris- 
diction, and  refusing  any  subjection  to  the  colony,  unless 
they  should  be  compelled  to  it,  by  the  parliament.     The 
court,  therefore,  resolved,  that,  unless  they  should  appear 
before  the  court,  and  make  their  submission,  by  the  25th 
of  June,  Richard  Crab  and  others,  who  were  the  most 
Stubborn  among  them,   should  be  arrested  and  punished,  The  inha- 
according  to  law.     They,  therefore,  some  time  after,  sub-  Wants 
jected  their  persons  and  estates  to  the  government  of  New-  ^™_lt:  to 
Haven.  .  Haven-. 

Uncas,  though  friendly  to  the  English,  appears  to  have 
been  a  proud,  mischievous  sachem,  who,  by  his  haughty 
carriage  and  provoking  language,  was  often  embroiling 
the  country,  and  bringing  trouble  upon  himself  and  the 
colonies.  He  made  an  assault  upon  the  Podunk  Indians, 
at  Hartford.  He,  or  his  brother,  invaded  the  Norwoo- 
tucks.  He  upbraided  the  Narragansets  of  their  dead  sa- 
chems, and  challenged  them  to  fight.  Among  other  iri- 
*•  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  Xi. 

BOOK  I.  stances  of  misconduct,  he  proved  treacherous  to  the  Mon- 
«s^-v~x^  tauket  sachem,  and  joined  with  Ninigrate,  in  his  perfidi- 
1656.  ous  practices.  By  these  means,  the  country  was  so  dis- 
quieted, that  it  was  with  great  difficulty  the  commissioners 
maintained  the  general  peace.  They  interposed,  and  ob- 
liged Uncas  to  make  restitution  to  the  Indians,  whom  he 
had  injured.  They  prohibited  his  making  war,  without 
their  consent  and  advice.  They  endeavored  to  quiet  and 
conciliate  the  natives ;  but  they  found  them,  whether  they 
were  friends  or  foes,  to  be  a  troublesome  people.  After  all 
their  precautions,  the  country  was  still  more  alarmed  the 
next  year. 

In  April,  the  Indians  committed  a  horrid  murder  at  Far- 
M>57.      mington,  and  besides  Mesapano,  who  was  the  principal  ac- 
tor, the  Norwootuck  and  Pocomtock  Indians  were  suppos- 
ed to  be  accomplices. 

The  Montaukets,  after  all  the  trouble  and  expense, 
which  the  English  had  been  at  for  their  defence,  became 
tumultuous,  and  did  great  damage  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Southampton. 

April  9th.  The  general  court  at  Hartford,  gave  orders  that  the  In- 
dians, who  perpetrated  the  murder  at  Farmington,  should 
be  apprehended,  and  that  the  sachems  of  the  Pocomtock 
and  Norwootuck  Indians  should  deliver  up  the  delinquents 
among  them. 

Major  Mason  was  ordered,  with  a  detachment,  to  Long- 
Island,  to  bring  the  Indians  there  to  a  just  and  peaceable 
conduct,  and  adjust  affairs  between  them  and  the  English.* 

At  the  general  election  in  Connecticut,  1657,  Mr.  John 
2lst   Winthrop  was  e]ccted  governor,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Wells 
deputy-governor.     Mr.  Webster  was  chosen  the  first  mag- 
istrate.    The  other  officers  were  the  same  who  had  been 
May  27th.  appointed  the  last  year.     The  freemen,  at  the  election  in 
New-Haven,  made  no  alteration  in  their  magistrates. 

The  general  court  at  Hartford,  this  year,  was  uncom- 
monly thin,  consisting  of  twenty-two  members  only.  The 
danger  of  the  plantations,  and  of  particular  families,  from 
the  hostile  state  of  the  Indians,  appears  to  have  been  the 
reason.  The  Montaukets,  Moheagans,  Narragansets,  and 
Wars  „  Nonvootucks,  engaged  in  implacable  wars  with  each  other. 

arnons:  the  rm  11  '  L         •    .     ^L     T-<      T  u       i 

Indians.  -I  hey  would  pursue  one  another  into  the  JLnghsh  planta- 
tions, and  even  into  their  houses,  and  kill  each  other  in 
the  presence  of  the  families,  to  their  great  alarm  and  aston- 
ishment. Uncas  was  so  pressed  by  the  Nurragansets, 
that  Connecticut  was  obliged  to  send  men  to  his  fortress, 
to  assist  him  in  defending  himself  against  them.  The  Nar- 
>  *  Records  of  Conoecticut 


CHAP.  XI.  CONNECTICUT.  231 

ragansets,  in  several  instances,  threatened  and  plundered  BOOK  I. 
the  inhabitants  of  Connecticut.  v^~v~*»/ 

Therefore,  when  the  commissioners  met,  in  September,    1657.  | 
they  sent  messengers  to  them,  demanding  that  they  should  Sept>  3^ 
cease  from  war,  until  their  grievances,  and  the  grounds  of 
their  contentions,  should  be  heard.     They  assured  them, 
that  they  would  hear  and  determine  impartially,  without 
favforing  any  of  the  parties.     They  represented  to  them 
the  covenants  which  they  had  made  with  the  English,  and 
the  entire  inconsistency  of  their  conduct,  with  those  en- 
gagements.    They  also  prohibited  all  fighting  in  the  En- 
glish plantations. 

This  year,  the  colony  of  New-Haven,  and  indeed  all  the 
New-England  colonies,  sustained  a  heavy  loss  in  the  death  cj,ea*acfenr 
of  governor  Eaton.*     He  was  a  minister's  son,  born  at  ofTheoph- 
Stony  Stratford,  in  Oxfordshire  ;  was  educated  an  East  In- ilus  Eatoa, 
dia  merchant,  and  was  sometime  deputy-governor  of  the     q' 
company,  trading  to  the  East  Indies.     For  several  years, 
he  was  agent  for  the  king  of  England  at  the  court  of  Den- 
mark.    After  his  return,  he  was  a  merchant  of  great  busi- 
ness and  respectability,  in  the  city  of  London. 

Upon  the  Laudean  persecution,  he  left  his  native  coun- 
try, and  came  into  New-England  with  Mr.  Davenport,  his 
minister,  in  1637.  He  was  one  of  the  original  patentees 
of  the  Massachusetts,  and  soon  after  his  arrival  was  cho- 
sen one  of  the  magistrates  of  that  colony.  Upon  the  set- 
tlement of  New-Haven,  he  was  chosen  governor  of  the  col- 
ony, and  was  annually  re-elected  until  his  death.  He  is 
represented  as  comely  and  personable,  and  is  said  to  have 
appeared  upon  the  bench  with  a  dignity  and  majesty, 
which  admit  of  no  description.  The  impartiality  with 
which  he  administered  Justice,  was  most  exemplary,  anc? 
his  authority  was  riot  to  be  opposed.  The  wisdom,  grav-. 
ity,-  and  integrity  of  his  administration,  were  viewed  with 
universal  admiration.  In  honor  to  his  memory,  and  the 
good  services  which  he  had  rendered  the  colony,  his  fune- 
ral charges  were  borne,  and  a  handsome  monument  erect- 
ed at  the  public  expense,! 

*  He  died  January  7th,  1657,  in  the  67th  year  of  his  age. 

t  His  private  was  not  less  amiable  than  his  public  character.  In  con- 
versation, he  was  affable,  courteous,  and  generally  pleasant ;  but  always 
grave  and  cautious.  He  was  pious  and  strictly  moral.  His  meekness, 
patience,  and  fortitude,  were  singular. 

In  the  conduct  of  hrs  family,  he  was  strict,  prudent,  and  happy.  Though 
it  sometimes  consisted  of  not  less  thaa  thirty  persons,  yet  they  were  under 
the  most  perfect  order  and  government.  They  were  all  assembled  morn- 
ing and  evening,  and  the  governor,  after  reading  the  scriptures,  and  mak- 
ing devout  and  useful  observations  upon  them,  prayed  with  great  reverence 
JuiJ  pertinency.  On  tbe  sabbath,  afid  other  days  of  public  devotion,  be 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XL 

BOOK  I.      Nearly  at  the  same  time,  died  his  son-in-law,  Edward 

•s^-v^/  Hopkins,  Esquire,  for  a  number  of  years  governor  of  Con- 

1657.    nccticut.      He  conducted  the  affairs  of  government  with 

Character  great  wisdom  and  integrity,  and  was  universally  beloved. 

01  gover-   jije  was  a  gentleman  of  exemplary  piety,  righteousness,  and 
nor  Hop-  .  °,      .  .     .,       .,  J  '    ,  •>      .n         .      r  ,, 

kins.          chanty.      Irr  his  lamily  and  secret  devotions,  he  loHoweu 

the  example  of  governor  Eaton.  His  charity  was  great 
and  extensive.  Besides  the  relief  he  dispensed  to  the 
poor,  with  his  own  hands,  he  gave  considerable  sums  of 
money  to  others,  to  be  disposed  of  to  charitable  purposes. 
When  he  went  into  England,  on  the  occasion  of  his  broth- 
er's death,  who  had  been  warden  of  the  English  fleet,  he 
designed  to  return  again  to  his  family  and  friends,  in  New- 
England  ;  but  he  was  very  soo;i  particularly  noticed,  and 
made  first  warden  of  the  fleet,  in  the  room  of  his  brother.  He 
was  then  chosen  commissioner  of  the  admiralty  and  navy  : 
and  finally  member  of  parliament.  These  unexpected  pre- 
ferments altered  his  designs,  and  determined  hint  to  send 
over  for  his  family,  and  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his  days 
in  his  native  country.  He  had  been  a  consumptive  man, 
attended  with  a  cough,  and  spitting  of  blood,  for  more  than 
thirty  years.  His  constitution  was  now  entirely  wasted, 
and  he  died  in  the  58th  year  of  his  age. 

His  dona-  His  last  will  was  highly  expressive  of  that  public  spirit 
(ions.  ancj  charity,  which  had  so  distinguished  him  in  life.  His 
whole  estate,  in  New-England,  was  given  away  to  charita- 
ble purposes.  He  manifested  his  peculiar  friendship  to  the 
family  of  Mr.  Hooker,  his  pastor,  at  Hartford,  by  giving 
his  relict,  Mrs.  Hooker,  all  the  debts  due  from  the  family, 
to  him ;  by  giving  to  Mrs.  Wilson,  of  Boston,  Mr.  Hook- 
er's eldest  daughter,  his  farm  at  Farmington,  with  all  the 
houses,  out-houses,  and  buildings  upon  it  ;  and  by  legacies 
to  several  others  of  his  descendants.  All  the  remainder  ot: 
his  estate,  in-  New-England,  he  bequeathed  to  his  "  father,/ 
Theophilus  Eaton,  Esquire,  master  John  Davenport,  mas- 
ter John  Cullick,  and  master  William  Goodwin,  in  full  as- 
spent  an  hour  or  two  with  his  family,  in  instructing  them  in  the  duties  of 
faith  and  practice  ;  and  in  recommending'  to  them  the  reading  and  study 
of  the  scriptures,  secret  devotion,  the  sancthication  of  the  sabbath,  and  a 
devout  and  constant  attendance  on  all  divine  institutions.  On  these  days 
lie  sang  praises,  as  well  as  prayed  with  his  family.  He  was  greatly  be- 
loved by  his  domestics,  as  well  as  by  the  commonwealth.  Indeed,  there 
was  no  man,  arnon?  the  first  planters  of  New-England,  who  had  a  moro 
general  acquaintance  with  public  business,  or  who  sustained  a  fairer  cha- 
racter. His  monument  is  kept  up  to  the  present  time.  Upon  it  are  these 
expressive  lines : 

"Eaton,  so  meek,  so  wise,  so  fam'd,  so  just, 

The  Phn?nix  of  our  world  here  hides  his  dust : 

This  name  forget,  New-England  never  m'J^ 


CIIAP.  XT.  CONNECTICUT. 

surance  of  their  trust  and  faithfulness,  in  disposing  of  it  ac-  BOOK  I. 
cording  to  the  true  intent  and  purpose  of  him,  the  said  Ed-  v^-v->^ 
ward  Hopkins,  which  was  to  give  some  encouragement,  in  1657. 
those  foreign  plantations,  for  the  breeding  up  of  hopeful 
youths,  in  a  way  of  learning,  both  at  the  grammar  school 
and  college,  for  the.public  service  of  the  country,  in  future 
times."  He  also  made  a  donation  of  five  hundred  pounds 
more,  out  of  his  estate  in  England,  to  the  said  trustees,  in 
further  prosecution  of  the  same  public  ends,  "  for  the  up- 
holding and  promoting  the  kingdom  of  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  in  those  parts  of  the  earth."  This  last  donation 
was  considered  as  made  to  Harvard  college,  and,  by  virtue 
of  a  decree  in  chancery,  was  paid  in  1710.  The  interest 
given  in  New-England,  was  estimated  at  about  1,0001.  ster- 
ling ;  and  was  appropriated  to  the  support  of  the  gram-' 
mar  schools  in  New-Haven,  Hartford,  and  Hadley.  The 
money  originally  belonged  to  New-Haven  and  Hartford ; 
but  as  a  considerable  number  of  the  people  of  Hartford  af- 
terwards removed  to  Hadley,  and  were  principal  settlers 
of  that  town,  they  received  their  proportion  of  the  do- 
nation. 

At  a  general  court  in  Hartforfl,  March   llth,  1658,  a  1658. 
troop  of  thirty  horsemen  was  established  in  Connecticut,  f irst  troop 

and  Richard  Lord  was  appointed  captain.     This  was  the '.?  Coanec* 

ticut. 
first  in  the  colony. 

This  year  there  was  a  very  considerable  alteration  with  Election  at 
respect  to  governors  and  the  council,  both  in  Connecticut  Jiart^d> 
and  New-Haven.      At  the  election  in  Connecticut,  Thorn-    ay     ' 
as  Wells,  Esquire,  was  elected  governor,  and  John  Win- 
throp,  Esquire,  deputy  governor.     To  the  magistrates  last 
year,  who  were  again  re-chosen,  there  was  an  addition  of 
Mr.    Matthew  Allen,  Mr.  Phelps,  Mr.  John  Wells,  Mr. 
Treat,    Mr.   Baker,   Mr.'   Mulford,  and    Mr.    Alexander 
Knowles.      There  appears  to  have  been  sixteen  magis- 
trates, and  twenty-six  deputies  ;  in  the  whole,  forty-two 
members. 

On  the  election  at  New-Haven,  Mr.  Francis  Newman, 
was  chosen  governor,  and  William  Leet,  deputy  gover- 
nor.* Mr.  Jasper  Crane  was  added  to  the  magistrates, 
and  Mr.  William  Gibbard  was  appointed  secretary. 

This  year  a  considerable  settlement  was  made  between  Pawca* 
Mistic  and  Pawcatuck  rivers.     This  tract  was  called  Pe- tuck^ af- 
quot,  and  originally  belonged  to  New-London.      The  first tenvarrf5' 

*  Mr.  Stephen  Goodyear,  who  had  been  deputy  governor,  with  gover- 
jior  Eaton,  through  almost  his  whole  administration,  died  this  year,  iii  Lon- 
don, and  was  either  there,  or  on  his  passage,  at  this  election.  He  ap- 
pears to  have  been  a  worthy  man,  and  left  a  respectable  family. 

E2 


234  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XL 

BOOK  I.  man  who  settled  upon  this  tract,   was  William  Chee.se- 
v^^v-v^  brough,  from  Rehoboth,  in  1649.     A  complaint  was  ex- 
1658.     hibited  against  him  for  carrying  on  an  illicit  trade  with  .the 
Hamcd        Indians,  for  repairing  their  arms,and  endangering  the  pub- 
Stouing-     ]{c   safety.     The  general  court  of  Connecticut  declared, 
tied  S£        lnat  tnpy  na^  a  clear  ^^e  to  those  lands,   and  summoned 
him  before  them.     They  reprimanded  him  for  settling  up- 
Cheese-      on  them  without •  their  approbation;  for  withdrawing  him- 
sc^  ^rom  cn"st'an  society  and  ordinances  ;  and  for  unlaw-  ' 
fully  trading  with  and  assisting  the  Indians.     He  confessed 
his  Vaults;  but  pleaded,  in-  excuse,   that  he  had  been  en- 
couraged by  Mr.  Winthrop,  who  claimed  a  right  at  Paw- 
catilck.     He  gave  bonds  for  his  good  conduct,  and  was  al- 
lowed to  continue   upon  the  land.     The  court  promised 
him,  that  if  he  would  procure  a  sufficient  number  of  plant- 
ers,  they  would  give  them  all   proper  encouragement,   in 
making  a    permanent  settlement.     About  ten   or  twelve 
families,  this  year,  made  settlements  m  that  quarter;  and,, 
finding  that  there  was  a  controversy  between  Connecticut 
and  the  Massachusetts,  witji  respect  both  to  title  and  juris- 
The  plant-  diction,  they,  on  the  30th  of  June,  entered  into  a  voluntary 
ers  agree    contract  to  govern  themselves,  and  conduct  their  affairs  in 
them-         peace,  until  it  should  be  determined  to  which  colony  they 
selves.        should  submit.    The  principal  planters  were  George  Deni- 
son,  Thomas  Stanton,  Thomas  Shaw,  William,  Elisha,  and 
Samuel  Cheesebrough,  and  Moses  and  Walter  Palmer- 
These,  with  some  others,  were  signers  of  the  voluntary 
compact. 

Claim  of  At  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  the  Massachusetts 
Massa-  claimed  that  tract  of  country,  by  virtue  of  the  assistance 
which  they  afforded  Connecticut  in  the  conquest  of  the  Pe- 
Determi-  quots.  The  commissioners  resolved,  "  That  the  determi- 
nation of  nation  did  arise  bnly  from  the  several  rights  of  conquest. 

the  com-    wnjch  were  not  greatly  different;  yet  that  being  tender  of 
jftissioners.  .  .  .  •>   .        .    ,      '   * 

any  inconvenience  which  might  arise  to  those  who  were 

already  possessed,  either  by  commission  from  Massachn- 
setts  or  Connecticut,  in  any  part  thereof,  should  they  be 
put  off  their  improvements ;  also,  upon  inquiry,  finding, 
that  the  Pequot  country,  which  extended  from  Nehantick 
to  Wekapaug,  about  ten  miles  eastward  from  Mistic  river, 
may  conveniently  accommodate  two  plantations,  did,  re- 
specting things  as  they  then  stood,  conclude,  that  Mistic 
river  be  the  bounds  between  them,  as  to  propriety  and  ju- 
risdiction, so  far  as  conquest  may  give  title.  Always  pro- 
vided, that  such  as  are  already  accommodated,  by  com- 
mission of  either  of  the  said  governments,  or  have  grants 
nf  any  tracts  of  laud,  on  either  side  of  the  Mystic  river,  be 


XI.  CONNECTICUT,  035 

not  molested  in  any  of  their  possessions  or  rights,  by  any  BOOK  T, 
other  grants."  ^r~v~<.-> 

Upon  the  petition  of  the  planters,   the  general  court  of    1658. 
the  Massachusetts  made  them  a  grant  of  eight  miles  from  Oct.  19th. 
the  mouth  of  Mystic  river  towards  Wekapaog,  and  eight 
miles   northward  into  the  country,  and  named  the  planta- 
tion  Southerton.     It  continued  under  the  government  of 
Massachusetts   until    after  Connecticut  obtained  a  royal 
charter. 

This  was  a  year  of  great  sickness  and  mortality  in  Con- 
necticut, and  in  New-England  in  general.  Religious  con- 
troversies, at  the  same  time,  ran  high,  and  gave  great 
trouble  to  church  and  commonwealth.  The  Indians  con- 
tinued their  wars  with  implacable  animosity.  The  com- 
missioners employed  all  their  wisdom  and  influence  to 
make  peace ;  but  they  couid  not  reconcile  those  blood- 
thirsty barbarians.  The  crops  were  light,  and  it  was  a 
year  of  fear,  perplexity,  and  sorrow.* 

John  Winthrop,   Esq'r.    was  chosen  governor  of  Con-  Election  at 
necticut  for  the  year  1659,  and  Thomas  Wells,  Esq'r.  de-  ?Tartf!0Qrf' 

/-i  rri  •  1     •»*         r»     i  T»          1  x"ay  19th) 

puty  governor.     Captain  lapping  and  Mr.  Kobert  rJond  1559. 
were  elected  magistrates,  in  the  room  of  Mr.  Knowles  and 
Mr.  Mulford. 

At  the  election  in  New-Haven,  the  same  governor  and 
council  were  rechosen.  Indeed,  little  alteration  was  made 
with  respect  to  them,  until  the  union  of  that  colony  with 
Connecticut. 

At  the  October  session,  Cromwell  bay,  or  Setauket,  on  Oct.  6th. 
Long-Island,  at  the  desire  of  the  inhabitants,  was  admitted 
as  a  member  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut. 

In  1660,  Mr.  John  Winthrop  was  rechoseu  governor.  Election, 
This  was  the  first  time  that  any  governor  had  been  elected  May  nth, 
to  that  office  more  than  once  in  two  years.     Major  Mason  1660- 
was  advanced  to  the  place  of  deputy  governor.     The  ma- 
gistrates were  Mr.  Henry  Clark,  Mr.  Wyllys,  9llr.  Phelps, 
Mr.  Allen,  Mr.  Treat,  Mr.  Gould,  Mr.  Tapping,  Mr.  Og- 
den,  Mr.  Bond,  Mr.  Daniel  Clark,  and  Mr.  Talcott.     Mr. 
Daniel  Clark  was  secretary,  and  Mr.  Talcott  treasurer. 

Mr.  Webster  and  Mr.  Wells  appear  now  to  be  no  more. 
They  had  been  annually  chosen  into  the  magistracy,  for 
about  twenty  years,  and  both  had  the  honour  of  the  chief 
seat  of  government.! 

*  Tn  a  proclamation  for  a  general  fast,  the  intemperate  season,  thin  har- 
vest, sore  visitation  by  sickness,  and  the  sad,  prolonged  differences  in  the 
churches,  are  particularized  as  matters  of  humiliation. 

t  Four  or  five  governors  of  Connecticut,  governor  Haynes,  governor 
Wyllys,  governors  Wells  and  Webster,  lie  buried  at  Hartford,  without 
a  monument.  William  Lcet,  Es.q.  governor  of  New-Haven  and  Con- 


HISTORY  OP  CHAP.  XI. 

BOOK  I.      At  this  election,  the  freemen,  having  found  by  long  ex- 
v^v~^/  perience,  that  the  clause  in  the  third  fundamental  article, 
1660.     incapacitating  any  person  to  be  choson  governor  more 
than  once  in  two  years,  was  prejudicial,  rather  than  advan- 
,tageous  to  the  colony,  resolved,  that  there  should  be  liber- 
ty for  the  annual  choice  of  the  same  person  governor,  or  of 
any  other  whom  they  should  judge  best  qualified  to  serve 
the  commonwealth. 

Distress  of  During  the  wars  between  Uncas  and  the  Narragansets, 
Uncas.  they  besieged  his  fort,  near  the  bank  of  the  Thames,  until 
his  provisions  were  nearly  exhausted,  and  he  found  that  he, 
and  his  men,  must  soon  perish,  by  famine  or  sword,  unless 
he  could  obtain  speedy  relief,  hi  this  crisis,  he  found 
means  of  communicating  his  danger  to  the  scouts,  who  had 
been  sent  out  from  Saybrook  fort.  By  his  messengers,  he 
represented  the  great  danger  the  English,  in  those  parts, 
would  be  in  immediately,  if  they  should  suffer  the  Mohea- 
gans  to  be  destroyed. 

Relieved        Upon  this  intelligence,  one  Thomas  Leffingwell,  an  en- 
by  Thom-  sign  at  Saybrook,  an  enterprising,  bold  man,  loaded  a  ca- 

•apeljeffiDS"  noe  w^  '  corn'  and  Peasej  and,  under  cover  of  the 
night,  paddled  from  Saybrook  into  the  Thames,  and  had 
the  address  to  get  the  whole  into  the  fort.  The  enemy 
soon  perceiving  that  Uncas  was  relieved,  raised  the  siege. 
For  this  service,  Uncas  gave  said  Leffingwell  a  deed  of  a 
great  part,  if  not  of  the  whole  town  of  Norwich.  In  June, 
1659,  Uncas,  with  his  two  sons,  Owaneco  and  Atta wan- 
hood,  by  a  more  formal  and  authentic  deed,  made  over 
unto  said  Leffingwell,  John  Mason,  Esq.  the  Rev.  James 
Fitch,  and  others,  consisting  of  thirty-five  proprietors,  the 
whole  township  of  Norwich,  which  is  about  nine  miles 
square.  The  company,  at  this  time,  gave  Uncas  and  his 
sons  about  seventy  pounds,  as  a  further  compensation  for 
so  large  and  fine  a  tract. 

Norwich',       Preparations  were  immediately  made  for  its  settlement ; 

settled.  an(]j  jjjjg  Sprjng,  the  Rev.  James  Fitch,  with  the  principal 
part  of  his  church  and  congregation,  removed  from  Say- 
brook,  and  planted  the  town  of  Norwich.  Three  or  four 
planters  joined  them  from  New-London,  and  two  or  three 
from  the  towns  of  Plymouth  and  Marshfield,  in  Massachu- 
setts. In  1663,  the  general  assembly  ordered  that  the  deed 
should  be  recorded.  The  limits  were  afterwards  ascer- 
tained, and  the  town  received  a  patent  of  the  whole. 

necticut,  also  lies  interred  there,  in  the  same  obscure  manner.  Consider- 
ing their  many  and  important  public  services,  this  is  remarkable ;  bud 
their  virtues  have  embalmed  their  names,  and  will  render  them  venerably 
,f.o  the  latest  posterity. 


CHAP.  XI.  CONNECTICUT.  237 

The  Moheagans  were  a  great  defence,  and  of  essential  BOOK  I. 
service  to  the  town  for  many  years.     They  kept  out  their  ^s-*^~^/ 
scouts  and  spies,  and  so  constantly  watched  their  enemies,    1660. 
that  they  gave  the  earliest  notice  of  their  approach,  and 
were  a  continual  defence  against  them.     For  this  purpose, 
in  times  of  danger,  they  often  moved  and  pitched  their  wig- 
wams near  the  town,  and  were  a  great  terror  to  the  enemy. 
Once  the  hostile  Indians  came  near  to  the  town,  upon  the 
sabbath,  with  a  design  to  make  a  descent  upon  it ;  but, 
viewing  it  from  an  eminence,  and  seeing  the  Moheagan. 
huts,  they  were  intimidated,  and  went  off  without  doing  the 
least  damage.*  f 

This  year,  the  town  of  Huntington,  upon  Long-Island,  Hunting- 
was  received  as  a  member  of  the  Connecticut  jurisdiction.  *°n  recefr- 

This  general  court  ordered,  that  grand  jurors  should  be 
appointed  in  every  town,  to  make  presentment  of  all  breach-  Grand  jn- 
es  of  law,  in  their  respective  towns.     The  law  required  r°i;s  ap- 
that  the  presentments  should  be  made  to  the  particular pomted'-' 
court,  in  May  and  October. 

The  accounts  with  the  heirs  of  George  Fenwick,  Esq. 
foad  not  been  closed,  nor  discharges  given,  relative  to  the 
purchase  made  of  the  fort  at  Saybrook,  and  the  old  patent 
of  Connecticut.  This  was  an  occasion  of  great  uneasiness 
among  the  people.  The  three  towns  of  Hartford,  Windsor, 
and  Weathersfield,  presented  petitions  to  the  general  court, 
praying  that  the  accounts  might  be  adjusted,  and  the  colo- 
ny discharged.  In  consequence  of  these,  a  large  commit- 
tee was  appointed  to  make  a  complete  settlement  with  the 
said  heirs.  They  having  prepared  the  accounts  for  a  Snal 
adjustment,  the  general  court,  at  their  session  in  October, 
authorised  them,  in  their  behalf,  to  perfect  and  confirm  the 
writings.  The  governor  was  authorised,  in  their  name,  to 
affix  the  public  seal  of  the  colony  to  those  which  were  to 
be  delivered  to  captain  Cullick,  and  Elizabeth,  his  wife, 
heirs  of  the  said  George  Fenwick,  Esq.  and  to  receive  of 
them  the  writings,  to  be  delivered  to  the  court,  in  favour  of 
the  colony. 

Accordingly,  on  the  7th  of  October,  the  colony  dischar-  Settle- 
ged  Mr.  John  Cullick,  and  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  their  heirs,  ™ 
<kc. ;  and  the  said  John,  and  Elizabeth,  his  wife,  gave  an0fMr> 
ample  discharge  to  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  from  all  sums  Fenwick, 
of  money  due  to  the  said  Fenwick,  his  heirs  or  assigns,  by  Oct- 7th' 
virtue  of  the  agreements  made  with  Mr.  Fenwick,  or  pur- 
chase of  the  river's  mouth.f 

*  Manuscripts  from  Norwich,  and  Records  of  Connecticut. 

t  Mr.  Cullick,  who,  for  several  years,  had  been  one  of  the  magistrates 
of  Connecticut,  and  secretary  of  the  colony,  had  now  removed  his  resi- 
lience to  Boston, 


238  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XI. 

Thus,  after  the  term  of  sixteen  years,  from  the  first,  and 
fourteen  from  the  second  agreement  with  Mr.  Fenwick,  the 
1660.     colony  completed  a  settlement  respecting  the  fort  and  lands 
holdenby  him;  and  became  legally  possessed  of  the  tract 
conveyed  to  the  lords  and  gentlemen  severally   named  in 
the  patent. 
500  pounds      Upon  a  final  adjustment  of  the  accounts,  it  appeared, 

colony.*116  that  Mn  Cullick  and  ll?e  heirs  of  Mr.  Fenwick  were  in- 
debted 500  pounds  sterling  to  the  colony,  which  had  been 
paid  them,  more  than  what  was  due  according  to  the  origi- 
nal agreements  with  Mr.  Fenwick. 

f  John  Mason,  Esq.  now  deputy  governor,  had  some  time 
since  been  authorised,  in  behalf  of  the  colony,  to  purchase 
of  Uncas  all  the  lands,  which  he  had  reserved  for  himself 
and  the  Moheagans,  in  the  deed  of  1640,  under  the  name 
of  planting  grounds.  Having  effected  the  purchase,  he 
made  a  surrender  of  the  lands,  in  the  presence  of  the  gene- 
ral court.  The  following  is  a  minute  of  the  transaction. 

"  Hartford,  session    of  the  general  court,    March   14, 
1660.* 

March  14,       "  The  jurisdiction  power  over  that  land,  which  Uncas 
?66h Qma"  and  Wawequa  have  made  over  to  major  Mason,  is  by  him 

j  or  Mason  .  .  XT  . J  .  /•         i      i       • 

resigns  the  surrendered  to  this  colony.     .Nevertheless,  lor  the  laying 
Moheagan  out  of  those  lands  to  :arms,  or  plantations,  the  court  doth 
Iands'        leave  it  in  the  hands  of  major  Mason.  It  is  also  ordered  and 
provided,   with  the  consent   of  major  Mason,    that  Uncas 
and  Wawequa,  and  their  Indians  and  successors,  shall  be 
supplied  with  sufficient  planting  ground  at  all  times,  as  the 
court  sees  cause,  out  of  that  land.    And  the  major  doth  re- 
serve to  himself  a  competency  to  make  a  farm." 

For  want  of  form,  and  a  more  legal  manner  of  convey- 
ance, with  respect  to  those  lands,  originated  the  memora- 
ble Mason  case,  or  controversy,  as  it  was  called.  It  con- 
tinued about  seventy  years,  and  was  an  occasion  of  great 
trouble  and  expense  to  the  colony.  A  statement  of  it  wil! 
be  made  in  the  progress  of  this  history. 
*  This  according  to  the  presentmode  of  dating  was  March  14,  1061. 


CHAP.  XII.  CONNECTICUT. 


CHAPTER  XII.  1660. 

The  general  court  of  Connecticut  declare  their  loyalty  and 
submission  to  the  king  ;  determine  to  address  his  majes' 
ty,  an  d  apply  for  charter  privileges.  A  petition  to  his  ma- 
jesty is  prepared,  and  a  letter  addressed  to  lord  Say  and 
Seal.  Governor  Winthrop  is  appointed  the  colony's  a- 
gent,  to  present  their  petition,  and  solicit  a  patent.  Regi- 
cides condemned.  Whalley  and  Gojfe  arrive  at  Boston, 
tscape  to  New-Haven,  and  are  kindly  entertained,  and 
kept  from  their  pursuers.  New-Haven  falls  into  great 
trouble  and  danger  on  that  account.  New-Haven  excuse 
themselves  ;  decline  sending  an  agent  ;  but  join  with  Mas- 
sachusetts, in  supporting  one.  The  king  proclaimed. 
Governor  Winthrop  obtains  the  charter  of  Connecticut. 
First  governor  and  council  under  the  charter.  Repre- 
sentation of  the  constitution  it  ordains,  and  the  privileges 
it  conveys.  Difficulties  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven. 
Governor  LeePs  address.  Charter  of  Connecticut  ar- 
rives. Proceedings  of  Connecticut  in  consequence  of  the 
charter.  They  extend  their  jurisdiction  to  all  places  with- 
in the  limits  of  their  patent,  and  challenge  New-Haven 
colony,  as  under  their  jurisdiction.  Controversy  between 
the  two  colonies.  Settlement  of  Killingworth.  Patent  of 
the  duke  of  York.  Colonel  Nichols  and  commissioners 
arrive,  reduce  all  the  Dutch  settlements.  Their  extraor- 
dinary powers.  Important  crisis  of  Connecticut.  The. 
general  court  make  a  present  to  the  commissioners.  An- 
swer to  the  propositions  from  his  majesty,  and  reply  to  the 
duke  of  Hamilton's  claim  and  petition.  Boundaries  be- 
tween Connecticut  and  New-York.  Union  of  Connecticut 
and  New-Haven. 

THE  colony  having  purchased  the  patent,  and  the  gov-  March  14. 
ernment  of  England   having  been  settled  in  the  king 
and  parliament,  the  general  court  determined  to  make  ap- 
plication for  a  charter  under  the  royal  signature.     They 
avowed  their  allegiance  to  his  majesty,  king  Charles  the  _, 
second ;  declared  that  all  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony  &v^w  ^eic 
were  his  faithful  subjects  ;  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  pe-  allegiance 
tition  him  for  his  grace,  arfd  the  continuance  and  confirma-  ^,kl,ng  „ 
tion  of  their  rights  and  privileges.     The  court  resolved, 
that  the  500  pounds  due  from  Mr.  Cullick  should  be  ap- 
propriated to  the  prosecution  of  their  address,  and  applica- 
tion to  his  majesty  for  a  patent. 


240 


HISTORY  OF 


CJAP.  XII. 


BOOK  I. 

^^"N/'-^' 

1661. 

Prepare  a 
petition 
for  a  char- 
ter. 
May  16. 


Gov.  \\in- 
throp  ap- 
pointed 
agent. 


Represen- 
tations in 
the  peti- 
tion. 


Letter  to 
lord  Say 
and  Seal. 


Cora- 
plaints  a- 
gaiust  M  r. 
Feuwick. 


At  the  session  in  May,  a  petition  to  his  majesty  was  pre- 
sented by  the  governor,  and  approved  by  the  general 
court.  That  it  might,  however,  be  made  as  perfect  as 
possible,  the  governor  and  deputy  governor.  Mr.  Wyllys, 
Mr.  Allen,  Mr.  VVarham,  Mr.  Stone,  Mr.  Hooker,  Mr. 
Whiting,  and  the  secretary,  were  appointed  a  committee 
for  its  emendation.  They  were  authorised  to  methodize 
and  make  all  such  alterations,  as  they  should  judge  expe- 
dient, provided  the  substance  of  it  were  retained.  They 
were  directed  to  write  letters  to  any  noble  personages  in 
England,  to  whom  it  might  be  expedient  to  make  applica- 
tion, and  to  transact  whatever  might  be  necessary,  respect- 
ing the  petition  and  the  procurement  of  a  patent. 

Governor  Win  thro  p  was  appointed  agent  to  present  the 
petition  to  his  majesty,  and  to  transact  all  affairs  in  Eng- 
land, respecting  the  general  welfare  of  the  colony.  He 
had  particular  instructions  from  the  general  .court  for  the 
management  of  the  business  of  his  agency.  He  was  espe- 
cially directed  to  obtain  the  consent,  and  take  the  advice- 
of  the  nobles  and  gentlemen,  who  had  been  interested  in  the 
old  patent  of  Connecticut  j  and  to  engage  the  friendship 
and  influence  of  all  those,  who  might  be  active  and  servicea- 
ble, with  respect  to  the  interests  of  the  colony. 

In  the  petition  to  his  majesty,  it  was  represented,  that  the 
greatest  part  of  the  colony  had  been  purchased  and  obtain- 
ed by  great  and  valuable  considerations  ;  that  some  other 
part  thereof  -had  been  obtained  by  conquest ;  and  that  it 
had,  with  great  difficulty,  at  the  sole  endeavours,  expense 
and  charges  of  themstlves  and  their  associates,  under  whom 
they  claimed,  been  subdued  and  improved,  and  thereby 
become  a  considerable  enlargement  and  addition  to  his  ma- 
jesty's dominions  and  interests  in  New-England.*  These 
were  pleaded  as  reasons,  with  his  majesty,  to  grant  the 
tract  and  privileges  for  which  the  petitioners  prayed. 

At  the  same  time,  a  letter  was  addressed  to  lord  Say  and 
Seal,  representing  the  encouragements  which  their  fathers, 
and  some  of  their  surviving  associates,  received  from  him. 
to  transplant  themselves  into  the  inland  parts  of  this  vast 
wilderness,  and  their  assurances  of  his  patronage  and  fa- 
vor. They  also  complained,  that  Mr.  George  Fenwick, 
several  years  after  he  had  taken  possession  of  the  entrance 
of  Connecticut  river,  determining  to  return  to  England, 
proposed  to  sell  the  fort,  at  Saybrook,  with  all  the  build- 
ings and  appurtenances  there,  together  with  all  the  lands 
upon  the  river,  as  far  eastward  as  Narraganset  bay,  with 
the  right  of  jurisdiction,  to  the  colony.  They  represented, 
"Arfpendix  >~o.  VII. 


CHAP.  XII.  CONNECTICUT.  241 

that  this,  at  first,  was  strenuously  opposed,  by  many  of  BOOK  I. 
the  inhabitants,  as  they  imagined  his  lordship,  and  the  ^*~v~*~' 
other  noble  patentees,  had  very  bountiful  intentions  to-  1661. 
wards  them  ;  and  that  such  a  procedure  would  be  extreme- 
ly contrary  to  their  designs.  Nevertheless,  that  after- 
wards, as  some  of  those  gentlemen,  who  had  the  greatest 
interest  in  the  affections  of  their  lordships,  were  removed 
by  death ;  and  as  Mr.  Fenwick  pretended  to  be  the  only 
patentee ;  and  threatened,  that  unless  the  colony  would 
purchase  the  lands,  on  his  own  terms,  he  would  either  im- 
pose duties  upon  the  people,  or  sell  the  premises  to  the 
Dutch,  they  finally  agreed  with  him,  and  paid  him  1,600 
pounds  for  them.  They  intimated  that  this  was  the  only 
way  in  which  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  community  could 
have  been  preserved.  As  a  further  matter  of  grievance, 
they  complained,  that,  besides  this  great  abuse,  Mr.  Fen- 
wick  had  given  them  nothing  under  his  hand,  to  oblige  him- 
self or  his  heirs  to  fulfil  his  engagements  ;  and  that  they 
had  nothing  to  secure  them,  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  just 
rights  and  privileges,  as  a  distinct  commonwealth.  They 
further  made  complaint  of  encroachments  made  upon  them, 
on  the  north  by  the  Massachusetts,  and  by  them  and  others 
towards  the  Narragansets  ;  and  that  they  knew  not  how  to 
support  their  claims,  or  ascertain  their  boundaries,  with- 
out a  patent.  They  intreat  his  lordship  to  consider  their 
circumstances,  counsel  and  assist  their  agent,  and  counte- 
nance their  designs.* 

The  only  alteration  which  had  been  made,  at  the  elec- 
tion, this  year,  in  Connecticut,  was  the  choice  of  Mr. 
Thurston  Rayner  into  the  magistracy  ;  but  at  New-Haven 
the  alteration  was  very  considerable. 

Francis  Newman,   Esq.  who  had  succeeded  governor  Governor 
Eaton,  in  the  chief  seat  of  government,  was  now  no  more.  Newman 
He  had  been  for  many  years  secretary,  under  the  adminis- 
tration of  governor  Eaton,  and  was  well  acquainted  with  the 
affairs  of  the  colony.     He  is  represented  as  a  gentleman 
of  piety  and  unblemished  morals,   happily   imitating  his 
predecessor  both  in  public  and  private  life. 

Upon  the  election,  William  Leet,  Esq.  was  chosen  gov-  Election  at 
ernor,  and  Mr.  Matthew  Gilbert,  deputy  governor.     Mr.  v^ 
Benjamin  Fenn,  Mr.  Robert  Treat,  Mr.  Jasper  Crane,  Mr.  29th. 
John  Wakeman,  and  Mr.  William  Gibbard,  were  elected 
magistrates.     The  spirit  of  republicanism  however  was  so 
high,   at  New-Haven,  that  several  of  them  would  not  ac- 
cept their  appointments  and  take  the   oaths  prescribed. 
Mr.  Wakeman  and  Mr.  Gibbard  utterly  refused.     Mr, 
*  Letter  to  his  lordship,  No.  VIIL 
F2 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XHl 


Regicides 
condemn- 
ed. 


Whalley 
and  Goffe 
arrive  at 
Boston. 


Jletire  to 
Gam- 
bridge. 


.Arfire  at 
Jfew-Ha- 


Fenn  was  hardly  prevailed  with  to  accept  his  office.  He 
at  last  took  the  oath,  with  this  previous  explanation,  that  it 
was  only  with  reference  to  the  particular  laws  of  that  colo- 
ny ;  and  that  if  any  thing  foreign  should  present,  it  should 
give  no  offence  if  he  should  decline  acting.  Mr.  James 
Bishop  was  chosen  secretary,  and  Mr.  Robert  Allen,  trea- 
surer. 

An  affair  had  happened  at  New-Haven,  a  few  months 
before  this,  which  now  began  to  alarm  the  country,  and 
soon  gave  great  anxiety  and  trouble  to  that  colony. 

Very  soon  after  the  restoration,  a  large  number  of  the 
judges  of  king  Charles  the  first,  commonly  termed  regicides, 
were  apprehended  and  brought  upon  their  trials,  in  the 
Old  Baily.  Thirty  nine  were  condemned,  and  ten  exe- 
cuted as  traitors.  Some  others,  apprehensive  of  danger, 
fled  out  of  the  kingdom  before  king  Charles  II.  was  pro- 
claimed. ;  Colonels  Whalley  and  Goffe  made  their  escape 
to  New-England.  They  were  brought  over  by  one  cap- 
tain Gooking,  and  arrived  at  Boston,  in  July,  1660.  Gov- 
ernor Endicott  and  gentlemen  of  character,  in  Boston  and 
its  vicinity,  treated  them  with  peculiar  respect  and  kind- 
ness. They  were  gentlemen  of  singular  abilities,  and  had 
moved  in  an  exalted  sphere.  Whalley  had  been  a  lieuten- 
ant general,  and  Goffe,  a  major  general^  in  Cromwell's  ar- 
my. Their  manners  were  elegant,  and  their  appearance 
grave  and  dignified,  commanding  universal  respect.  They 
soon  went  from  Boston  to  Cambridge,  where  they  resided 
until  February.  They  resorted  openly  to  places  of  pub- 
lic worship  on  the  Lord's  day,  and  at  other  times  of  public 
devotion.  They  were  universally  esteemed,  by  all  men  of 
character,  both  civil  and  religious.  But  no  sooner  was  k 
known,  that  the  judges  had  been  condemned  as  traitors, 
and  that  these  gentlemen  were  excepted  from  the  act  of 
pardon,  than  the  principal  gentlemen  in  the  Massachusetts 
began  to  be  alarmed.  Governor  Endicott  called  a  court 
of  magistrates  to  consult  measures  for  apprehending  them. 
However,  their  friends  were  so  numerous  that  a  vote  could 
.not,  at  that  time,  be  obtained  to  arrest  them.  Some  of  the 
court  declared  that  they  would  stand  by  them,  others  ad- 
vised them  to  remove  out  of  the  colony. 

Finding  themselves  unsafe  at  Cambridge,  they  came,  by 
I'he  assistance  of  their  friends,  to  Connecticut.  They 
made  their  route  by  Hartford,  but  went  on  directly  to  New- 
Haven.  They  arrived  about  the  27th  of  March,  and  made 
Mr.  Davenport's  house  the  place  of  their  residence.  They 
were  treated  with  the  same  marks  of  esteem  and  generous 
fricndshipj  at  New-Haven,  which  they  had  received  in  the 


CHAP.  XFI.  .CONNECTICUT.  S43 

Massachusetts.     The  more  the  people  became  acquainted  BOOK  I. 
with  them,  the  more  -they  esteemed  them,  not  only  as  men  ^*~v"*s 
of  great  minds,   but  of  unfeigned  piety  and  religion.     For    1661. 
some  time,  they  appeared  to  apprehend  themselves  as  out 
of  danger,  and  happily  situated  among  a  number  of  pious 
and  agreeable  friends.     But  it  was  not  long  before  the 
news  of  the  king's  proclamation  against  the  regicides  ar- 
rived, -requiring,  that  wherever  they  might  be  found,  they 
should  be  immediately  apprehended.     The  governor  of 
^Massachusetts,  in  consequence  of  the  royal  proclamation, 
issued  his  warrant  to  arrest  them.     As  they  were  certified,  Goto 
by  their  friends,  of  all  measures  adopted  respecting  them,  Mlllon*r 
they  removed  to  Milford.     There  they  appeared  openly  in 
the  day  time,  but  at  night  often  returned  privately  to  New- 
Haven,  and  were  generally  secreted  at  Mr.  Davenport's^ 
until  about  the  last  of  April. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  receiv- 
ed a  royal  mandate  requiring  him  to  apprehend  them  ;  and 
a  more  full  and  circumstantial  account  of  the  condemna- 
tion and  the  execution  of  the  ten  regicides,  and  of  the  dis- 
position of  the  court  towards  them,  and  the  republicans 
and  puritans  in  general,  arrived  in  New-England.     This 
gave  a  more    general  and  thorough  alarm  to    the  whole 
country.     A  feigned  search  had  been  made  in  the  Massa- 
chusetts, in  consequence  of  the  former  warrant,  for  the  co- 
lonels Whalley  and  Goffe  ;  but  now  the  governor  and  ma- 
gistrates began  to  view  the  affair  in  a  more  serious  point 
of  light ;  and  appear  to  have  been  in  earnest  to  secure 
ihena.     They  perceived,  that  their  own  personal  safety, 
and  the  liberties  and  peace  of  the  country,  were  concerned 
in  the  manner  of  their  conduct  towards  those  unhappy  men. 
They  therefore  immediately  gave  a  commission  to  Thomas  Kellon^ 
Kellond  and  Thomas  Kirk,  two  zealous  young  royalists,  to  and  Kl.rk 
go  through  the  colonies,  as  far  as  the  Manhadoes,  and  make  gj^d'to 
a  careful  and  universal  search  for  them.     They  pursued  search  the 
the  judges,  with  engagedness,  to  Hartford  ;  and,  repairing  country. 
4o  governor  Winthrop,  were  nobly  entertained.     He  as- 
sured them,  that  the  colonels  made  no  stay  in  Connecticut, 
but  went  directly  to  New-Haven.     He  gave  them  a  war- 
rant and  instructions  similar  to  those  which  they  had  re- 
ceived from  the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  transacted 
every  thing  relative  to  the  affair  with  dispatch.     The  next  Come  to 
day  they  arrived  at  Guilford,  and  opened  their  business  to  Gullfor4- 
deputy  governor  Leet.     They  acquainted  him  that,  accord- 
ing to  the  intelligence  which  they  had  received,  the  regi- 
cides were  then  at  New-Haven.     They  desired  immediate- 
ly to  be  furnished  ^Yith  powers,  horses,  and  assistance  to 
arrest  them, 


244  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XII. 

BOOK  I.  But  here  they  were  very  unwel-  ome  messengers.  Gov- 
<*^-v^+s  ernor  Leet,  and  the  principal  gentlemen  in  Guilford  and 
1661.  New-Haven,  had  no  ill  opinion  of  the  judges.  If  they  had 
Sentiments  done  wrong  in  the  part  they  had  acted,  they  viewed  it  as 
of  govern-  an  error  jn  judgment,  and  as  the  fault  of  great  and  good 

or  Leet  j       J  i-  j  j-  • 

and  his  men,  under  peculiar  and  extraordinary  circumstances, 
council.  They  were  touched  with  compassion  and  sympathy,  and 
had  real  scruples  of  conscience  with  respect  to  delivering 
up  such  men  to  death.  They  viewed  them  as  the  excel- 
lent in  the  earth,  and  were  afraid  to  betray  them,  lest  they 
should  be  instrumental  in  shedding  innocent  blood;  They 
saw  no  advantage  in  putting  them  to  death,  They  were 
not  zealous  therefore  to  assist  in  apprehending  them.  Gov- 
Their  con-  ernor  Leet  said,  he  had  not  seen  them,  in  nine  weeks,  and 
duct  res-  that  he  did  not  believe  they  jvere  at  New-Haven.  He  read 
pecting  some  of  the  papers  relative  to  the  affair  with  an  audible 
cides!gl  voice.  The  pursuivants  observed  to  him,  that  their  busi- 
ness required  more  secrecy,  than  was  consistent  with  such 
a  reading  of  their  instructions.  He  delayed  furnishing  them 
with  horses  until  the  next  morning,  and  utterly  declined 
giving  them  any  powers,  until  he  had  consulted  with  his 
council,  at  New-Haven.  They  complained,  that  an  Indian 
•went  off,  from  Guilford  to  New-Haven,  in  the  night,  and 
that  the  governor  was  so  dilatory,  the  next  morning,  that  a 
messenger  went  on  to  New-Haven,  before  they  could  ob- 
tain horses  for  their  assistance.  The  judges  were  appris- 
ed of  every  transaction  respecting  them,  and  they,  and 
their  friends,  took  their  measures  accordingly.  They 
changed  their  quarters,  from  one  place  to  another  in  the 
town,  as  circumstances  required  ;  and  had  faithful  friends 
to  give  them  information,  and  to  conceal  them  from  their 
enemies. 

On  the  13th  of  March,  the  pursuivants  came  to  New-Ha- 
ven, and  governor  Leet  arrived  in  town,  soon  after  them, 
to  consult  his  council.  They  acquainted  him,  that,  from 
the  information  which  they  had  received,  they  were  per- 
suaded, that  the  judges  were  yet  in  the  town,  and  pressed 
him  and  the  magistrates  to  give  them  a  warrant  and  assist- 
ance, to  arrest  them,  without  any  further  delay.  But  after 
the  governor  and  his  council  had  been  together  five  or  six 
hours,  they  dispersed,  without  doing  any  thing  relative  to 
the  affair.  The  governor  declared,  that  they  could  not 
act  without  calling  a  general  assembly  of  the  freemen. 
Kellond  and  Kirk  observed  to  him,  that  the  other  govern- 
ors had  not  stood  upon  such  niceties ;  that  the  honor  and 
justice  of  his  majesty  were  concerned,  and  that  he  would 
highly  resent  the  concealment  and  abetting  of  such  traitors 


CHAP.  XII.  CONNECTICUT.  245 

and  regicides.     They  demanded  whether  he,  and  his  coun-  BOOK  I. 
cil,  would  own  and  honour  his  majesty  ?     The  governor  \«*~v~>-' 
replied,  we  do  honour  his  majesty,   but  have  tender  con-    1661. 
sciences,  and  wish  first  to  know  whether  he  will  own  us.* 

The  tradition  is,  that  the  pursuivants  searched  Mr.  Da- 
venport's house,  and  used  him  very  ill.  They  also  search- 
ed other  houses,  where  they  suspected  that  the  regicides 
were  concealed.  The  report  is,  that  they  went  into  the 
house  of  one  Mrs.  Eyers,  where  they  actually  were ;  but 
she  conducted  the  affair  with  such  composure  and  address, 
that  they  imagined  the  judges  had  just  made  their  escape 
from  the  house,  and  they  went  off  without  making  any 
search.  It  is  said,  that  once,  when  the  pursuers  passed 
the  neck  bridge,  the  judges  concealed  themselves  under  it. 
Several  times  they  narrowly  escaped,  but  never  could  be 
taken. 

These  zealous  royalists,  not  finding  the  judges  in  New- 
Haven,  prosecuted  their  journey  to  the  Dutch  settlements, 
and  made  interest  with  Stuyvesant,   the  Dutch  governor, 
against  them.  He  promised  them,  that,  if  the  judges  should 
be  found  within  his  jurisdiction,  he  would  give  them  imme- 
diate intelligence,  and  that  he  would  prohibit  all  ships  and 
vessels  from  transporting  them.     Having  thus  zealously  Kellond 
prosecuted  the  business  of  their  commission,  they  returned  and  Kirk_, 
to  Boston,  and  reported  the  reception  which  they  had  met  repori'a 
with  atGuilford  and  New-Haven. 

Upon  this  report,  a  letter  was  written  by  secretary  Raw-  Letter 
son,  in  the  name  of  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  to  from  ^e 
governor  Leet  and  his  council,  on  the  subject.     It  repre-  M&1&*- 
sented,  that  many  complaints  had  been  exhibited  in  Eng-  chusetts  to 
land  against  the  colonies,  and  that  they  were  in  great  dan-  governor 
ger.     It  was  observed,  that  one  great  source  of  complaint,  Leetv 
was  their  giving  such  entertainment  to  the  regicides,  and 
their  inattention   to   his   majesty's  warrant  for  arresting 
them.     This  was  represented  as  an  affair  which  hazarded 
the  liberties  of  all  the  colonies,  and  especially  those  of 
New-Haven.     It  was  intimated,  that  the  safety  of  particu- 
lar persons,  no  less  than  that  of  the  colony,  was  in  danger. 
It  was  insisted,  that  the  only  way  to  expiate  their  offence, 
and  save  themselves  harmless,  was,  without  delay,  to  ap- 
prehend the  delinquents.     Indeed,  the  court  urged,  that 
not  only  their  own  safety  and  welfare,  but  the  essential  in- 
terests of  their  neighbours,  demanded  their  indefatigable 
exertions  to  exculpate  themselves. 

Colonels  Whalley  and  Goffe,  after  the  search  which  had 

*  Report  of  Kellond  and  Kirk  to  governor  Endicott ;  to  which  th.ey 
gave  oath,  in  the  presence  of  the  governor  and  his  council. 


246 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XII. 


BOOK  I, 


1661. 

Regicides 
change 
their  quar- 
ters. 


They  ap- 
pear open- 
ly at  New- 
Haven. 


Governor 
!Leet  con- 
venes the 
general 
court, 
Aug.  1st. 

New-Ha- 
ven's ex- 
cuse. 


,  been  made  for  them  at  New-Haven,  left  Mr.  Davenport's, 
•  and  took  up  their  quarters  at  Mr.  William  Jones's,  son  in 
law  to  governor  Eaton,  and,  afterwards,  deputy  governor 
of  New-Haven  and  Connecticut.  There  they  secreted 
themselves  until  the  llth  of  May.  Thence  they  removed 
to  a  mill  in  the  environs  of  the  town.  For  a  short  time, 
they  made  their  quarters  in  the  woods,  and  then  fixed  them 
in  a  cave  in  the  side  of  a  hill,  which  they  named  Provi- 
dence Hill.  They  had  some  other  places  of  resort,  to  which 
they  retired  as  occasion  made  it  necessary ;  but  this  was, 
generally,  the  place  of  their  residence  until  the  19th  of 
August.*  When  the  weather  was  bad,  they  lodged,  at 
night,  in  a  neighbouring  house.  It  is  not  improbable,  that, 
sometimes,  when  it  could  be  done  with  safety,  they  made 
visits  to  their  friends  at  New-Haven. 

Indeed,  to  prevent  any  damage  to  Mr.  Davenport,  OF 
the  colony,  they  once,  or  more,  came  into  the  town  openly, 
and  Offered  to  deliver  up  themselves  to  save  their  friends. 
It  seems  it  was  fully  expected,  at  that  time,  that  they  would 
have  done  it  voluntarily.  But  their  friends  neither  desired, 
nor  advised  them,  by  any  means,  to  adopt  so  dangerous  a 
measure.  They  hoped  to  save  themselves  and  the  colony 
harmless,  without  such  a  sacrifice.  The  magistrates  were 
greatly  blamed  for  not  apprehending  them,  at  this  time  in 
particular-  Secretary  Rawson,  in  a  letter  of  his  to  gover- 
nor Leet,  writes,  "  How  ill  this  will  be  taken,  is  not  diffi- 
cult to  imagine ;  to  be  sure  not  well.  Nay,  will  not  all 
men  condemn  you  as  wanting  to  yourselves?"  The  gene- 
ral court  of  Massachusetts  further  acquainted  governor 
Leet,  that  the  colonies  were  criminated  for  making  no  ap- 
plication to  the  king,  since  his  restoration,  and  for  not  pro- 
claiming him  as  their  king.  The  court,  in  their  letter,  ob- 
served, that  it  was  highly  necessary  that  they  should  send 
an  agent  to  answer  for  them  at  the  court  of  England. 

On  the  reception  of  this  intelligence,  governor  Leet  con- 
voked the  general  court,  and  laid  the  letters  before  them. 
After  much  debate,  it  was  concluded  to  address  a  letter  to 
the  general  court,  exculpating  the  colony.  With  respect 
to  the  regicides,  they  declared,  that  they  had  neither  dis- 
owned nor  slighted  the  king  nor  his  authority ;  and  that 
the  apprehending  of  them  was  not  defeated  by  any  delay 
of  theirs,  as  they  had  made  their  escape  before  the  king's 

*  About  this  time  they  removed  to  Milford,  where  they  continued  about 
two  years.  On  the  arrival  of  the  king's  commissioners  in  New-England, 
they  retired  again  to  their  cave  for  a  short  time,  and  about  the  13th  of  Oc- 
tober, 1664,  removed  to  Hadley.  As  the  late  Rev.  President  Stiles  has 
written  their  history,  no  notice  will  be  taken  of  it  in  this  work,  further 
than  it  is  connected  with  the  afiajrs  of  tjw  colony. 


CHAP.  XIT.  CONNECTICUT.  247 

warrant  arrived  in  the  colony.     They  alledged,  that  the  BOOK  I. 
pursuers  neglected  their  business,  to  attend  upon  the  gov-  ^X-N/-^ 
ernorand  his  council,  for  which  they  had  no  authority.  Be-    1661. 
sides,  they  pleaded  scruples  of  conscience,  and  fear  of  un- 
faithfulness to  the  people,  who  had  given  them  all  their 
power,  and  to  whom  they  were  bound  by  solemn  oath. 
Further,  they  insisted,  that  acting  upon  the  warrant  would 
have  been  owning  a  general  governor,  and  dangerous  to 
the  liberties  of  the  people.     To  him  they  said  the  warrant 
was  directed,  and  though  other  magistrates  were  mentioned, 
yet  they  were  considered  only  as  officers  under  him. 

With  reference  to  the  magistrates  not  arresting  the  judg- 
es, when  they  appeared  openly  in  the  town,  they  said,  it 
was  owing  to  a  full  persuasion  that  they  would  certainly 
surrender  themselves,  according  to  their  promise.  They 
affirmed,  that  they  had  used  all  diligence  with  those  who 
had  shown  them  kindness,  to  persuade  them  to  deliver  them 
up;  that  they  were  ignorant  where  they  were,  and  that 
they  did  not  believe  that  they  were  in  the  colony.  They 
promised,  that  they  would  exert  themselves  to  arrest  and 
secure  them,  if  an  opportunity  should  present. 

They  excused  themselves  for  not  making  an  address  or 
application  to  his  majesty^  because  it  was  to  them  a  new 
and  unprecedented  affair,  and  they  were  ignorant  of  the 
proper  form.  Indeed,  they  said  they  could  not  agree  in 
one  which  might  be  acceptable.  These  they  avowed  to 
be  the  reasons  of  their  omission,  and  not  any  disloyalty  to 
his  majesty.  As  the  form  in  which  the  colony  of  Massa- 
chusetts made  their  submission  to  the  king,  had  been  laid 
before  them,  they  declared,  that  it  was  to  their  satisfaction, 
and  that,  from  their  hearts,  they  acknowledged  and  said 
the  same.  They  promised  full  subjection  and  entire  arlle- 
giance  to  his  majesty,  king  Charles  II.  Upon  this  sub* 
mission  and  declaration,  they  supplicated  for  the  same  im- 
munities and  privileges  with  their  sister  colonies,  and  de- 
clared their  expectations  of  the  full  enjoyment  of  them. 

At  the  same  time,  they  declined  the  making  of  any  par- 
ticular address  to  the  king,  on  account  of  their  inability  to 
procure  a  proper  agent  to  present  it  to  his  majesty.     In 
their  great  distress,  they  desired  the  general  court  of  Massa- 
chusetts to  represent  them  to  the  king  as  cordially  owning 
and  complying  with  their  address,  as  though  it  had  been 
said  and  made  by  themselves.  They  expressed  their  opin- 
ion of  the  necessity  of  a  general  agent  for  New-England,  New-Ha? 
to  supplicate  the  royal  favour,  to  defeat  the  designs  of  their  yen  un'te 
enemies,  and  to  procure  for  them  all  acts  of  indemnity  and  ™zenerzl 
grace.    They  agreed  to  bear  their  proportionable  part  of  ag<jut.  ' 


248  HISTORY  OP  CHAP.  XII. 

BOOK  I.  the  expense.  The  court  immediately  sent  an  agent  to 
•^*-^/~^'  Boston,  on  this  business.  One  great  matter  of  complaint, 
1661.  against  the  colonies,  had  been  their  not  proclaiming  the 
They  pro-  king.  But  as  he  had  now  been  proclaimed  in  all  the  other 
kin™  AH*-  c°lor"es»  'n  New-England,  the  general  court  at  New-Haven 
gust  2ist.  judged  it  expedient  formally  to  proclaim  him  there.* 
Gov.  Win-  About  this  time,  it  seems,  governor  Winthrop  took 
conT'V  ^'s  PassaSe  f°r  England.  Upon  his  arrival,  he  made 
England!  application  to  lord  Say  and  Seal,  and  other  friends  of 
the  colony,  for  their  countenance  and  assistance. 

Lord  Say  and  Seal,  appears  to  have  been  the  only 
nobleman  Jiving,  who  was  one  of  the  original  paten- 
tees of  Connecticut.  He  held  the  patent  in  trust,  origi- 
nally, for  the  puritanic  exiles.  He  received  the  address 
from  the  colony  most  favorably,  and  gave  governor  Win- 
throp all  the  assistance  in  his  power.!  The  governor  was 
a  man  of  address,  and  he  arrived  in  England  at  a  happy 
.  time  for  Connecticut.  Lord  Say  and  Seal,  the  great  friend 

ship  ofiord  °f  ^e  C°l°ny5  had  been  particularly  instrumental  in  the 
Say  and     restoration.     This  had  so  brought  him  into  the  king's  fa- 
Seal.         vor?  that  he  had  been  made  lord  privy  seal.     The  earl  of 
Manchester,   another  friend  of  the  puritans,  and  of  the 
rights  of  the  colonies,  was  chamberlain  of  his  majesty's 
household.     He  was  an    intimate  friend   of  lord  Say  and 
Seal,  and  had  been  united  with  him  in  defending  the  colo- 
nies, and  pleading  for  their  establishment  and  liberties. 
Favorable  Lord  Say  and  Seal  engaged  him  to  give  Mr.  Winthrop  his 
circum-      utmost  assistance.     Mr.  Winthrop  had   an  extraordinary 
stancesun-  ring,  which  had  been  given  his   grand  father   by   king 
tnYpIti-     Charles  the  first,  which  he  presented  to  the  king.     This,  it 
tion  was     is  said,  exceedingly  pleased  his  majesty,   as  it  had  been 
presented,  once  the  property  of  a  father  most  dear  to  him.     Under 
these  circumstances,  the  petition  of  Connecticut  was  pre- 
sented, and  was  received  with  uncommon  grace  and  favor. 

*  The  form  was  curious.     It  was  expressed  in  the  following  words. 
Form  of          "  Although  we  have  not  received  any  form  of  proclamation,  by  order 
proclama-  from   his   majesty  or   council  of  state,   for  proclaiming  his   majesty   in 
tion.  this  colony ;  yet,  the  court  taking  encouragement  from  what  has  been 

done  in  the  rest  of  the  united  colonies,  hath  thought  fit  to  declare  publicly, 
and  proclaim,  that  we  do  acknowledge  his  royal  highness,  Charles  the 
second,  king  of  England,  Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland,  to  be  our  sove- 
reign lord  and  king ;  and  that  we  do  acknowledge  ourselves,  the  inhabi- 
tants of  this  colony,  to  be  his  majesty's  loyal  and  faithful  subjects." 

t  Letter  to  governor  Winthrop,  in  England,  No.  IX.  His  lordship  ever 
retained  his  friendship  for  the  colonies,  and  not  only  rendered  great  service» 
to  Connecticut,  but  to  them  all,  in  vindicating  them  against  the  complaints 
made  against  them,  and  in  conciliating  the  favor  of  the  king  and  his  court 
towards  them.  In  a  letter  of  his,  to  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  he 
says,  "  I  have  not  been  wanting  both  to  the  king  and  council  to  advance 
your  interest ;  more  I  cannot  do,  but  pray  the  Lord  to  stand  with  you  and 
lor  you." 


CHAP.  XIL  CONNECTICUT . 

Upon  the  20th  of  April,  1662,  his  majesty  granted   the  BOOK  I. 
colony  his  letters  patent,   conveying  the  most  ample  privi-  ^*-~v~*+> 
leges,  under  the  great  seal  of  England.     It  confirmed  unto     1662* 
it  the  whole  tract  of  country,  granted  by  king  Charles  the  Charter 
first  unto  the  earl  of  Warwick,  and  which  was,  the  next  ^°^' 
year,  by  him  consigned  unto  lord  Say  and  Seal,  lord  Brook  conveyed, 
and   others.     The   patent  granted   the  lands  in   free  and  Reasons 
common  socage.     The  fates,  stated  and  pleaded  in  the  pe-  rec 
tition,  were  recognized  in  the  charter,  nearly  in  the  same  e  ' 
form  of  words,  as  reasons  of  the  royal  grant,  and  of  the 
ample  privileges  which  it  conveyed. 

It  ordained,  that  John  Winthrop,  John  Mason,  Samuel 
Wyllys,  Henry  Clarke,  Matthew  Allen,  John  Tapping, 
Nathan  Gould,  Richard  Treat,  Richard  Lord,  Henry  Woi- 
cott,  John  Talcott,  Daniel  Clarke,  John  Ogden,  Thomas 
Wells,  Obadiah  Bruen,  John  Clark,  Anthony  Hawkins, 
John  Deming,  and  Matthew  Canfield,  and  all  such  others 
as  then  were,  or  should  afterwards  be  admitted  and  made 
free  of  the  corporation,  should  forever  after  be  one  body 
corporate  and  politic,  in  fact  and  name,  by  the  name  of  the 
GOVERNOR  AND  COMPANY  OF  THE  ENGLISH  COLONY  OP 
CONNECTICUT  IN  NEW-ENGLAND  IN  AMERICA  ;  and  that  by 
the  same  name,  they  and  their  successors  should  have  per- 
petual succession.  They  were  capacitated,  as  persons  in 
law,  to  plead  and  be  impleaded,  to  defend  and  be  defend- 
ed, in  all  suits  whatsoever :  To  purchase,  possess,  lease, 
grant,  demise,  and  sell  lands,  tenements,  and  goods,  in  as 
ample  a  manner,  as  any  of  his  majesty's  subjects  or  corpo- 
rations in  England.  The  charter  ordained,  that  there 
should  be,  annually,  two  general  assemblies  ;  one  holden 
on  the  second  Thursday  in  May,  and  the  other  on  the  sec- 
ond Thursday  in  October.  This  was  to  consist  of  the 
governor,  deputy  governor,  and  twelve  assistants,  with 
two  deputies  from  every  town  or  city.  John  Winthrop 
was  appointed  governor,  and  John  Mason,  deputy  govern- 
or, and  the  gentlemen  named  above,  magistrates,  until  a 
new  election  should  be  made. 

The  company  were  authorised  to  have  a  common  seal, 
to  appoint  judicatories,  make  freemen,  constitute  officers, 
establish  laws,  impose  fines,  assemble  the  inhabitants  in 
marshal  array  for  the  common  defence,  and  to  exercise 
martial  law  in  all  cases,  in  which  it  might  be  necessary. 

It  was  ordained  by  the  charter,  that  all  the  king's  sub- 
jects, in  the  colony,  should  enjoy  all  the  privileges  of  free- 
and  natural  subjects  within  the  realm  of  England  ;  and  that 
the  patent  should  always  have  the  most  favorable  construe - 
ti6n  for  the  benefit  of  the  governor  and  company. 

G  2 


2'jO  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIL 

BOOK  I.      The  charter  did  not  come  over  until  nfter  the  election, 
•^~v-^v^  This  was  on  the  15th  of  May,  and  the  freemen  made  no  al- 
1662.     teration  in  their  officers. 

Many  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven  appear  to  have  been 
exceedingly  opposed  to  king  Charles,  and  to  the  royal  in- 
structions which  they  had  received.  It  had  been  with 
great  difficulty,  that  the  governor  and  council  had  managed 
the  government  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  keep  peace  among 
the  people,  and  not  incur  the  displeasure  of  the  king  and 
his  council.  Though  they  had  done  as  little  as  possible,, 
consistent  with  loyalty,  in  conforming  to  his  majesty's  or- 
ders, yet  they  had  done  more  than  was  pleasing  to  all. 
There  had  been  some  insurrections  and  tumults,  and  the 
authority,  in  some  instances,  had  not  been  well  treated. 
Some  complained,  that  they  could  not  enjoy  their  privileges 
more  amply  ;  and  that  none  but  church  members  could  be 
freemen  of  the  corporation* 

Governor        Governor  Leet,  therefore,  at  the  court  of  election,  made 
Leet's        a  pacific  speech  to  the  freemen.     He  represented  to  them 
concilia-     {{1C  grc;,t  difficulties  and  dangers  of  the  year  past,  and  the 
speech,       divine  goodness  towards  them,  in  the  continuation  of  their 
May 28th.  civil  and  religious  privileges.     He  acknowledged  himself 
to  be  subject  to  many  imperfections,  yet  professed,  that,  in 
his  office,  he  had  acted  conscientiously,  consulting  the  com- 
mon safety  and  happiness.     He  declared  his  readiness  to 
give  the  reasons  of  his   conduct  to  any  brother,  or  breth- 
ren, who  would  come  to  him,  in  an  orderly  manner.     He 
acknowledged  their  kind  affection    and  patience  towards 
him,  in  covering  and  passing  by  his  infirmities. 

Upon  this,  the  election  proceeded,  and  he  was  choseii 
governor,  and  Matthew  Gilbert  deputy  governor.     The 
deputy  governor's  not  apprehending  the  regicides,  did  not, 
in  any  measure,  injure  his  popularity.     No  objection  was 
made  against  either  of  the  governors.     Mr.  William  Jones 
and  Mr.   William  Gibbard  were   chosen  magistrates,  for 
New-Haven  ;  Mr.  Benjamin  Fenn  and  Mr.  Robert  Treat, 
for  Milford  ;  and  Mr.  Jasper  Crane,  for  Branford.     Seve- 
ral of  the  magistrates  took  the  oath,  this  year,  with  the  ex- 
planations and  exceptions  which  they  had  made  the  last. 
Before  the  session  of  the  general  assembly  of  Connecti- 
cut, in  October,  the  charter  was  brought  over  ;  and  as  the 
governors  and  magistrates,  appointed  by  his  majesty,  were 
General     not  authorised  to  serve  after  this  time,  a  general  election 
J^arttbrd'    was  appointe^  °n  the  9th  of  October.      John  Winthrop, 
<vt.  9th,'   Esq.  was  chosen  governor,  and  John  Mason,  Esq.  deputy 
governor.      The  magistrates  were,   Matthew  Allen,  Samu- 
el Wyllys,  Nathaa  Gould,  Richard  Treat,  John  Ogden, 


CHAP.  XII.  CONNECTICUT.  2jl 

John    Tapping,   John    Talcott,    Henry   Wolcott,   Daniel  BOOK  I. 
Clarke,  and  John  Allen,   Esquires,  Mr.  Baker,  and  Mr.  <-*^s~^s 
Sherman.     John  Talcott,  Esq.  was  treasurer,  and  Daniel    1662. 
Clarke,  Esq.  secretary. 

Upon  the  day  of  the  election,  the  charter  was  publicly 
read  to  the  freemen,  and  declared  to  belong  to  them  and 
their  successors.  They  then  proceeded  to  make  choice  of 
Mr.  Wyllys,  Mr.  Talcott,  and  Mr.  Allen,  to  receive  the 
charter  into  their  custody,  and  to  keep  it  in  behalf  of  the 
colony.  It  was  ordered,  that  an  oath  should  be  adminis- 
tered by  the  court,  to  the  freemen,  binding  them  to  a  faith- 
ful discharge  of  the  trust  committed  to  them. 

The  general  assembly   established  all    former  officers,  Acts  Pa?s- 
civil  and  military,  in  their  respective  places  of  trust ;  and  tReUrecep- 
enacted,  that  all  the  laws  of  the  colony  should  be  continu-tion  of  the 
ed  in  full  force,  except  such  as  should  be  found  contrary  charter, 
to  the  tenor  of  the  charter.      It  was  also  enacted,  that  the  °6Cg<i      ' 
same  colony  seal  should  be  continued. 

The  major  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  Southhold,  several 
of  the  people  at  Guilford,  and  of  the  towns  of  Stamford  and 
Greenwich,  tendering  their  persons  and  estates  to  Connec- 
ticut, and  petitioning  to  enjoy  the  protection  and  privileg- 
es of  this  commonwealth,  were  accepted  by  the  assembly, 
and  promised  the  same  protection  and  freedom,  which  was 
common  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  colony  in  general.  At 
ihe  same  time,  it  was  enjoined  upon  them,  to  conduct  them- 
selves peaceably,  as  became  Christians,  towards  their 
neighbours,  who  did  not  submit  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Con- 
necticut ;  and  that  they  should  pay  all  taxes  due  to  the 
ministers,  with  all  other  public  charges  then  due.  A  mes- 
sage was  sent  to  the  Dutch  governor,  certifying  him  of  the 
charter,  granted  to  Connecticut,  and  desiring  him,  by  no 
means,  to  trouble  any  of  his  majesty's  subjects,  within  its 
limits,  with  impositions,  or  prosecutions  from  that  jurisdic- 
tion. 

The  assembly  gave  notice  to  the  inhabitants  of  Winches-, 
ter,  that  they  were  comprehended  within  the  limits  of  Con- 
necticut ;  and  ordered,  that,  as  his  majesty  had  thus  dis- 
posed of  them,  they  should  conduct  themselves  as  peacea- 
ble subjects.  The  as- 

The  assembly  resolved,  that  the  inhabitants  of  Mistic  \l™d  their 
and  Pawcatuck  should  no  more  exercise  any  authority,  by  jurisdic- 
virtue  of  commissions  from  any  other  colony,  but  should  *ion  to 
elect  their  town  officers,  and  manage  all  their  affairs,  ac-  ^kawl 
cording  to  the  laws  of  Connecticut.     It  was  also  resolved,  Long-hl< 
that  this,  and  some  other  towns,  should  pay  twenty  pounds  and. 


252 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XII. 


Appoint  a 
committee 
to  confer 
with  New- 
Haven. 


Commit- 
tee^s  dec- 
laration. 


New-Ha- 
•fen's  re- 


each,  towards  defraying  the  expense  of  procuring  the 
charter.* 

Huntington,  Setauket,  Oyster-Bay,  and  all  the  towns 
upon  Long-Island,  were  obliged  to  submit  to  the  authori- 
ty, and  govern  themselves  agreeably  to  the  laws  of  Con- 
necticut. A  court  was  instituted  at  Southhold,  consisting 
of  captain  John  Youngs,  and  the  justices  of  South  and 
East-Hampton.  The  assembly  resolved,  that  all  the 
towns,  which  should  be  received  under  their  jurisdiction, 
should  bear  their  equal  proportion  of  the  charge  of  the  col- 
ony, in  procuring  the  patent. 

As  the  charter  included  the  colony  of  New- Haven,  Mr. 
Matthew  Allen,  Mr.  Samuel  Wyllys,  and  the  Rev.  Messrs. 
Stone  and  Hooker,  were  appointed  a  committee,  to  pro- 
ceed to  New-Haven,  and  to  treat  with  their  friends  there, 
respecting  an  amicable  union  of  the  two  colonies.! 

The  committee  proceeded  to  New-Haven,  and  after  a 
conference  with  the  governor,  magistrates,  and  principal 
gentlemen  in  the  colony,  left  the  following  declaration,  to 
be  communicated  to  the  freemen. 

"  We  declare,  that  through  the  providence  of  the  Most 
High,  a  large  and  ample  patent,  and  therein  desirable  pri- 
vileges and  immunities  from  his  majesty,  being  come  to  our 
hand,  a  copy  whereof  we  have  left  with  you,  to  be  consid- 
ered, and  yourselves,  upon  the  sea  coast,  being  included 
and  interested  therein,  the  king  having  united  us  in  one 
body  politic,  we,  according  to  the  commission  wherewith 
•we  are  intrusted,  by  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut, 
do  declare,  in  their  name,  that  it  is  both  their  and  our  ear- 
nest desire,  that  there  may  be  a  happy  and  comfortable 
union  between  yourselves  and  us,  according  to  the  tenor  of 
the  charter ;  that  inconveniences  and  dangers  may  be  pre- 
vented, peace  and  truth  strengthened  and  established, 
through  our  suitable  subjection  to  the  terms  of  the  patent, 
and  the  blessing  of  GOD  upon  us  therein." 

The  authority  of  New-Haven  made  the  following  reply. 

"  We  have  received  and  perused  your  writings,  and 
heard  the  copy  read  of  his  majesty's  letters  patent  to  Con- 
necticut colony  ;  wherein,  though  we  do  not  find  the  colo- 
ny of  New-Haven  expressly  included,  yet  to  show  our  de- 

*  It  appear?,  from  the  appropriations  made,  and  taxes  imposed,  to  pay 
the  charges  of  governor  Winthrop's  agency,  that  the  charter  cost  the  col- 
ony about  thirteen  hundred  pounds  sterling. 

t  A  thanksgiving  was  appointed  by  this  assembly,  through  the  colony, 
to  celebrate  the  divine  beneficence  ;  especially,  in  granting  them  such  & 
favorable  reception  with  his  majesty,  and  such  ample  civil  and  religious 
privileges,  as  had  been  conferred  by  their  charter:  and  for  God's  gracious 
answer  to  the  prayers  of  his  people,  in  abating  the  sickness  of  the  country, 
and  giving  them  ray*  in  the  tinje  of  drought. 


CHAP.  XII.  CONNECTICUT.  2&3 

sire  that  matters  may  be  issued  in  the  conserving  of  peace  BOOK  I. 
and  amity,  with  righteousness  between  them  and  us,  we  v^~v-^/ 
shall  communicate  your  writing,  and  a  copy  of  the  patent,    1662. 
to  our  freemen,  and  afterwards,  with  convenient  speed,  re- 
turn their  answer.     Only  we  desire,  that  the  issuing  of 
matters  may  be  respited,  until  we  may  receive  fuller  in- 
formation from  Mr.  Vvmthrop,   or  satisfaction  otherwise  ; 
and  that  in  the  mean  time,  this  colony  may  remain  distinct, 
entire,  and  uninterrupted,   as  heretofore :  which  we  hope 
you  will  see  cause  lovingly  to  consent  unto ;  and  signify 
the  same  to  us  with  convenient  speed." 

On  the  4th  of  November,  the  freemen  of  the  colony  of  „ 
New-Haven,  convened  in  general  court.     The   governor  meet  a<- 
communicated  the  writings  to  the  court,  and  ordered  a  copy  New-Ha- 
of  the  patent  to  be  read.     After  a  short  adjournment,  for  ven'  NoVr 
consideration  in  an  affair  of  so  much  importance,  the  free- 
men met  again,  and  proceeded  to  a  large  discussion  of  the 
subject. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Davenport  was  entirely  opposed  to  an  Mr-  DaT" - 
union  with  Connecticut.     He  proceeded,  therefore,  to  offer  pose^the* 
a  number  of  reasons,  why  the  inhabitants  of  New-Haven  union, 
could  not  be  included  in  the  patent  of  that  colony,  and  fov 
which  they  ought  by  no  means,  voluntarily  to  form  an  un- 
ion.    He  left  his  reasons  in  writing,  for  the  consideration 
of  the  freemen.     He  observed  that,  he  should  leave  others 
to  act  according  to  the  light  which  they  should  receive. 

It  was  insisted,  that  New-Haven  had  been  owned  as  a 
distinct  government,  not  only  by  her  sister  colonies,  by  the 
parliament,  and  the  protector,  during  their  administration; 
but  by  his  majesty,  king  Charles  the  second  :  That  it  was 
against  the  express  articles  of  confederation,  by  which 
Connecticut  was  no  less  bound,  than  the  other  colonies** 
That  New-Haven  had  never  been  certified  of  any  such  de- 
sign, as  their  incorporation  with  Connecticut ;  and  that 
they  had  never  been  heard  on  the  subject.  It  was  further 
urged,  that,  had  it  been  designed  to  unite  them  with  Con- 
necticut, some  of  their  names,  at  least,  would  have  been 
put  into  the  patent,  with  the  other  patentees  ;  but  none  of 
them  were  there.  Hence  it  was  maintained,  that  it  never 
could  have  been  the  design  of  his  majesty,  to  comprehend 
them  within  the  limits  of  the  charter.  It  was  argued,  that, 
for  them  to  consent  to  an  union  would  be  inconsistent  with 
their  oath,  to  maintain  that  commonwealth,  with  all  its  pri- 
vileges, civil  and  religious.  Indeed,  it  was  urged,  that  if. 
would  be  incompatible  both  with  their  honor  and  most  es- 
sential interests. 
Governor  Leet  excused  himself  from  speaking  on  ths- 


2M  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  Xlf. 

BOOK  I.  subject,  desiring  rather  to  hear  the  freemen  speak  their 
w-v^  minds  freely,  and  to  act  themselves,  with  respect  to  the  un- 
1662.    ion. 

After  the  affair  had  been  fully  debated,  the  freemen  re- 
solved, that  an  answer  to  Connecticut  should  be  drawn  up 
under  the  following  heads. 

1.  "  Bearing  a  proper  testimony  against  the  great  sin  of 
Connecticut,  in  acting  so  contrary  to  righteousness,  amity, 
and  peace." 

2.  "  Desiring  that  all  further  proceedings,  relative  to  the 
affair,  might  be  suspended,  until  Mr.  Winthrop  should  re- 
turn,  or  they  might  otherwise  obtain  further  information 
and  satisfaction." 

3.  "  To  represent,  that  they  could  do  nothing  in  the  af- 
fair, until  they  had  consulted  the  other  confederates."* 

The  freemen  appointed  all  their  magistrates  and  elders, 
with  Mr.  Law,  of  Stamford,  a  committee  to  draw  up  an  an- 
swer to  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut.  They 
were  directed  to  subjoin  the  weighty  arguments,  which 
they  had  against  an  union.  If  these  should  not  avail,  they 
were  directed  to  prepare  an  address  to  his  majesty,  pray- 
ing for  relief. 

The  committee  drew  up  a  long  letter,  in  which  they  de- 
clared, that  they  did  notjfind  any  command  in  the  patent, 
to  dissolve  covenants,  and  alter  the  orderly  settlement  of 
New-England  ;  nor  a  prohibition  against  their  continuance 
as  a  distinct  government.  They  represented,  that  the  con- 
duct of  Connecticut,  in  acting  at  first  without  them,  con- 
firmed them  in  those  sentiments  ;  and  that  the  way  was  still 
open  for  them  to  petition  his  majesty,  and  obtain  immuni- 
ties, similar  to  those  of  Connecticut.  They  declared,  that 
they  must  enter  their  appeal  from  the  construction  which 
Connecticut  put  upon  the  patent  5  and  desired  that  they 
might  not  be  interrupted,  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  distinct 
privileges.  They  solicited,  that  proceedings  relative  to 
an  union  might  rest,  until  they  might  obtain  further  infor- 
mation, consult  their  confederates,  and  know  his  majesty's, 
pleasure  concerning  them. 

The  committee  then  proceeded  to  represent  the  unrea- 
sonable and  injurious  conduct  of  Connecticut  towards  them, 
in  beginning  to  exercise  jurisdiction  within  their  limits,  be- 
fore they  had  given  them  any  intimations  that  they  were 
included  in  their  charter  ;  before  they  had  invited  them  to 
an  amicable  union ;  and  before  they  had  any  representa- 
tion in  their  assembly,  or  name  in  their  patent.  They  ur- 
ged, that,  in  such  a  procedure,  they  had  encouraged  divi- 

*  Records  of  New-Haven. 


CHAP.  XII.  CONNECTICUT.  255 

sion,  and  given  countenance  to  disaffected  persons :  that  BOOK  I. 
(hey  had  abetted  them  in  slighting  solemn  covenants  and V«X-N^->-/ 
oaths,  by  which  the  peace  of  the  towns  and  churches,  in  1662. 
that  colony,  was  greatly  disturbed.  Further,  they  insisted, 
that,  by  this  means,  his  majesty's  pious  designs  were  coun- 
teracted, and  his  interests  disserved :  that  great  scandal 
was  brought  upon  religion  before  the  natives,  and  the  beau- 
ty of  a  peaceable,  faithful  and  brotherly  walking  exceed- 
ingly marred  among  themselves.  The  committee  also  re- 
presented, that  these  transactions  were  entirely  inconsist- 
ent with  the  engagements  of  governor  Winthrop,  contrary 
to  his  advice  to  Connecticut,  and  tended  to  bring  injurious 
reflections  and  reproach  upon  him.  They  earnestly  pray- 
ed for  a  copy  of  all  which  he  had  written  to  the  deputy 
governor  and  company  on  the  subject.  On  the  whole, 
they  professed  themselves  exceedingly  injured  and  griev- 
ed ;  and  intreated  the  general  assembly  of  Connecticut  to 
adopt  speedy  and  effectual  measures  to  repair  the  breaches 
which  they  had  made,  and  to  restore  them  to  their  former 
state,  as  a  confederate  and  sister  colony.* 

Connecticut  made  no  reply  to  this  letter ;  but  at  a  gene-  Assembly 
ral  assembly,  holden  March  llth,  1663,  appointed  the  de-  at  c.on" 
puty  governor.  Messrs.  Matthew  and  John  Allen,  and  Mr.  MarchVl 
John  Talcott,  a  committee  to  treat  with  their  friends  at  1663. 
New-Haven,  on  the  subject  of  an  union.     But  the  hasty 
measures  which  the  general  assembly  had  taken,  in  admit- 
ting the  disaffected  members  of  the  several  towns,  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  New-Haven,  to  their  protection,  and  to 
the  privileges  of  freemen  of  their  corporation,  and  in  that 
way  beginning  to  dismember  that  colony,  before  they  had 
invited  them  to  incorporate  with  them,  had  so  soured  their 
minds  and  prejudiced  them,    that  this  committee  had  no 
better  success  than  the  former. 

In  consequence  of  the  claims  of  Connecticut,   and  of  General 
what  had  passed  between  the  two  colonies,  governor  Leet  court  at 
called  a  special  assembly  at  New-Haven,   on  the   6th  of  New-Ha- 
May.     It  was  then  proposed  to  the  court,  whether,  consid-  gth.' 
ering  the  present  state  of  the  colony,  and  the  affairs  de- 
pending between  them   and  Connecticut,  any  alteration 
should  be  made,  with  respect  to  the  time  or  manner  of 
their  election  ?     The  freemen  resolved,  that  no  alteration 
should  be  made.     They  then  determined  upon  a  remon-  Remon- 
strance, or  declaration,  to  be  sent  to  the  general  assembly  stra.n°t 
c  r*<  •  i  •      i  i  •   ^    •  •'-aerainst 

or  Connecticut.     In  this  they  gave  an  historical  account  of  Connect;- 
the  ends  of  their  coming,  with  their  brethren  in  the  united  cut. 
colonies,  into  New-England,  and  of  the  solemn  manner  in 
*  Letter  to  Connecticut,  No.  X, 


256  HlSf  ORY  OF*  CHAP.  Xlf. 

BOOK  I.  which  these  colonies  had  confederated ;  and  insinuated, 
***^^s  that  the  conduct  of  Connecticut  towards  them,  was  directly 
1663.  contrary  to  the  designs  of  the  first  planters  of  New-Eng- 
land, and  to  that  express  article  of  the  confederation,  that 
no  one  colony  should  be  annexed  to  another,  without  the 
consent  of  the  other  colonies.  They  declared,  that  if, 
through  the  contrivance  of  Connecticut,  without  their  know- 
ledge or  consent,  the  patent  did  circumscribe  that  colony, 
it  was,  in  their  opinion,  contrary  to  brotherly  love,  right- 
eousness, and  peace.  They  also  declared,  that,  notwith- 
standing the  sense  which  Connecticut  put  upon  tj^ir  pat- 
ent, they  could  rrot  find  one  line  or  letter  in  it,  expressing 
his  majesty's  pleasure,  that  they  should  become  one  with 
that  colony.  The  court  affirmed,  that  they  were  necessi- 
tated to  bear  testimony  against  the  appointment  of  consta- 
bles and  other  officers,  in  the  towns  under  their  jurisdic- 
tion, and  the  dismembering  of  their  colony,  by  receiving 
their  disaffected  people  under  the  protection  of  a  legisla- 
ture distinct  from  theirs,  and  in  which  they  had  no  repre- 
sentation. They  remonstrated  against  this,  as  distracting 
the  colony,  destroying  the  comfort,  and  hazarding  the  lives 
and  liberties  of  their  confederates  ;  as  giving  great  offence 
to  their  consciences,  and  as  matter  of  high  provocation  and 
complaint  before  God  and  man*  All  this  unbrotherly  and 
unrighteous  management,  they  represented  as  exceedingly 
aggravated,  in  that,  notwithstanding  their  former  repre- 
sentations and  intreatics,  in  writing,  notwithstanding  their 
appeal  to  his  majesty,  and  notwithstanding  all  their  past 
distress  and  sufferings,  they  were  still  pursuing  the  same 
course.  They  still  declared,  that  they  appealed  to  his  ma- 
jesty ;  and  that,  exceedingly  grieved  and  afflicted,  they,  in. 
the  sight  of  God,  angels,  and  men,  testified  against  such 
proceedings.* 

Governor  While  these  affairs  were  transacted  in  the  colonies,  the 
\Vinthrop  petition  and  address  of  New-Haven,  to  his  majesty,  arrived 
writes  to  -n  Ensrland.  Upon  which  governor  Winthrop,  who  was 

t/onnecti-  ,    .  ».       ...       ,        rt.ii!        i       • 

cut,  March  yet  there,  by  the  advice  01  the  mends  01  both  colonies, 
*i.  agreed,  that  no  injury  should  be  done  to  New-Haven,  and 

that  the  union  and  incorporation  of  the  two  colonies  should 
be  voluntary.  Therefore,  on  the  3d  of  March,  1663,  he 
wrote  to  the  deputy  governor  and  company  of  Connecti- 
cut, certifying  them  of  his  engagements  to  the  agent  of 
New-Haven ;  and  that,  before  he  took  out  the  charter,  he 
had  given  assurance  to  their  friends,  that  their  interests 
and  privileges  should  not  be  injured  by  the  patent.  He 
represented,  that  they  were  bound  by  the  assurances  he 
*  No.  XL 


CHAP.  XII.  CONNECTICUT.  267 

had  given  ;  and,  therefore,  wished  them  to  abstain  from  all  BOOK  I. 
further  injury  and  trouble  of  that  colony.     He  imputed  s^^r-x^ 
what  they  had  done  to  their  ignorance  of  the  engagements    1663. 
which  he  had  made.     At  the  same  time,  he  intimated  his 
assurance,  that,  on  his  return,  he  should  be  able  to  effect 
an  amicable  union  of  the  colonies.* 

At  the  election  in  Connecticut,  Mr.  Howell  and  Mr.  Jas-  Election  ?.t 
per  Crane  were  chosen  magistrates,  instead  of  Mr.  John 
Allen  arid  Mr.  John  Ogden.t     Mr.  John  Allen  was  appoint- 
ed  treasurer. 

Connecticut  now  laid  claim  to  West-Chester,  and  sent  July  I0tt*» 
one  of  their  magistrates  to  lead  the  inhabitants  to  the1  choice 
of  their  officers,  and  to  administer  the  proper  oaths  to  such 
as  they  should  elect.  The  colony  also  extended  their  claim 
to  the  Narraganset  country,  and  appointed  officers  for  the 
government  of  the  inhabitants  at  Wickford. 

Notwithstanding  the  remonstrance  of  the  court  at  New-  Commit* 
Haven,  their  appeal  to  king  Charles  the  second,  and  the  tee.  aP~ 
engagements  of  governor  Winthrop,  Connecticut  pursued  ^^ ef0 
the  affair  of  an  union,  in  the  same  manner  in  which  it  was  treatwith 
begun.     At  a  session  of  the  general  assembly,  August  1 9th,  New-Ha- 
1663,  the  deputy  governor,  Mr.  Wyllys,  Mr.  Daniel  Clarke, 
and  Mr.'  John  Allen,  were  appointed  a  committee  to  treat 
•with  their  friends  of  New-Haven,  Milford,  Guilford,  and 
Branford,  relative  to  their  incorporation  with  Connecticut. 
Provided  they  could  not  effect  an  union,  by  treaty,   they 
were  authorised  to  read  the  charter  publicly  at  New-Ha- 
ven, and  to  make  declaration  to  the  people  there,  that  the 
assembly  could  not  but  resent  their  proceeding,  as  a  dis- 
tinct jurisdiction,  since  they  were  evidently  included  within 
the  limits  of  the  charter,  granted  to  the  corporation  of  Con- 
necticut.    They  were  instructed  to  proclaim,  that  the  as- 
sembly did  desire,  and  could  not  but  expect,  that  the  in- 
habitants of  New-Haven,  Milford,  Guilford,  Branford,  and 
Stamford,  would  yield  subjection  to  the  government  of 
Connecticut. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  commissioners,   in  September,  Commis« 
Kew-Haven  was  owned  by  the  colonies,  as  a  distinct  con-  sion*rs 
federate.     Governor  Leet  and  Mr.  Fenn,  who  had   been  Boston, 
sent  from  that  jurisdiction,  exhibited  a  complaint  against  Sept,  3d, 
Connecticut,  of  the  injuries  which  they  had  done,  by  en- 1663- 
croaching  upon  their  rights,  receiving  their  members  underCo     .^ 
their  government,  and  encouraging  them  to  disown  their  of  New- 
authority,  to  disregard  their  oath  of  allegiance,  and  to  re-  Haven, 
fuse  all  attendance  on  their  courts.  They  further  complain- 

*  Governor  Winthrop's  letter  to  Connecticut,  No.  XII. 

t  Mr.  Crane  was  chosen  magistrate,  this  year,  in  both  colonies. 

H2 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XIL 


Reply  of 
Connecti- 


Determi- 
the'conf 


Sepf.  3d. 


The  Dutch 

of  a  breach 
of  the  arti- 
clesof 


1650. 


Reply  of 
Connect]- 


ed,  that  Connecticut  had  appointed  constables  in  several  of 
their  towns,  to  the  great  disquiet  and  injury  of  the  colony, 
They  prayed,  that  effectual  measures  might  be  taken  to 
redress  their  grievances,  to  prevent  further  injuries,  and 
secure  their  rights  as  a  distinct  confederate. 

Governor  Winthrop  and  Mr.  John  Talcott,  commission- 
ers  from  Connecticut,  replied,  that,  in  their  opinion,  New- 
Haven  had  no  just  grounds  of  complaint  ;  that  Connecticut 
had  never  designed  them  any  injury,  but  had  made  to  them 
the  most  friendly  propositions,  inviting  them  to  share  with 
them  freely  in  all  the  important  and  distinguishing  privi- 
leges, which  they  had  obtained  for  themselves  ;  that  they 
had  sent  committees  amicably  to  treat  with  them  ;  that 
they  were  still  treating,  and  would  attend  all  just  and 
friendly  means  of  accommodation. 

The  commissioners  of  the  other  colonies,  having  fully 
heard  the  parties,  determined,  that  as  the  colony  of  New- 
Haven  had  been  "  owned,  in  the  articles  of  confederation, 
as  distinct  from  Connecticut,  and  having  been  so  owned, 
by  the  colonies  jointly  in  the  present  meeting,  in  all  their 
actings,  they  may  not,  by  any  acts  of  violence,  have  their 
liberty  of  jurisdiction  infringed,  by  any  other  of  the  united 
colonies,  without  breach  of  the  articles  of  confederation  ; 
and  that  where  any  act  of  power  hath  been  exerted  against 
their  authority,  that  the  same  ought  to  be  recalled,  and 
their  power  reserved  to  them  entire,  until  such  time,  as,  in 
an  orderly  way,  it  shall  be  otherwise  disposed."  With 
respect  to  the  particular  grievances,  mentioned  by  the 
commissioners  of  New-Haven,  the  consideration  of  them 
was  referred  to  the  next  meeting  of  the  commissioners  at 
Hartford.* 

The  extending  of  the  claims  of  Connecticut  to  all  the 
plantations  upon  Long-Island,  to  West-Chester,  and  the 
neighbouring  towns,  alarmed  Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor.  He,  therefore,  appeared  before  the  commissioners 
at  Boston,  and  complained  of  the  infraction  of  the  articles 
°^  agreement,  concluded  at  Hartford,  between  the  English 
and  Dutch,  and  desired  the  commissioners  to  determine. 
whether  they  considered  said  articles  as  binding  the  par- 
ties or  not. 

As  this  complaint  respected  Connecticut  more  especially, 
governor  Winthrop  and  Mr.  Talcott  replied,  in  behalf  of 
their  constituents.  They  pleaded,  that,  as  it  was  an  affaiv 
of  great  concernment,  and  as  Connecticut  had  not  been  cer- 
tified of  any  such  complaint,  and  they  had  no  instructions 
relative  to  the  subject,  the  decision  of  it  might  be  deferred 
until  the  next  meeting  of  the  commissioners. 
*  Records  of  the  united  colonies,  vol.  ii, 


CHAP.  XIL  CONNECTICUT.  259 

The  commissioners  resolved,  that,  saving  their  allegi-  BOOK'  I. 
ance  to  his  majesty,  and  his  claim  to  the  lands  in  contro-  >^*~v~**s 
versy,  and  the  right  of  Connecticut  colony,  by  virtue  of   1663. 
their  charter,  they  did,  for  themselves,  esteem   the  artides  Determi- 
of  agreement,  in  1650,  to  be  binding,  and  that  they  would  "fccon? 
not  countenance  the  violation  of  them.      They  advised  the  missioner?, 
parties  concerned,  to  refer  all  matters,  respecting  the  sub- 
ject, to  the  next  meeting  of  ihe  commissioners.      In  the 
mean  time,  they  advised,  that  the  articles  of  agreement 
should  be  observed,  and  that  all  persons  in  the  places  in. 
controversy,  should  be  acquitted  from  penalties  and  dam- 
ages, on  the  account  of  their  having  resisted  the  authority 
of  the  Dutch.* 

Connecticut  was  now  attacked  from  all  quarters.  While 
the  colony  was  without  a  royal  grant,  its  neighbours  made 
encroachments  with  impunity ;  and  now,  when  it  extended 
its  claims,  by  virtue  of  regal  authority,  they  all  complain- 
ed, and  took  all  possible  advantage  of  former  encroach- 
ments and  decisions,  at  times  when  they  could  plead  no 
such  authority.  As  all  the  united  colonies,  except  Ply- 
mouth, were  affected  by  the  claims  of  the  colony,  so  they 
were  mutually  interested  in  opposing  and  determining 
against  them. 

As  Connecticut  had  now  claimed  Pawcatuck,  or  South? 
erton,  and  prohibited  the  exercise  of  any  authority  there, 
except  such  as  was  derived  from  the  legislature  of  that  col- 
ony, the  inhabitants  had  exhibited  three  addresses  to  the 
general  court  of  Massachusetts,  petitioning  for  relief  and 
protection. 

The  commissioners  from  Massachusetts,  Mr.  Bradstreet 
and  Mr.  Danforth,  laid  the  complaints  and  petitions  before 
the  commissioners  of  the  other  colonies,  and  prayed  for  re- 
lief, according  to  the  provision  made,  in  such  cases,  in  the 
articles  of  confederation. 

The  court  of  commissioners  advised,  that  the  affair 
should  be  respited  for  the  present ;  that  Connecticut  should 
apply  to  the  general  court  of  the  Massachusetts,  for  an  am- 
icable settlement :  and  that,  if  this  should  not  be  effected, 
the  aggrieved  party  might  make  application  to  the  com- 
missioners, at  their  next  meeting.  In  the  mean  time,  they 
advised,  that  affairs  at  Southerton,  should  be  managed  ac- 
cording to  their  former  decisions. 

When  the  general  assembly  of  Connecticut  convened,  in  Genera-} 
October,  they  paid  particular  attention  to  these  great  ob-  oct^th/ 
jects  of  general  concernment.     Notwithstanding  all  which  1663, 

*  Records  of  the  united  colonies,  vol.  II. 


260  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XII. 

BOOK  I.  had  happened  relative  to  New-Haven,  the  following  act 

1663.  "  This  court  doth  declare,  that  they  can  do  no  less,  for 
Act  res-  their  own  indemnity,  than  to  manifest  their  dissatisfaction 
NeCUDH  witn  —  plantations  of  New-Haven,  Milford,  Guilford, 
Ven7~  "  Stamford,  and  Branford,  in  their  distinct  standing  from  us, 
in  point  of  government ;  it  being  directly  opposite  to  the 
tenor  of  the  charter,  lately  granted  to  our  colony  of  Con- 
necticut, in  which  these  plantations  are  included.  We  do 
also  expect  their  submission  to  our  government,  according 
to  our  charter,  and  his  majesty's  pleasure  therein  express- 
ed ;  it  being  a  stated  conclusion  vvith  the  commissioners, 
that  jurisdiction  right  goeth  with  patent.  And  whereas, 
the  aforesaid  people  of  New-Haven,  Milford,  Guilford, 
Stamford,  and  Branford,  pretend  they  have  power  of  gov- 
ernment, distinct  from  us,  we  do  hereby  declare,  that  our 
council  will  be  ready  to  attend  them,  or  a  committee  of 
theirs;  and  if  they  can  rationally  make  it  appear,  that  they 
have  such  power,  and  that  we  have  wronged  them  accord- 
ing to  their  complaints,  we  shall  be  ready  to  attend  them 
with  due  satisfaction."* 

Th«  assembly  appointed  a  committee  to  draught  a  letter 
to  the  gentlemen  at  New-Haven,  and  to  inclose  to  them  the 
preceding  resolution. 

,  Agents  were  sent  to  this  assembly  from  the  Manhadoes, 

itom  the  to  treat  with  the  legislature,  relative  to  the  differences  sub- 
Dutch,  sisting  between  them  and  the  Dutch.  A  petition,  at  the 
same  time,  was  presented  from  the  English  plantations 
upon  Long-Island,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Dutch,  praying  for 
the  protection  and  privileges  of  the  corporation  of  Connec- 
ticut. Upon  which  the  assembly  passed  the  following  re- 
solve : 

"  That,  as  they  were  solicitous  to  maintain  the  interests 
and  peace  of  his  majesty's  subjects,  and  yet  to  attend  all 
ways  of  righteousness,  so  that  they  might  hold  a  friendly 
correspondence  with  their  neighbours,  at  the  Manhadoes, 
they  would,  for  the  present,  forbear  all  acts  of  authority  to- 
wards the  English  plantations  on  the  west  end  of  Long-Isl- 
and, provided  the  Dutch  would  forbear  to  exercise  any  co- 
ercive power  towards  them ;  and  this  court  shall  cease 
from  further  attendance  unto  the  premises,  until  there  be 
a  seasonable  return,  from  the  general  Stevenson,  to  those 
propositions  his  messengers  carried  with  them,  or  until 
there  be  an  issue  of  the  difference,  between  them  and  us. 
And,  in  case  the  Dutch  do  unjustly  molest  or  offer  violence 
unto  them,  we  declare,  that  we  shall  not  be  willing  to  see 
*  Records  of  Connecticut. 


CHAP.  XII.  CONNECTICUT.  261 

pur  countrymen,  his  majesty's  natural  born  subjects,  and  BOOK  I. 
his  interests,  interrupted  or  molested,  by  the  Dutch  or  any  ^*-v^> 
others ;  but  we  shall  address  ourselves,  to  use  such  just    J665. 
and  lawful  means,  as  GOD  shall,  in  his  wisdom,  offer  to 
our  hands,  for  their  indemnity  and  safety,  until  his  majesty, 
our  sovereign  lord  the  king,  shall  please  to  declare  his  roy- 
al pleasure  for  their  future  settlement." 

As 'governor  Winthrop  was  now  returned  from  England, 
«he  assembly  embraced  the  first  opportunity  to  present 
him  with  the  thanks  of  the  colony,  for  the  great  pains  he 
had  taken,  and  the  special  services  he  had  rendered  it,  in 
procuring  the  charter. 

The  legislature,  determining  to  secure,  as  far  as  possible, 
the  lands  within  the  limits  of  their  charter,  authorised  one 
Thomas  Pell  to  purchase  of  the  Indian  proprietors  all  that 
tract  between  West-Chester  and  Hudson's  river,  and  the 
waters  which  made  the  Manhadoes  an  island  ;  and  resolv- 
ed, that  it  should  be  added  to  West-Chester. 

The  towns  on  the  west  end  of  Long-island  petitioning  to 
be  under  the  government  of  Connecticut,  the  assembly  de- 
clared, that,  as  the  lines  of  their  patent  extended  to  the  ad- 
joining islands,  they  accepted  those  towns  under  their  ju- 
risdiction. 

It  was  resolved,  in  October,  that  Hammonasset  should  October, 
be  a  town.  The  same  month,  twelve  planters,  principally 
from  Hartfocd,  Windsor,  and  Guilford,  fixed  their  residence 
there.  It  was  afterwards  named  Killingworth.  At  the 
October  session,  1703,  the  assembly  gave  them  a  patent, 
confirming  to  the  proprietors  all  the  lands  vyithin  the  limits 
of  the  town.* 

While  these  affairs  were  transacted  in  Connecticut,  the  Oct- 
colony  of  New-Haven  persisted  in  their  opposition  to  an  in- 
corporation  with  that  government.     On  the  22d  of  Octo-  at  New- 
ber,  their  general  court  convened,  and  governor  Leet  ac-  Haven 
quainted  the  court,  that,  since  the  meeting  of  the  commis-^nte  tot. 

".  ,     .  IT-  /~i  Connect!  • 

sioners,  their  committee  had  written  to  Connecticut  to  the  cut. 
following  effect :  That  as  the  commissioners  had  unani- 
mously established  the  confederation,  and  the  distinct  and 
entire  jurisdiction  of  each  confederate  colony,  they  judged, 
that  it  would  not  be  unacceptable  to  present  to  their  gene- 
ral assembly  our  request,  that  they  would  act  in  conformi- 
ty to  the  advice  of  the  commissioners,  and  recal  all  former 
acts,  inconsistent  with  their  determinations.  They  insist- 
ed, that  a  compliance  with  their  wishes  would  be  no  ob- 

*  The  name  originally  designed  was  Kennelwortb,  and  thus  it  is  writ- 
ten, for  some  years,  on  the  records  of  the  colony,  but  by  mistake  it  wat 
recorded  Killingworth,  and  this  name  finally  prevailed.. 


262  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  Xli. 

BOOK  I.  struction  to  an  amicable  treaty ;  but  that  its  tendency 
v-x-v->^  would  be  sooner  to  effect  the  union,  which  they  desired: 
1663.  That  it  could,  by  no  means,  endanger  their  patent,  nor  any 
of  their  chartered  rights  ;  and  that  they  had  the  counte- 
nance of  all  the  confederates,  to  apologize  for  them  in  their 
present  request,  and  in  maintaining  their -rights,  as  a  dis- 
tinct jurisdiction.  Governor  Leet  further  certified  the 
court,  that  their  committee  had  desired  an  answer  to  their 
letter,  before  the  present  session  of  their  general  court, 
and  previously  to  their  answering  the  proposals  made  to 
them  by  Connecticut. 

The  freemen  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven  were  not  only 

termine'to  °PP°sed  to  an  incorporation  with  Connecticut,  but  even  to 

hold  no      treating  with  them,  under  the  then  present  circumstances. 

further  The  court,  after  a  long  and  serious  debate,  considering, 

^n^u  i    that  the  general  court  of  Connecticut  had  not  complied 

vith  that         .  ,      ,     . n  MI     i    •        i          •    i        /•••!•• 

colony.  Wltn  their  request,  hut  still  claimed  a  right  ot  jurisdiction 
over  them,  and  countenanced  the  malcontents  in  their  sev- 
eral towns,  were  decidedly  against  any  further  treaty.  The 
following  resolution  was  adopted.  "  That  no  treaty  be 
made,  by  this  colony,  with  Connecticut,  before  such  acts  of 
power,  exerted  by  them,  upon  any  of  our  towns,  be  revo- 
ked and  recalled,  according  to  the  honorable  Mr.  Win- 
throp's  letter  engaging  the  same,  the  commissioners'  de- 
termination, and  our  frequent  desires." 

Order  that  The  court  ordered,  that  the  magistrates,  or  other  offi- 
rates  shall  cers<  where  there  were  no  magistrates,  should  issue  war- 
trained,  rants,  according  to  law,  to  attach  the  personal  estate  of 
those  who,  upon  legal  demand,  had  refused,  or  should  re- 
fuse to  make  payment  of  their  rates.  It  was  provided^ 
that,  in  case  of  resistance  and  forcible  rescue,  violence 
should  not  be  used  to  the  shedding  of  blood,  unless  it  were 
in  a  man's  own  defence.  The  court  further  determined  to 
make  application  to  his  maje'sty  for  redress.  The  plan 
adopted  by  the  court,  as  circumstances  then  were,  was  to 
petition  the  king  for  a  bill  of  exemption  from  the  govern- 
ment of  Connecticut,  and  to  leave  the  affair  of  procuring  a 
patent,  for  that  colony,  to  the  wisdom  of  their  agents  in 
England,  as  they  should  judge  to  be  most  expedient. 

A  tax  of  300  pounds  was  levied  upon  the  colony,  for  the 
purpose  of  enabling  them  to  prosecute  the  affair  before  his 
majesty  in  council. 

A  day  of  extraordinary  fasting  and  prayer  was  appoint- 
ed to  supplicate  divine  mercy,  for  the  afflicted  people  of 
God  universally,  and  especially  for  themselves,  that  they 
might  be  directed  to  the  proper  means  of  obtaining  an  es- 
tablished and  permanent  enjoyment  of  their  just  rights  and 
privileges. 


GHAP.  XIL  CONNECTICUT.  363 

The  affairs  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven  were  now  ex-  BOOK  I. 
ceedingly  embarrassed,  and  approaching  to  an  important  <^x~v'x^ 
crisis.     The  colony   was  much  in  debt.     Taxes  had  not    1663. 
been  punctually  collected.     Many  were  disaffected  with  Embar- 
the  government,  and  refused  to  pay  any  thing  for  its  sup-  r^e(l 
port.     When  the  officers  of  New-Haven  attempted  to  col-  New-Ha- 
lect  the  taxes,  which  had  been  imposed,  they  repaired  to  ven. 
Connecticut  for  protection  ;  and,  with  too  little  appearance 
of  justice^   or  brotherly  affection,   were  protected,  by  its 
legislature.     Indeed  the   colony  was  so  reduced,   that  it 
coult  not  pay  the  stated  salaries  of  its  principal  officers. 
While  the  court  expressed  their  ardent  desires,  were  it  in 
their  power,  to  give  the  governors  the  full  salary,  which 
had  been  usual,  yet,  considering  the  low  state  of  the  colo- 
ny, and  the  numbers  withdrawn  from  them,  they  judged 
they  were  not  able  to  give  the  governor  more  than  forty 
pounds,  and  the  deputy  governor  not  more  than  ten. 

No  sooner  did  the  officers  begin  to  distrain   the  rates  of  Alarm  at 
those  who  refused  to  pay,  than  it  produced  the  most  alarm-  Guilford, 
ing  and   dangerous  consequences.     One  John  Rossiter  of  ^j1^^' 
Guilford,  and  his  son,  bold  and  disorderly  men,  who  had  Haven, 
been  punished  for  misdemeanors,  by  the  authority  of  the  Dec-  30th» 
colony  of  New-Haven,  made  a  journey  to  Hartford,  and  ob- 
tained two  of  the  magistrates  of  Connecticut,  a  constable, 
and  several  others,  to  come  down  to  Guilford,  on  the  night 
of  the  30th  of  December.     By  firing  a  number  of  guns  in ' 
the  night,  they  greatly  alarmed  and  disturbed  the  town. 
Some  of  the  men,  from  Connecticut,  were  rough,  and  used 
high  and  threatening  language.     In  such  a  crisis,  governor 
Leet  judged  it  expedient  to  send  immediately  to  Branford 
and  New-Haven,  for  assistance.     Both  the  towns  were  a- 
larmed,  in  the  dead  time  of  night,  and  forwarded  men  to 
the  aid  of  the  governor.     The  governor  and  magistrates 
conducted  affairs  with  such  moderation  and  prudence,  that 
no  mischief  was  done.     The  gentlemen  from  Connecticut 
remonstrated  against  collecting  taxes  from  those,  who  had 
been  taken  under  the  protection  of  that  colony,   and  de- 
sired New-Haven  to  suspend  the  affair  for  further  conside- 
ration. 

Governor  Leet  therefore  convoked  a  special  court,   at  Genera! 
New-Haven,  on  the  7th  of  January,  1664.     He  opened  C(jurt  at 
the  public  business,  by  acquainting  the  court,  that  it  was^,enw}^*~ 
the  earnest   desire  of  the   magistrates  from  Connecticut,  7th,'  1664. 
and  of  Mr.  Rossiter  and  his  son,  that  the  act  of  the  general 
court  of  New-Haven,  relative  to  the  distraining  of  taxes, 
might  be  suspended,  until  there  could  be  another  confer- 
ence between  the  colonies  ;  at  which,  they  were  in  expcc- 


Haven 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XJL 

BOOK  I.  tation,  that  all  difficulties  might  be  amicably  settled.     He 

^*~v~^,  also  laid  before  the  court  the  representations  which   the 

1663.    gentlemen  from  Connecticut  had  made  of  the  great  danger 

there  would  be,  in  carrying  that  act  into  execution,  in  di- 

rect opposition  to  the  authority  of  Connecticut.     It  was  de- 

sired, that  the  court  would  maturely  consider  the  affair. 

The  court  insisted,  that  all  former  treaties  with  Connec- 
Fersists  In  ticut  had  been  without  any  good  effect  ;  and  persisted  in 
its  resolu-  the  resolution,  that,  until  the  members,  which  had  been  so 
tionnotto  unrighteously  taken  from  them,  should  be  restored,  they 
Connect!-  would  hold  no  further  .treaty  with  that  colony.*  Mr.  Da- 
cut.  venport  and  Mr.  Street  were  appointed  to  make  a  draught 

of  their  grievances,  to  be  transmitted  to  the  General  Assem- 
bly of  Connecticut.  It  was  to  be  examined  and  approved 
by  such  a  number  of  their  committee,  as  could  be  conven- 
ed upon  the  occasion.  They  drew  up  a  long  and  sensible 
Statement  remonstrance,  which  they  termed  "  NEW-HAVEN  CASE  STA- 
of  New-  TED."  The  subject  was  introduced  with  a  declaration  to 
^j§  effec{  .  That  it  was  their  deep  sense  of  the  injuries, 
which  the  colony  had  suffered,  by  the  claims  and  encroach- 
ments, which  had  been  made  upon  their  just  prerogatives 
and  privileges,  which  had  induced  them,  unanimously, 
though  with  great  reluctance,  to  declare  their  grievances 
unto  them.  They  proceeded  then,  to  declare,  that  they 
settled  at  New-Haven,  with  the  consent  of  Connecticut  ; 
had  purchased  the  whole  tract  of  land,  which  they  had  set- 
tled upon  the  sea  coast,  of  the  Indians,  the  original  propri- 
etors of  the  soil  ;  and  had  quietly  possessed  it  nearly  six 
and  twenty  years  :  That  they  had  expended  great  estates, 
in  clearing,  fencing,  and  cultivating  the  lands,  without  any 
assistance  from  Connecticut  ;  and  had  formed  themselves, 
by  voluntary  compact,  into  a  distinct  commonwealth.  They 
then  proceeded  to  state  a  great  variety  of  instances,  in 
which  Connecticut,  the  united  colonies,  the  parliament, 
and  protector,  the  king,  and  his  council,  had  owned  them 
as  a  distinct  colony.  They  insisted  that,  notwithstanding, 
they  had  now  procured  a  patent  including  New-Haven, 
not  only  without  their  concurrence,  but  contrary  to  their 
minds,  previously  expressed  ;  contrary  to  the  express  ar- 
ticles of  the  confederation,  and  to  their  own  engagements, 
not  to  include  them  in  the  charter.  Further  they  affirmed, 
that  Mr.  Winthrop,  before  his  departure  for  England,  had, 
by  his  letters,  given  assurance,  that  it  was  not  designed  to 
include  New-Haven  in  the  patent  ;  and  that  the  magistrates 
of  Connecticut  had  agreed,  that,  if  the  patent  should  in- 
clude them,  they  should  be  at  full  liberty  to  incorporate 
*  Records  of  New-Haven. 


CHAP.  XIL  CONNECTICUT.  265 

with  them  or  not,  as  should  be  most  agreeable  to  their  in-  BOOK  I. 
clinations.  They  alledged  that,  contrary  to  all  the  prem-  s^-v>^ 
ises,  to  justice,  to  good  faith,  to  brotherly  kindness,  to  the  1664, 
peace  and  order  of  church  and  commonwealth,  Connect- 
icut, even  in  their  first  assembly,  proceeded  to  the  dis- 
memberment of  the  colony  of  New-Haven,  by  receiving 
its  members  from  Stamford,  Guilford,  and  Southhold : 
That,  after  such  dismemberment,  they  had  preposterously 
pretended  to  treat  with  them  relative  to  an  union:  And 
that,  after  a  conference  with  the  committee  from  Connecti- 
cut, and  the  reading  of  their  charter,  it  did  not  appear  that 
they  were  so  much  as  mentioned,  or  that  it  had  any  refer- 
ence to  them.  They  declared  that,  in  a  full  persuasion  of 
his  majesty's  pleasure,  to  continue  them  a  distinct  jurisdic- 
tion, they  had  assured  the  committee  of  their  design  to  ap- 
peol  to  him,  and  know  his  royal  purpose  :  That,  though 
they  immediately  sent  their  appeal ;  yet  that,  out  of  ten- 
der respect  to  the  peace  and  honor  of  Mr.  Winthrop,  they 
advised  their  iriends,  in  England,  to  acquaint  him  with 
their  papers,  that  he  might  adopt  some  effectual  expedi- 
ent, to.  compromise  the  unhappy  differences  between  the 
two  colonies  :  And  that  it  was  on  the  account  of  Mr.  Win- 
throp's  engagements  to  their  friends,  that  their  rights  and 
interests  should  not  be  disquieted  nor  injured,  that  the  ap- 
peal to  his  majesty  was  then  suspended.*  From  a  state- 
ment of  these,  and  some  other  facts  and  circumstances, 
they  attempted  to  demonstrate  their  rights,  as  a  distinct 
colony,  and  the  injustice,  unfaithfulness,  ingratitude,  and 
cruelty  of  Connecticut,  in  their  claims  upon  them,  and  in 
the  manner  of  their  prosecuting  them.  Their  beginning 
to  dismember  their  colony,  by  receiving  and  protecting 
their  subjects  and  malcontents,  previous  to  any  treaty 
with  them  ;  their  appointing  officers,  creating  animosities, 
and  raising  alarms  in  their  several  towns,  were  especially 
insisted  on.  as  contrary  to  all  their  covenants,  as  brethren, 
and  confederates,  and  contrary  to  all  order,  peace,  and 
justice. 

The  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut,  at  their  session  Assembly 
in  May,  avowed  their  claim  to  Long-Island,  as  one  of  the  at  c°onec~ 
adjoining  islands  mentioned  in  their  charter,  except  some  *?„,«>«, 

111  i  i       I  •  •  «iay  i-iiti . 

preceding  right  should  appear,  approved  by  his  majesty. 

Officers  were  appointed,   by  the  court  at  Hampstead,  Ja- 
maica, Newtown,  Flushing,  Oyster-Bay,  and  all  the  towns  General 
upon  the  west  end  of  the  island.  election  at 

Upon  the  general  election  at  New-Haven,  the  freemen  New~,?*a~ 
proceeded  to  the  choice  of  their  civil  officers,  as  had  been  v^ik,   ** 
*  Records  of  New-Haven. 

I* 


%'£  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XI  f. 

BOOK  I.  usual.  Governor  Leet  was  rechosen,  and  Mr.  William 
>^r^/~**/  Jones  was  elected  deputy-governor.  Matthew  Gilbert, 
}.gG4.  Esq.  the  former  deputy-governor,  Mr.  Benjamin  Fenn, 
Mr.  Jasper  Crane,  Mr.  Treat,  and  Mr.  Nash,  were  ap- 
pointed magistrates.  The  two-  last  would  not  accept  the 
office.  The  governor  and  deputy-governor  were  chosen 
commissioners  for  the  next  meeting  at  Hartford.  The  col- 
ony was  now  become  so  weak,  and  the  affairs  of  it  so  em- 
barrassed, by  the  claims  and  proceedings  of  Connecticut, 
that  the  general  court  either  did  no  business,  or  judged  it 
expedient  to  put  nothing  upon  record. 

In  this  situation  of  affairs,  an  event  took  place,  which 
alarmed  all  the  New-England  colonies,  and  at  once  chang- 
ed the  opinions  of  the  commissioners,  and  of  New-Haven^ 
with  respect  to  their  incorporation  with  Connecticut. 

King  Charles  the  second,  on  the  12th  of  March,  1664. 
gave  a  patent  to  his  brother,  the  Duke  of  York  and  Alba- 
ny, of  several  extensive  tracts  of  land,  in  North  America, 
the  boundaries  of  which  are  thus  described. 

"  All  that  part  of  the  main  land  of  New-England,  begin- 
JDukeof  ning  at  a  certain  place,  called  and  known  by  the  name  of 
York's  St.  Croix,  next  adjoining  to  New-England  in  America,  and 
patent.  from  thence  extending  along  the  sea  coast  unto  a  certain 
place  called  Pemaquie  or  Pemaquid,  and  so  up  the  river 
thereof,  to  the  furthest  head  of  the  same,  as  it  tendeth  north- 
ward ;  and  extending  from  thence  to  the  river  Kembequin, 
and  so  upwards  by  the  shortest  course  to  the  river  Canada, 
northward:  and  also,  all  that  island  or  islands,  commonly 
called  by  the  general  name  or  names  of  Meitowax,  or 
Long-Island,  situate  arid  being  toward  the  west  of  Cape 
Cod,  and  the  narrow  Highgansets,  abutting  upon  the  main 
land  between- the  two  rivers  there  called  or  known  by  the 
several  names  of  Connecticut  and  Hudson's  river,  and  all 
the  land  from  the  west  side  of  Connecticut  river  to  the  east 
side  of  Delaware  bay,  and  also  all  those  several  islands 
called  or  known  by  the  names  of  Martin's  Vineyard  or 
Nantucks,  otherwise  Nantucket :  together,"  &c. 

The  concern  of  the  Duke  of  York  for  his  property,  the 

aversion  both  of  his  majesty  and  the  duke  to  the  Dutch, 

with  the  differences  between  them  and  the  New-England 

colonies,  made  an  expedition  against  the  New-Netherlands 

a  prime  object  of  their  attention.     Though  his  majesty 

.  .  king  Charles  II.  was  an  indolent  prince,  devoted  to  dissi- 

for  (he  re-  pation  and  pleasure,  yet,  under  the  influence  of  these  mo- 

duotion  of  tives,  an  armament  was   soon  prepared,  and  a  fleet  dis- 

th*  Dutch  patched  to  New-England,  for  the  reduction  of  the  Dutch 

~        set! laments  on  the  continent.    Colonel  Richard  Nichols 


CHAP.  XII.  CONNECTICUT.  261 

was   chief  commander  of  the  fleet  and  army.     Colonel  BOOK  L 
Nichols  had  not  only  a  commission,  for  the  reduction   ofv^-v-xy 
the  Dutch  plantations,  and  the  government  of  them,  but  he,    ]  664. 
with  George  Cartvvrith,  Esq.  Sir  Robert  Carr,  and  Samuel  Commis- 
Maverick,  Esq.  were  appointed  commissioners,  by  his  ma-  si?"ers 
jesty,  and  vested  with  extraordinary  powers,  for  visiting  ^aordina- 
ihe  New-England  colonies  ;  hearing  and  determining  alliypowers, 
matters  of  complaint  and  controversy  between  them,  and 
settling  the  country  in  peace.* 

Colonel  Nichols  arrived  at  Boston,  with  the  fleet  and  Colonel 
troops  under  his  command,  on  the  23d  of  July,  1664.     He^.h°'gsat 
immediately  communicated  his  commission  to  the  colonies,  Boston 
and  his  majesty's  requisition  of  troops,  to  assist  in  the  ex-  July  23d. 
pedition  against  the  Dutch.     He  then  sailed  for  the  New- 
iNTetherlands,  and  on  the  20th  of  August,  made  a  demand  of  Demands 
the  town   and  forts  upon  the  island  of  Manhadoes.     Heasurren- 
had  previously  sent  letters  to  governor  Winthrop  to  join  j!er  ot  *he 
him,  at  the  west  end  of  Long-Island.     Governor  Winthrop,  town  at 
with  several  of  the  magistrates  and  principal  gentlemen  of  th*  Maa- 
Connecticut,  joined  him,  according  to  his  wishes.  hadoes. 

Stuyvesant,  the  Dutch  governor,  was  an  old  soldier,  and 
had  he  been  better  prepared,  and  the  people  united,  doubt- 
less would  have  made  a  brave  defence.  But  he  had  no 
intimations  of  the  design,  until  the  8th  of  July,  when  he 
received  intelligence,  that  a  fleet  of  three  or  four  ships  of 
war,  with  three  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers  on  board,  were 
about  to  sail  from  England,  against  the  Dutch  settlements. 
Upon  this,  he  immediately  ordered  that  the  forts  should  be 
put  into  a  state  of  defence,  and  sent  out  spies  into  several 
parts  of  Connecticut,  with  a  view  of  obtaining  further  in- 
formation. Indeed,  the  tradition  has  been,  that  the  Dutch 
governor,  apprehending  the  danger  in  which  all  the  Dutch 
plantations  would  immediately  be,  on  the  arrival  of  the 
fleet,  should  the  colonies  unite  against  them,  came  to  Hart- 
ford to  negotiate  a  neutrality  with  Connecticut ;  and  that 
he  was  there  when  he  received  the  news  of  the  arrival  of 
the  fleet  at  Boston.  The  story  has  been,  that  he  made  his 
departure  in  the  night,  and  returned  with  the  utmost  expe- 
dition. 

He  was  extremely  opposed  to  a  surrender  of  the  fort  Dutch  gov- 
and  town.     Instead  of  submitting  to  the  summons  at  first  ernor  op- 
sent  him,  he  drew  up  a  long  statement  of  the  Dutch  claims,  * 

1l**tt*ii  •       i  1  T  T  *  *  1 

and  their  indubitable  right  to  the  country.     He  insisted 
that,  had  the  king  of  England  known  the  justice  of  their 
claims,  he  never  would  have  adopted  such  measures  against 
them.     He  concluded,  by  assuring  colonel  Nichols, 
*  No.  xiii.  and  his  majesty^  letter  Xo.  xiv. 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XII, 

BOOK  I.  he  should  not  submit  to  his  demands,  nor  fear  any  evils, 
vx~v>^/  but  such  as  God,  in  his   providence,  should  inflict  upon 
1664.    him.* 

Colonel  Nichols,  in  his  first  summons,  had,  in  his  ma- 
jesty's name,  given  assurance,  that  the  Dutch,  upon  their 
submission,  should  be  safe,  as  to  life,  liberty,  and  property. 
Governor  Winthrop  also  wrote  a  letter  to  the  governor  and 
council,  advising  them  to  surrender.  But  they  were  care- 
ful to  secrete  the  writings  from  the  people,  lest  the  easy 
terms  proposed,  should  induce  them  to  surrender.  The 
burgo-masters-and  people  desired  to  know  of  the  governor, 
what  was  the  import  of  the  writings  he  had  received,  and 
pte\ppose  especially  of  the  letter  from  governor  Winthrop.  The 
him.  Dutch  governor  and  his  council  giving  them  no  intelligence, 
they  solicited  it  still  more  earnestly.  The  governor,  irri- 
tated at  this,  in  a  paroxysm  of  anger,  tore  the  letter  in  pie- 
ces. Upon  which  the  people  protested  against  his  con- 
duct, and  all  its  consequences. 

The  com-       While  the  governor  and  his  council  were  thus  contend- 
roissioners  ing  with  the  burgo-masters  and  people,  in  the  town,   the 
nrocla  a-  English  commissioners  caused  a  proclamation  to  be  pub- 
lion,          lished,  in  the  country,  encouraging  the  inhabitants  to  sub- 
mit to  his  majesty's  government.     This  promised  to  all  the 
inhabitants,    who  would  become    subject  to    his  majesty, 
"  that  they  should  be  protected  by  his  majesty's  laws  and 
justice,  and  peaceably  enjoy  whatever  God's  blessing,  and 
their  honest  industry,  had  furnished  them  with,  and  all  the 
other  privileges  with  his  majesty's  English  subjects." 
The  Dutch      The  colonel,  finding  that  the  Dutch  governor  was  deter- 
atNew-     mine(])  if  possible,  to  keep  his  station,  sent  officers  to  Ja- 
dam,  fort   maica,  Hampstead,  and  other  towns,  upon  the  island,  to 
Orange,     beat  up  for  volunteers.      Captain  Hugh  Hyde,  who  com- 
and  Dela-  mancled  the  ships,  had  orders  to  proceed  to  the  reduction 
jniTtoTis"  °f  tne  fort.t      Troops  were  raised  in  New-England,  and 
majesty's  ready  to  march  upon  the  first  notice.      Two  thirds  of  the 
arms,  and  inhabitants  upon  Long-Island  were  English  subjects,  and 
English      wished  for  the  success  of  his  majesty's  arms.      They  were 
subjects,     ready,  if  necessary,  to  afford  their  immediate  assistance. 
In  such  circumstances,  opposition  would  have  been  mad- 
ness.    The  Dutch  therefore,  on  the  27th  of  August,  sub- 
mitted on  terms  of  capitulation.   The  articles  secured  them 
in   the  enjoyment  of  liberty  of  conscience  in  divine  wor- 
ship, and  their  own  mode  of  discipline.      The  Dutch  gov- 
ernor and  people  became  English  subjects,  enjoyed  their 
restates,  and  all  the  privileges  of  Englishmen.      Upon  the 

*  Smith's  History  of  New-York,  p.  12,  14. 
•*  The  same,  p.  10, 22, 


PHAP.  XII.  CONNECTICUT.  269 

surrender  of  the  town  of  New-Amsterdam,  it  was  named  BOOK  I. 
New-York,  in  honor  to  the  duke  of  York.  ^s-^^/ 

Part  of  the  armament  immediately  sailed  up  the  river,  1664, 
under  the  command  of  Carteret,  to  fort  Orange,  or  Aura- 
ma.  This  surrendered  on  the  24th  of  September.  This, 
was  named  Albany,  in  honor  to  the  duke  of  York  and  Alba- 
ny. Sir  Robert  Carr  proceeded  with  another  division  of 
the  fleet  to  Delaware.  He  obliged  the  Dutch  and  Swedes 
to  capitulate,  and  deliver  up  their  respective  garrisons,  on 
the  1st  of  October.  Upon  this  day,  the  whole  of  New- 
Netherlands  became  subject  to  the  crown  of  England. 
The  Dutch,  who  before  had  given  so  much  trouble  to  the 
English  colonists,  from  this  time,  commenced  their  loyal 
and  peaceable  fellow  subjects. 

The  short  time  the  commissioners  tarried  at  Boston,  be- 
fore they  proceeded  upon  their  expedition  against  the 
Dutch,  was  sufficient  to  discover  something  of  their  extra- 
ordinary powers,  and  such  a  taste  of  the  high  and  arbitra- 
ry manner  in  which  they  conducted,  as  spread  a  general 
alarm,  and  awakened,  in  the  colonies,  serious  apprehen- 
sions for  their  liberties.  Mr.  Whiting,  who  was  at  Bos-  News  and 
ton,  and  learned  much  of  their  temper,  was  sent  back,  in 

.    c  .  '        /•     i       j   l  •         L-L- 

haste,  to  give  information  01  the  danger,  in  which,  it  was 
apprehended,  the  colonies  all  were  ;  to  advise  New-Haven 
to  incorporate  with  Connecticut,  without  delay ;  and  to 
make  a  joint  exertion  for  the  preservation  of  their  chart- 
ered rights.  This  was  pressed,  not  only  as  absolutely  ne- 
cessary for  New-Haven,  but  for  the  general  safety  of  the 
country. 

In  consequence  of  this  intelligence,  a  general  court  was 
convened  at  New-Haven,  on  the  llth  of  August,  1664.  court  at 
Governor  Leet  communicated  the  intelligence  which  he  New-Hav- 
had  received  from  their  friends  at  Boston.  He  acquainted  en,  August 
them  that  Mr.  Whiting  and  Mr.  Bull  had  made  a  visit  to 
New-Haven,  and  in  their  owntnames,  and  in  behalf  of  the 
magistrates  of  Connecticut,  pressed  their  immediate  sub- 
jection to  their  government.  Further,  the  court  was  certi- 
fied, that  after  some  treaty  with  those  gentlemen,  their 
committee  had  given  an  answer,  purporting,  that,  if  Con- 
necticut would,  in  his  majesty's  name,  assert  their  claim  to 
the  colony  of  New-Haven,  and  secure  them  in  the  full  en- 
joyment of  all  the  immunities,  which  they  had  proposed, 
and  engage  to  make  a  united  exertion,  for  the  preservation 
of  their  chartered  rights,  they  would  make  their  submis- 
sion. After  a  long  debate  the  court  resolved,  that,  if  Con- 
necticut should  come  and  assert  their  claim,  as  had  been 
agreed,  they  would  submit  until  the  meeting  of  the  com- 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XI t. 


Connecti- 
cut re- 
inonslrate 
against  the 
sitting  of 
the  com- 
missioners 
of  New- 
Haven. 


Court  of 
commis- 
sioners 
meets 
Sept.  1st. 
Advise  to 
a  speedy 
union  of 
Connecti- 
cut and 
New-Ha- 
ven. 


missioners  of  the  united  colonies.  The  magistrates  and 
principal  gentlemen  of  the  colony,  seem  to  have  been  sen- 
sible, not  only  of  the  expediency,  but  necessity  of  an  in- 
corporation with  Connecticut.  The  opposition,  however, 
was  so  general  among  the  people,  that  nothing  further 
could  be  effected. 

The  court  of  commissioners  was  so  near  at  hand,  that 
governor  Winthrop  and  his  council  judged  it  not  expedi- 
ent to  make  any  further  demands  upon  New-Haven,  until 
their  advice  could  be  known.  However,  when  the  gene- 
ral assembly  met,  early  in  September,  they  passed  a  re- 
monstrance against  the  sitting  of  governor  Leet  and  depu- 
ty governor  Jones  with  the  commissioners.  In  the  re- 
monstrance they  declared,  that  New-Haven  was  not  a  colo- 
ny, but  a  part  of  Connecticut,  and  avowed  their  claim  to 
it  as  such.  They  insisted,  that  owning  that  as  a  colony, 
distinct  from  Connecticut,  after  his  majesty  had,  by  his 
letters  patent,  incorporated  it  with  that  colony,  was  incon- 
sistent with  the  king's  pleasure  ;  would  endanger  the  rights 
of  all  the  colonies,  and  especially  the  charter-rights  of 
Connecticut.  The  assembly,  at  the  same  time,  declared, 
that  they  would  have  a  tender  regard  to  their  honored 
friends  and  brethren,  at  New-Haven,  and  exert  themselves 
to  accommodate  them,  with  all  the  immunities  and  privi- 
leges which  were  conveyed  by  their  charter. 

On  the  1st  of  September,  the  court  of  commissioners 
met  at  Hartford.  The  commissioners  from  New-Haven 
were  allowed  their  seats  with  the  other  confederates.  The 
case  of  New-Haven  and  Connecticut  was  fully  heard,  and 
though  the  court  did  not  approve  of  the  manner,  in  which 
Connecticut  had  proceeded,  yet  they  earnestly  pressed  a 
speedy  and  amicable  union  of  the  two  colonies.  They 
represented,  that  the  divine  honor,  and  the  welfare  of  all 
the  colonies,  as  well  as  their  own,  were  greatly  concerned 
in  the  event. 

To  remove  all  obstructions  on  their  part,  the  commis- 
sioners recommended  it  to  the  general  courts  of  Massachu- 
setts and  Plymouth,  that,  in  case  the  colony  of  New-Ha- 
ven should  incorporate  with  Connecticut,  they  might  then 
lie  owned  as  one  colony,  and  send  two  commissioners  to 
each  meeting  ;  and  that  the  determinations  of  any  four  of 
the  six,  should  be  equally  binding  on  the  confederates,  as 
the  conclusions  of  six  out  of  eight,  had  been  before.  It 
was  also  proposed  to  the  court,  that  the  meeting,  which  of 
course  had  been  at  New-Haven,  should  be  at  Hartford.* 

*  Records  of  the  united  colonies.  It  was  determined,  at  this  court, 
Jhat  their  meetings,  for  the  future,  should  be  triennial.  , 


CHAP.  XII.  CONNECTICUT.  271 

In  compliance  with  the  advice  of  the  commissioners,  gov-  BOOK  I. 
ornor  Leet  convened  the  general  court  at  New-Haven,  on^^~^-^ 
the    14th  of  September,  and   communicated   the  advice     1664. 
which  had  been  given,  and  papers  from  the  committee  of  General 
Connecticut,  advising  and  urging  them   to   unite.     They  ^^.j^. 
referred  it  to  their  most  serious  consideration,  whether,  if  ten. 
the  king's  commissioners  should  visit  them,  they  would  not 
be  much   better  able  to  vindicate  their  liberty  and  just 
rights,  in  union  with  Connecticut,  under  a  royal  patent, 
than  in  their  then  present  circumstances.     Many  insisted,  No  vote 
notwithstanding,  "  That  to  stand  as  God  had  kept  them  to  °btained 

1-1  11      r\  i  •  rf°T  anun- 

that  time  was  their   best  way."     Others  were  entirely  or  ioa> 

the  contrary  opinion,  and  after  the  fullest  discussion  of  the 
subject,  no  vote  for  union  or  treaty  could  be  obtained. 

New-Haven  and  Branford  were  more  fixed  and  obsti-  Grounds 
nate  in  their  opposition  to  an  incorporation  with  Connec-  ^on'to'an 
ticut,  than  any  of  the  other  towns  in  that  colony.  Mr.  UDi0n  with 
Davenport  and  Mr.  Pierson  seem  to  have  been  among  its  Comrecti- 
chief  supporters.  They,  with  many  of  the  inhabitants  of cutt 
the  colony,  were  more  rigid,  with  respect  to  the  terms  of 
church  communion,  than  the  ministers  and  churches  of 
Connecticut  generally  were.  The  ministers  and  churches 
in  Connecticut  were,  a  considerable  number  of  them,  in 
iavor  of  the  propositions  of  the  general  council,  which  met 
at  Cambridge,  in  1662,  relative  to  the  baptism  of  children? 
whose  parents  were  not  in  full  communion.  The  minis- 
ters and  churches  of  New-Haven  were  universally  and  ut- 
terly against  them.  Mr.  Davenport,  and  others  in  this 
colony,  were  also  strong  in  the  opinion,  that  all  govern- 
ment should  be  in  the  church.  No  person  in  this  colony 
could  be  a  freeman,  Unless  he  were  a  member  in  full  com- 
munion. But  in  Connecticut,  all  orderly  persons,  possess- 
ing a  freehold  to  a  certain  amount,  might  be  made  free  of 
the  corporation.  Those  gentlemen,  who  were  so  strong 
in  the  opposition,  were,  doubtless,  jealous  that  an  union 
would  mar  the  purity,  order,  and  beauty  of  their  churches, 
and  have  an  ill  influence  on  the  civil  administrations.  The 
removal  of  the  seat  of  government  ;  the  apprehension 
•which  some  had  of  losing  their  places  of  trust  and  general 
influence  ;  with  strong  prejudices  and  passions  against 
Connecticut,  on  account  of  the  injuries,  which  it  was  con- 
ceived it  had  done  the  colony,  all  operated  in  forming  the 
opposition.  Besides,  it  was  a  painful  reflection,  that,  af- 
ter they  had  been  at  so  much  pains  and  expense  to  form 
and  support  themselves  as  a  distinct  commonwealth,  and 
Lad  been  so  many  years  owned  as  one,  their  existence  must 
cease  and  their  name  be  obliterated. 


272 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XII. 


Assemblj 
meets 
Oct.  13th. 
Impor- 
tant crisis 
with  Con- 
iecticut. 


Acts  of 
the  assem- 
bly, res- 
pecting 
the  com- 
missioners, 
Massa- 
chusetts 
&  Rhode- 
Island. 


Respect- 
ing New- 
Haven. 


This  event,  however,  was  hastening,  and  grew  more  and 
more  urgent.  Milford,  at  this  time,  broke  off  from  them, 
and  would  no  more  send  either  magistrate  or  deputies  to  the 
general  court.  Mr.  Richard  Law,  a  principal  gentleman 
at  Stamford,  also  deserted  them. 

In  this  state  of  affairs,  the  general  assembly  of  Connecti- 
cut convened,  on  the  13th  of  October.  This  was  an  im- 
portant crisis  with  the  colony.  In  few  instances,  have  so 
many  important  objects  of  consideration,  at  one  time,  pre- 
sented themselves  to  a  legislature.  Their  liberties  were 
not  only  in  equal  danger  with  those  of  their  sister  colonies, 
from  the  extraordinary  powers,  and  arbitrary  dispositions 
and  measures  of  the  king's  commissioners,  but  the  duke  of 
York,  a  powerful  antagonist,  had  received  a  patent,  cover- 
ing Long-Island  and  all  that  part  of  the  colony  west  of 
Connecticut  river.  The  Massachusetts  were  encroaching 
upon  them  on  their  northern  and  eastern  boundaries. 
William  and  Anne,  the  duke  and  dutchess  of  Hamilton, 
had  petitioned  his  majesty  to  restore  to  them  the  tract  of 
tountry  granted  to  their  father,  James,  marquis  of  Hamil- 
ton, in  the  year  1635  ;  and  his  majesty  had,  on  the  6th  of 
May,  1664,  referred  the  case  to  the  determination  of  colo- 
nel Nichols  and  the  other  commissioners.*  Besides,  the 
state  of  affairs  with  New-Haven  was  neither  comfortable 
nor  safe. 

In  these  circumstances,  the  legislature  viewed  it  as  a  point 
of  capital  importance  to  conciliate  the  commissioners,  and 
obtain  the  good  graces  of  his  majesty.  For  this  purpose, 
they  ordered  a  present  of  five  hundred  bushels  of  corn,  to 
be  made  to  the  king's  commissioners.  A  large  committee 
was  appointed  to  settle  the  boundaries  between  Connecti- 
cut and  the  duke  of  York.  A  committee,  consisting  of  Mr. 
Allen,  Mr.  Wyllys,  Mr.  Talcott,  and  Mr.  Newbury,  was 
also  appointed  to  settle  the  boundary  line  between  this 
colony  and  Massachusetts,  and  between  Connecticut  and 
Rhode-Island.  They  were  instructed  not  to  give  away  any 
part  of  the  lands,  included  within  the  limits  of  the  charter. 

Mr.  Sherman,  Mr.  Allen,  and  the  secretary,  were  author- 
ised to  proceed  to  New-Haven,  and,  by  order  of  the  gen- 
eral assembly,  ';  in  his  majesty's  name,  to  require  the  in- 
habitants of  New-Haven,  Milford,  Branfo'rd,  Guilford,  and 
Stamford,  to  submit  to  the  government  established  by  his 
majesty's  gracious  grant  to  this  colony,  and  to  receive  their 
answer."  They  had  instructions  to  declare  all  the  free- 
men, in  those  towns,  free  of  the  corporation  of  Connecti- 
cut ;  and  to  make  all  others,  in  the  respective  towns  men- 
*  No.  XV. 


CHAP.  XIL  CONNECTICUT.  273 

tioned,  qualified  according  to  law,  freemen  of  Connecticut.  BOOK  I, 
At  the  same  time,  they  were  directed  to  administer  to  them  V^V-N*' 
the  freeman's  oath.  1664; 

Besides,  they  were  authorised  to  make  declaration,  that 
the  assembly  did  invest  William  Leet  and  William  Jones, 
Esquires,  Mr.  Gilbert,  Mr.  Fenn,  Mr.  Crane,  Mr.  Treat, 
and  Mr.  Law,  with  the  powers  of  magistracy  ;  to  govern, 
their  respective  plantations  agreeably  to  the  laws  of  Con- 
necticut, or  such  of  their  own  laws,  as  were  not  inconsist- 
ent with  the  charter,  until  their  session  in  May  next.  It 
was  proclaimed  also,  that  all  other  officers,  civil  and  mili- 
tary, were  established  in  their  respective  places;  and  that 
cognizance  should  not  be  taken  of  any  case  which  had 
been  prosecuted,  to  a  final  adjudication,  in  any  of  the 
courts  of  that  colony.* 

The  gentlemen  appointed  to  this  service,  on  the  19th  of 
November,  went  to  New-Haven,  and  proceeded  according 
to  their  instructions. 

About  the  same  time.  Governor  Winthrop,  Mr.  Allen, 
Mr.  Gould,  Mr.  Richards,  and  John  Winthrop,  the  com- 
mittee appointed  to  settle  the  boundaries   between  Con- 
necticut and  New- York,  waited  on  the  commissioners  up- 
on York  Island.     After  they  had  been  fully  heard,  in  be- 
half of  Connecticut,  the  commissioners  determined,  "  That  Determi- 
the  southern  bounds  of  his  majesty's  colony  of  Connecti-  nation  of 
cut,  is  the  sea;  and  that  Long-Island  is  to  be  under  the t's,smc^sj 
government  of  his  royal  highness,  the  duke  of  York,  as  is  mis^ioners, 
expressed  by  plain  words  in  the  said  patents  respectively.  Nov.  30th, 
We  also  order  and  declare?  that  the  creek  or  river  called 
Mamaronock,  which  is  reputed  to  be  about  twelve  miles 
to  the  east  of  West-Chester,  and  a  line  drawn  from  the  east 
point  or  side,  where  the  fresh  water  falls  into  the  salt,  at 
high  water  mark,  north-north-west,  to  the  line  of  Massa- 
chusetts, be  the  western  bounds  of  the  said  colony  of  Con- 
necticut ;  and  the- plantations  lying  westward  of  that  creek, 
and  line  so  drawn,  to  be  under  his  royal  highness's  govern- 
ment; and  all  plantations  lying  eastward  of  that  creek  and 
line,  to  be  under  the  government  of  Connecticut.! 

In  consequence  of  the  acts  of  Connecticut,  and  the  de-  General 
termination  of  the  commissioners,,  relative  to  the  bounda-  ?°urt  at 
ries  of  the  colony,  a  general  court  was  called  at  New-Ha-  ^0^" 
ven,  with  the  freemen,  and  as  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  13th, 
the  colony  as  chose  to  attend,  on  the  13th  of  December, 
1664.     The  following  resolutions  were  then  unanimously 
passed. 

1 .  "  That,  by  this  act  or  vote,  we  be  not  understood  to 
*  Records  of  Connecticut.  t  No.  XVI, 

K2 


274  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIL 

BOOK  I.  justify  Connecticut's  former  actings,  nor  any  thing  disor- 
^**~v~**'  derly  done  by  their  own  people,  on  such  accounts." 

1664.        2.  "That,   by  it,  we  be  not  apprehended  to  have  any 
Resolves    hand  in  breaking  or  dissolving  the  confederation." 

3.  "  Yet,  in  loyalty  to  the  king's  majesty,  when  an  au- 
thentic copy  of  the  determination  of  his  majesty's  commis- 
sioners is  published,  to  be  recorded  with  us,  if  thereby  it 
shall  appear  to  our  committee,  that  we  are,  by  his  majes- 
ty's authority,  now  put  under  Connecticut  patent,  we  shalf 
submit,  by  a  necessity  brought  upon  us,  by  the  means  of 
Connecticut  aforesaid  ;  but  with  a  saho  jure  of  our  former 
rights  and  claims,  as  a  people,  who  have  not  yet  been 
heard  in  point  of  plea."* 

The  members  of  the  court,  then  present,  the  elders  of 
the  colony,  with  Mr.  John  Nash,  Mr.  James  Bishop,  Mr. 
Francis  Bell,  Mr.  Robert  Treat,  and  Mr.  Richard  Bald- 
win, were  appointed  a  committee  to  consummate  an  union 
between  the  colonies. 

Several  tetters  passed  between  the  committees  of  the 
two  colonies,  on  the  subject,  in  which  the  committee  of 
New-Haven  signified,  that  the  officers  in  that  colony  would 
continue  to  act  in  their  respective  offices,  and  expressed 
their  good  designs  and  wishes  towards  Connecticut,  and 
their  loyalty  to  his  majesty.  They  also  represented  their 
expectations,  that  the  governor  and  company,  according 
to  their  engagements,  would  give  them  all  the  advantages 
and  privileges  which  they  could  do,  consistent  with  the 
patent,  and  their  desires  still  to  continue  the  confederation. 1 
The  committee  of  Connecticut,  in  answer  to  New-Ha- 
ven, assured  them  of  their  willingness  to  bestow  on  them 
all  the  privileges  granted  in  their  charter,  prepared  ready 
to  their  hands.  They  acquainted  them,  that  provision  had 
been  made  for  the  continuance  of  the  confederation,  ac- 
cording to  fheir  wishes.  They  pleaded  the  necessity  and 
importance  of  their  incorporation  with  Connecticut,  as  they 
were  nearly  in  the  centre  of  the  colony,  as  an  apology  for 
the  measures  which  they  had  taken.  They  expressed 
their  strong  desires  that  New-Haven  would  cordially  unite 
with  them,  and,  by  no  means,  view  it  as  a  matter  of  con- 
straint: that  mutual  candour  might  be  exercised ;  and  that 
all  reflections  and  past  conduct,  disagreeable  to  either  of 
them,  be  entirely  buried  and  for  ever  forgotten .} 
Session  of  The  general  assembly  of  Connecticut  appointed  no  com- 
assembij-,  mittee  to  meet  with  that  chosen  by  the  general  court  of 
f6ps"120th>  New-Haven.  Of  this  their  committee  complain,  in  their 

*  Records  of  New-Haven.  t  No.  XVIL 

|  Letter  of  Connecticut  to  New-Haven,  No.  XVIII. 


CHAP.  XIL  CONNECTICUT.  275 

last  letter.*  However,  at  a  session  of  theirs,  the  20th  of  BOOK  I. 
April,  1665,  they  passed  several  resolves,  for  the  further  v^~v~>^' 
completion  of  the  union.  1665. 

It  was  resolved,  that  William  Leet  and  William  Jones,  Resolu- 
Esquires,  Mr.  Benjamin  Fenn,  Mr.  Matthew  Gilbert,  Mr.  JjJjJJJ* 
Jasper  Crane,  Mr.  Alexander  Bryan,  Mr.  Law,  and  Mr.  j^w-"^ 
Robert  Treat,  should  stand  in  the  nomination  for  magis-  Haven. 
*rates  at  the  next  Election. 

The  assembly,  also,  passed  the  following  declaration  : 
:'  That  all  acts  of  the  authority  of  New-Haven,  which  had 
been  uncomfortable  to  Connecticut,  should  never  be  call- 
ed to  an  account,  but  be  buried  in  perpetual  oblivion."! 

The  king's  commissioners  presented  the  following  pro-  His  majes- 
positions,  or  requisitions,  from  his  majesty,  to  this  assem-  ty's  requi- 
blv.  sitions. 

1.  "  That  all  householders,  inhabiting  this  colony,  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  that  the  administration  of  jus- 
tice be  in  his  majesty's  name," 

2.  "  That  all  men  of  competent  estates  and  of  civil  con- 
versation, though  of  different  judgments,  may  be  admitted 
to  be  freemen,  and  have  liberty  to  choose,  or  to  be  chosen 
officers,  both  military  and  civil." 

3.  "That  all  persons,  of  civil  lives,  may  freely  enjoy 
the  liberty  of  their  consciences,  and  the  worship  of  God  in 
that  way  which  they  think  best ;  provided  that  this  liberty 
tend  not  to  the  disturbance  of  the  public,  nor  to  the  hin- 
drance of  the  maintenance  of  ministers,  regularly  chosen, 
in  each  respective  parish  or  township." 

4.  "  That  all  laws,  and  expressions  in  laws,  derogatory 
to  his  majesty,  if  any  such  have  been  made,  in  these  trou- 
blesome times,  may  be  repealed,  altered,  and  taken  off  the 
file." 

The  assembly  answered  in  the  manner  following. 

1.  u  That  according  to  his  majesty's  pleasure,  expressed  The  an-, 
in  our  charter,  our  governor  formerly  appointed  meet  per-  s^er  to 
sons  to  administer  the  oath  of  allegiance,  who  have,  ac-* 
cording  to  their  order,  administered  the  said  oath  to  seve- 
ral  persons   already;    and  the  administration  of  justice 
among  us  hath  been,  is,   and  shall   be,  in  his  majesty's 
name." 

2.  "  That  our  order  for  the  admission  of  freemen  is  con- 
sonant with  that  proposition." 

3.  "We  know  not  of  any  one  that  hath  been  troubled, 
by  us,  for  attending  his  conscience,  provided  he  hath  not 
Disturbed  the  public." 

4.  "  We  know  not  of  any  law,  or  expressions  of  law 

"  No.  XIX,  t  Records  of  Connecticut, 


276 


CHAP.  XII. 


BOOK  I.  that  are  derogatory  to  his  majesty  among  us  ;  but  if  any 

^^^^^^  such  be  found,  we  count  it  our  duty  to  repeal,  alter,  and 

1C65.    take  them  off  the  file;  and  this  we  attended,  upon  the  re- 

ceipt of  our  charter.51 
Answer  to       About  this  time,  it  seems,  the  council  srave  the  follow- 

the  duke  of  •  »  i    ,  •  •     •  °  i     • 

Hamil-  inS  answer,  tor  substance,  to  the  commissioners,  relative  to 
ton's  peti-  the  claim  and  petition  of  the  duke  of  Hamilton  :  That  the 
tion.  grant  of  Connecticut  to  the  nobles  and  gentlemen,  of  whom 
they  purchased,  was  several  years  prior  to  the  marquis  of 
Hamilton's  :  That  with  great  difficulty  they  had  conquer- 
ed a  potent  and  barbarous  people,  who  spread  over  a  great 
part  of  that  tract  of  country,  which  he  claimed  ;  and  that  it 
was  but  a  small  compensation,  for  the  blood  and  treasure 
which  they  had  expended  in  conquering,  it,  and  defending 
it  for  his  majesty's  interest  against  the  Dutch  and  other  for- 
eigners :  That  they  had  peaceably  enjoyed  that  tract  for 
about  thirty  years  :  That  they  had  with  great  labor  and 
expense  cultivated  the  lands,  to  their  own  and  his  majes- 
ty's interest;  and  that  his  majesty,  of  his  grace,  had  been 
pleased  to  confirm  it  to  them,  by  his  royal  charter,  in  which 
these  reasons  had  been  recognized.* 

They  at  the  same  time,  solicited  their  honors,  the  com- 
missioners, to  present  their  humble  acknowledgments  to 
his  majesty  for  his  abundant  grace,  in  the  granting  of  their 
charter,  and  for  his  gracious  letter,  sent  them  by  his  com- 
missioners, re-ratifying  their  privileges,  civil  and  ecclesi- 
astical. 

Election,        At  the  general  election,  May  llth,  1665,  when  the  two 

frlay  iith.  coionies  Of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  united  in  one,  the 

following  gentlemen  were  chosen  into  office.     John  Win- 

Colonies     throp,  Esq.  was  elected  governor,  John  Mason,  Esq.  de- 

"nelts'em-  Puty  governor,  and  Matthew  Allen,  Samuel  Wyllys,  Na- 

bjy.  than  Gould,  John  Talcott,   Henry  Wolcott,  John  Allen, 

Samuel  Sherman,  James  Richards,  William  Leet.  William 

Jones,  Benjamin  Fenn,  and  Jasper  Crane,  Esquires,  ma- 

gistrates.    John  Talcott,  Esq.  was  treasurer,  and  Daniel 

Clark  secretary. 

A  proportionable  number  of  the  magistrates  were  of  the 
former  cplony  of  New-Haven  ;  all  the  towns  sent  their  de- 
puties ;  and  the  assembly  appears  to  have  been  entirely 
harmonious. 

This  assembly  enacted,  that  Hastings  and  Rye  should  be 
one  plantation,  by  the  name  of  Rye. 

County  By  this  assembly  county  courts  were  first  instituted,  by 
Wtituted  l^at  name*  I*  was  enacted,  that  there  should  be  two  coun- 
llth.  ty  courts  holden  annually,  in  New-Haven  ;  one  on  the  sec^ 
*  No.  XX. 


CHAP.  XII.  CONNECTICUT.  277 

ond  Thursday  in  June,  the  other  on  the  third  Thursday  in  BOOK  I, 
November.     The  court  was  to  consist  of  five  judges,  two  ^*-v~**/ 
magistrates,  and  three  justices  of  the  quorum.     A  similar    1665. 
court  was  appointed  at  New-London  ;  and,  the  next  Octo- 
ber, that  was  made  a  distinct  county. 

At  the  session  in  October,  a  county  court  was  appoint- 
ed, at  Hartford,  instead  of  the  quarterly  courts.  This 
was  to  be  holden  annually  in  the  months  of  March  and 
September.  The  county  courts  had  cognizance  of  all 
cases  except  those  of  life,  limb,  or  banishment.  Incases 
of  more  than  twenty  shillings,  the  law  required  that  a  jury 
should  be  impannelled. 

At  the  same  time,  a  superior  court  was  appointed  to  be  Superior 
holden,  at  Hartford,  the  Tuesday  before  the  session  of  the  ^j^" 
general  assembly  in  May  and  October.     This  was  to  con-  oct.  12! 
sist  of  eight  magistrates,  at  least,  and  -always  to  be  attend- 
ed with  a  jury.     In  this  court  were  tried  all  appeals  from 
the  several  county  courts,  and  all  capital  actions,  of  life, 
limb,  and  banishment. 

All  the  towns,  formerly  under  the  jurisdiction  of  New-  Branfprd 
Haven,  were  satisfied  with  the  union  of  the  colonies,  ex- 
cept  Branford.  But  Mr.  Pierson  and  almost  his  whole 
church  and  congregation  were  so  displeased,  that  they  soon 
removed  into  Newark,  in  New-Jersey.  They  carried  off 
the  records  of  the  church  and  town,  and  after  it  had  been 
settled  about  five  and  twenty  years,  left  it  almost  without, 
inhabitants.  For  more  than  twenty  years  from  that  time, 
there  was  not  a  church  formed  in  the  town.  People,  from 
various  parts  of  the  colony,  gradually  moved  into  it,  and 
purchased  the  lands  of  the  first  planters,  so  that,  in  about 
twenty  years,  it  became  re-settled.  In  1685,  it  was  re-in- 
vested with  town  privileges. 

The  union  of  the  colonies  was  a  happy  event.     It  great-  The  un- 
ly  contributed  to  the  convenience,  strength,   peace,    and  ion  a  hap- 
welfare  of  the  inhabitants  of  both,   and  of  their  posterity.  PJ  event. 
Greater  privileges  New-Haven  could  not  have  enjoyed, 
had  they  been  successful  in  their  applications  to  his  ma- 
jesty.     This  must  have  ^»een  very  expensive,    and  after 
much  expense,  they  might  have  failed  in  their  attempts  and 
lost  their  liberties,  or  have  been  joined  to  Connecticut  at 
last.     Had  they  remained  a  distinct  colony,  the  charges  of 
government  would  have  been  greater  than  in  their  state  of 
incorporation.     Their  situation,  in  so  central  a  part  of  the 
colony,  would  have  been   extremely  inconvenient,  espe- 
cially for  Connecticut.     It  was,  doubtless,   his   majesty's 
pleasure,  and  for  his  interest,  that  the  colonies  should   be 
gne  5  and  their  friends  on  both  sides  the  water  judged  it 


278  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XII. 

BOOK  I.  most  expedient.     It  was  what  their  own  and  the  general 

\^-v~+*s  good   demanded.     All   these  circumstances,   Connecticut 

1665.     could  plead,  as   an  apology  for  their  conduct.     But  after 

oil,  it  will  he  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  reconcile  some 

parts  of  it,  at  least,  with  their  pre-engagements,  the  rules 

of  justice,  and  brotherly  affection. 

War  was  proclaimed,  this  year,  in  London,  in  the  month 
of  March,  between  England  and  Holland.  His  majesty 
had  given  intelligence  to  the  colony,  that  De  Ruyter,  the 
Dutch  admiral,  had  orders  to  visit  New- York.  The  col- 
ony was  alarmed,  and  put  into  a  slate  of  defence.  Bui 
the  admiral  was  diverged  from  the  enterprise,  and. the  year 
passed  in  peace. 

In  the  proclamation  for  thanksgiving,  in  November,  the 
people  were  excited  to  praise  the  SUPREME  BENEFACTOR, 
for  preventing  the  troubles  which  they  had  feared,  and  for 
the  blessings  of  liberty,  health,  peace,  and  plenty.* 


CHAPTER  XIIJ. 

A  view  of  the  churches  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  front 
,  their  first  settlement,  until  their  union,  in  1665.  Their 
ministers.  The  character  of  the  ministers  and  first  plan- 
ters. Their  religious  and  political  sentiments.  Gather- 
ing of  the  churches  of  New-Haven  and  Milford.  Instal- 
lation of  Mr.  Davenport  and  Mr.  Prudden.  Church  for- 
med at  Guilford.  Number  of  ministers  in  Connecticut 
and  New -Haven ,  before  the  union.  Proportion  of  minis- 
ters to  the  people,  before  and  at  the  time  of  the  union. 
Harmony  between  the  civil  rulers  and  the  clergy.  Influ- 
ence of  the  clergy,  and  the  reasons  of  it.  Their  opposi- 
tion to  Antinornianism.  Assisted  in  the  compilation  of 
Cambridge  Platform.  Ecclesiastical  laws.  Care  to  dif- 
fuse general  knowledge;  its  happy  influence.  Attempts 
to  found  a  college  at  New-Haven.  No  sectaries  in  Con- 
necticut nor  New-Haven,  until  after  the  union.  Deaths 
and  characters  of  several  of  the  first  ministers.  Great 
dissensions  in  the  church  at  Hartford,  soon  after  Mr. 
Hooker's  death  j  dissensions  and  controversies  in  the  colo- 
ny, and  churches  in  general,  relative  to  baptism,  church- 

*  It  was  now  thirty  years  since  the  settlement  of  the  colony  commenced, 
yet,  after  the  defalcation  of  Long-Island,  it  consisted  of  nineteen  towns 
only,  which  paid  taxes.  The  srrand  list  was  no  mor°  than  £153,620 : 16  : 5 


CHAP.  XIII.  CONNECTICUT.  279f 

membership,  and  the  rights  of  the  brethren.  A  new  gen-  BOOK  I. 
e ration  arises,  ivho  had  not  all  imbibed  the  spirit  of  th eir  v^-v-1  ^-> 
fathers.  Grievances  presented  to  the  general  court  of 
Connecticut,  on  the  account  of  the  strict  ness  of  the  church- 
es, and  that  sober  people  were  denied  communion  with 
them,  and  baptism  for  their  children.  The  court  of  Con- 
necticut send  to  the  other  general  courts  for  advice.  Laws 
against  the  Quakers.  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut 
agree  in  appointing  a  synod  at  Boston.  General  court  at 
New-Haven  oppose  the  meeting  of  a  synod,  and-  decline, 
sending  their  elders.  Questions  proposed  for  discussion. 
The  synod  meets  and  answers  them ;  biit  it  had  no  good 
effect  on  the  churches.  They  would  not  comply  with  their 
decisions.  Dissensions  continued  at  Hartford ;  acts  of 
the  general  court  respecting  them.  Councils  from  Mas- 
sachusetts. Difficulties  in  some  measure  composed.  Di- 
visions and  animosities  at  Weathcrsfield.  Act  of  the  gen- 
eral court  respecting  the  church  there.  Mr.  Russel  and 
numbers  remove  from  Weathcrsfield  and  Hartford,  and 
settle  Hadley.  Mr.  Stow  dismissed  from  the  ministry  at 
Middletown,  by  a  committee  of  the  general  court.  Synod 
at  Boston.  Its  determination  relative  to  baptism  and  the 
Consociation  of  churches.  Division  in  the  synod,  and  in 
the  churches,  relative  to  these  points.  The  court  at  Con- 
necticut sent  no  ciders  to  the  council,  nor  took  any  part  in 
(he  controversy,  until  some  time  afterwards. 

CONNECTICUT,  no  less  than  other  parts  of  New-Eng- 
land, was  settled  with  a  particular  view  to  religion. 
It  was  the  design  of  the  first  planters,  to  erect  churches  ia 
the  strictest  conformity  to  scripture  example  ;  and  to  trans- 
mit evangelical  purity,  in  doctrine,  worship,  and  disci- 
pline, with  civil  and  religious  liberty,  to  their  posterity. 
The  attention  which  they  paid  to  these  interesting  points, 
will  be  the  principal  subject  of  this  chapter. 

The  first  churches,  though  their  numbers  were  small,  r'rst  m'n" 
and  they  had  to  combat  all  the  hardships,  dangers,  and  ex-  c^necti- 
pense,  of  new  settlements,  commonly  supported  two  able,  cut  and 
experienced  ministers.     With  the  first  three  churches,  set- 
tled  in  Connecticut,  there  were,  at  Hartford,  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Hooker  and  Mr.  Stone,  at  Windsor,  Mr.  Warham  and  Mr. 
Hewet,  and  at  Weathersfield,  Mr.  Prudden,in  1638.  while 
his  people  were  making  preparations  to  remove  from  New- 
Haven  to  Milford.     To  the  garrison,  at  Saybrook  fort,  Mr. 
John  Higginson,  son  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Higginson,  of  Salem, 
preached  three  or  four  of  the  first  years.     At  New-Haven, 
at  first  xvere  Mr.  Davenport  and  Mr.  Samuel  Eaton.-broth- 


280  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIIL 

BOOK  I.  er  to  governor  Eaton.  At  Milford,  Mr.  Pruddcn  was  pas- 
<^^v~^/  tor,  and  the  church  invited  Mr.  John  Sherman,  afterwards 
minister  of  Watertown,  in  Massachusetts,  to  be  their  teach- 
er ;  but  he  declined  their  invitation,  and  that  church  never 
had  but  one  settled  minister  at  the  same  time.  The  Rev. 
Mr.  Whitfield  was  pastor  of  the  church  at  Guilford,  and 
about  the  year  1641,  Mr.  Higginson  removed  from  Say- 
brook,  and  became  teacher,  as  an  assistant  to  Mr.  Whit- 
iicld,  in  that  church.  After  Mr.  Prudden  left  Weathers- 
field,  Mr.  Henry  Smith  was  elected,  and  ordained  pastor  of 
the  church  and  congregation  in  that  town.  About  the 
time  that  Mr.  Higginson  left  Saybrook,  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Thomas  Peters  became  chaplain  to  colonel  Fenwick,  and 
the  people  there.  Upon  the  removal  of  Mr.  Eaton,  from 
New-Haven,  Mr.  William  Hook  was  installed  teacher,  as 
an  asssistant  of  Mr.  Davenport.  The  six  first  towns  in 
Connecticut  and  New-Haven^  enjoyed  the  constant  labor 
of  ten  able  ministers.  This  was  as  much  as  one  minister 
to  about  fifty  families,  or  to  two  hundred  and  sixty  or  seven- 
ty souls.  As  other  towns  settled,  churches  were  gathered, 
and  ministers  installed  or  ordained.  Mr.  Jones  was  chos- 
en pastor  at  Fairfield,  Mr.  Adam  Blackman,  at  Stratford, 
and  Mr.  Richard  Denton,  at  Stamford.  Mr.  Abraham 
Pierson  was  pastor  of  the  church  at  Branford,  and  it  seems 
one  Mr.  Brucy  assisted  him  as  a  teacher  for  some  time. 
Fourteen  or  fifteen  of  these  ministers  had  been  episcopally 
ordained  in  England,  before  they  came  into  America. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Richard  Blynman,  first  pastor  of  the 
church  at  New-London,  was  also  ordained  in  England. 
After  he  came  into  this  country  ^  he  settled  first,  pastor  ol' 
the  church  at  Gloucester,  in  Massachusetts.  From  thence 
he  removed  to  New-London  in  1G48. 

From  these  reverend  fathers,  the  ministers  of  Connecti- 
cut trace  their  ordinations ;  especially,  from  Mr.  Hooker, 
Mr.  Warham,  Mr.  Davenport,  and  Mr.  Stone.  Some  or 
other  of  these  assisted  in  gathering  the  churches,  and  or- 
daining the  ministers  settled  in  their  day. 

Their  relj-      With  respect  to  their  religious  sentiments,  and  those  of 
gioussenu-  tjlcjr  fo|jowerSi  they  were  puritans.      This    was  a   name 
which  first  obtained  in  the  reign  of  queen  Elizabeth,  in 
1564.     It  was  given  as  a  name  of  reproach,  to  distinguish 
and  stigmatize  those  who  did  not  conform  to  the  liturgy, 
ceremonies,  and  discipline,  of  the  church  of  England.  Ful- 
ler says,  "  it  was  improved  to  abuse  pious  people,  who 
endeavoured  to  follow  the  minister  with  a  pure  heart,  and 
labored  for  a  life  pure  and  holy."*     When  arminianism  be^ 
*  Fuller's  ecclesiastics]  history,  b,  IX,  p.  70. 


CHAP.  XIII.  CONNECTICUT.  281 

gan  to  prevail,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  James  the  BOOK  I. 
first,  those  who  were  calvinistic,  were  termed  doctrinal  pu-  w*-v~^/ 
ritans.t     It  was  used  finally,  as  a  stigma  for  all  Christians, 
who  were  strict  in  morals,  calvinistic  in  sentiment,  and  un- 
conformed  to  the  liturgy,  ceremonies,  and  discipline  of  the 
established  church. J 

This  was  truly  the  character  of  the  first  ministers  and 
churches  in  this  colony.  They  were  strictly  calvinistic, 
agreeing  in  doctrine  with  their  brethren  of  the  established 
church,  and  with  all  the  protestant  reformed  churches* 
In  discipline,  they  were  congregationalists,  and  dissented 
from  the  national  establishment.  They  firmly  believed, 
that  it  was  the  sole  prerogative  of  Christ,  as  king  in  Zion, 
to  direct  the  mode  of  worship  and  discipline,  in  his  own 
house.  They  were  persuaded,  that  the  scriptures  were  a 
perfect  rule,  not  only  of  faith  and  manners,  but  of  worship 
and  discipline  :  and  that  all  churches  ought  to  be  formed 
entirely  after  the  pattern  exhibited  in  the  New  Testament. 

Some  of  the  ministers  of  Connecticut  were  distinguished  Literature 
for  literature,  piety,  and  ministerial  gifts.  Mr.  Hooker,  and morals 
Mr.  Davenport,  Mr.  Stone,  and  some  others,  were  men  of 
great  learning  and  abilities.  They  were  all  men  of  the 
strictest  morals,*  serious,  experimental  preachers.  Mr. 
Neal,  after  giving  a  catalogue  of  the  ministers,  who  first  il- 
luminated the  churches  of  New-England,  bears  this  testi- 
mony concerning  them.  "  I  will  not  say  that  all  the  min- 
isters mentioned,  were  men  of  the  first  rate  for  learning, 
but  I  can  assure  the  reader,  they  had  a  better  share  of  it, 
than  most  of  their  neighbouring  clergy,  at  that  time  :  they 
were  men  of  great  sobriety  and  virtue,  plain,  serious,  af- 
fectionate preachers,  exactly  conformable  to  the  doctrine 
of  the  church  of  England,  and  took  a  great  deal  of  pains  to 
promote  a  reformation  of  manners  in  their  several  parish- 
es." They  were  mighty,  and  abundant  in  prayer.  They 
not  only  fasted  and  prayed  frequently  with  their  people,  in 
public,  but  kept  many  days  of  secret  fasting,  prayer,  andings'and 
self-examination,  in  their  studies.  Some  of  them,  it  seems,  prayers, 
fasted  and  prayed,  in  this  private  manner,  every  week. 
Besides  the  exercises  on  the  Lord's  day,  they  preached 
lectures,  not  only  in  public,  but  from  house  to  house. 
They  were  diligent  and  laborious  in  catechising  and  in- 
structing the  children,  and  young  people,  both  in  public 
and  private. 

They  paid  a  constant  attention  to  the  religion  of  their 

1  Fuller,  b.  X,  p.  100. 

$  Neal's  history  of  the  puritans,  preface  to  vo).  I,  p.  7,  and  vol.  1,  p.  7^. 
Second  edition,  quarto,  London,  17.54. 

L  2 


232  .    HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  Xii?, 

BOOK  I.  iamilics.  They  read  the  scriptures,  and  prayed  in  them 
s^x-v-x^  daily,  morning  and  evening,  and  instructed  all  their  domes- 
tics constantly  to  attend  the  secret,  as  well  as  private  and 
public  duties  of  religion.  They  were  attentive  to  the  reli- 
gious state  of  all  the  families  and  individuals  of  their  res- 
pective flocks.*  As  they  had  taken  up  the  cross,  forsaken 
their  pleasant  seats  and  enjoyments  in  their  native  coun- 
try, and  followed  their  Saviour  into  a  land  not  sown,  for  the 
sake  of  his  holy  religion,  and  the  advancement  of  his  king- 
dom, they  sacrificed  all  worldly  interests  to  these  glorious 
purposes. 

The  people,  who  followed  them  into  the  wilderness,  were 

their  spiritual  children,  who  imbibed  the  same  spirit  and 

sentiments,  and  esteemed  them  as  their  fathers  in  Christ;. 

General     ]y[any  ofthem  were  men  of  figure,  as  Heynes,  Hopkins, 

character    ,m,  -  ,r         T      ,,  ,,,.   11-1  -r-J 

and  morals  Wyllys,  Ludlow,  Wolcott,  Eaton,  Gregson,  Desborougb, 

of  the         Leet,  and  others,  who  were  governors  and  magistrates  in 
people.       their  respective  colonies^  *  Many  of  them-,  especially  their 
governors,  magistrates,  and  leading  men,  were  not  less  pi- 
ous and  exemplary  than  their  ministers.     The  people  in. 
general  were  pious,  and  strictly  moral.      Instances  of  in- 
temperance, wantonness,  sabbath<-breaking,  fraud,  or  any 
other  gross  immorality,  for  many  years,  were  rarely  found 
among  them.      If  any  there  were,  they  were  commonly 
found  among  servants,  or  some  of  the  lowest  of  the  people. 
Their  sen-      jt  was  tne  Opinion  of  the  principal  divines,  who  first  set- 
lative  to    ^^  New-England  and  Connecticut,  that*n  every  church, 
churches,    completely  organized,  there  was  a  pastor,  teacher,  ruling 
°I~  elder,  ar|d  deacons.t      These  distinct  offices,  they  imagin- 
.  ec^  vvere  clearly  taught  in  those  passages,  Romans,  xii,  7. 
1  Corinth,  xii,  28,  1  Timothy,  v,  17,  and  Ephesians,  i\\ 
11.      From  these  they   argued  the  duty  of  all  churches, 
which  were  able,  to  be  thus  furnished.^      In  this  manner 
vvere  the  churches  of  Hartford,  Windsor,  New-Haven,  and 
other  towns  organized.    The  churches  which  were  notable 
to  support  a  pastor  and  teacher,  had  their  ruling  elders  and 
deacons.     Their  ruling  elders  were  ordained  with  no  less 
solemity,  than  their  pastors  and  teachers.  Where  no  teach- 
er could  be  obtained,  the  pastor  performed  the  duties,  both 
of  pastor  and  teacher.     It  was  the  general  opinion,  that  the 
pastor's    work    consisted   principally  in   exhortation,  in 
working  upon  the  will  and  affections.      To  this  the  whole 
force  of  his  studies  was  to  be  directed  ;    that,  by  his  judi- 

*  See  an  account  of  the  lives  of  many  of  them,  in  the  Magnalia,  b.  IIF, 
Particular  tracts  and  manuscripts  characterize  them  in  the  same  manne". 
t  Hooker's  Survey,  part  II,  p.  4  to  20. 
.t  I'oiiiem,  and  Cambridge  Platform,  chap,  vi,  and  vii. 


CHAP.  XIII.  CONNECTICUT.  283 

cious,  powerful,  and  affectionate  addresses,  he  might  win  BOOK  I. 
his  hearers  to  the  love  and  practice  of  the  truth.      But  the  v^-v>^/ 
teacher  was  doctor  4n  ecclesia,  whose  business  it  was  to 
teach,  explain,  and  defend,  the  doctrines  of  Christianity. 
He  was  to  inform  the  judgment,  and  advance  the  work  of 
illumination.* 

The  business  of  the  ruling  elder  was  to  assist  the  pastor 
in  the  government  of  the  church.  He  was  particularly  set 
apart  to  watch  over  all  its  members  ;  to  prepare  and  bring 
forward  all  cases  of  discipline  ;  to  visit  and  pray  with  the 
sick  ;  and,  in  the  absence  of  the  pastor  and  teacher,  to  pray 
with  the  congregation,  and  expound  the  scriptures.! 

The  pastors  and  churches  of  New-England  maintained, 
with  -the  reformed  churches  in  general,  that  bishops  and 
presbyters  were  only  different  names  for  the  same  of- 
fice ;  and,  that  all  pastors,  regularly  separated  to  the  gos- 
pel ministry,  were  scripture  bishops. J  They  also  insist- 
ed, agreeably  to  the  primitive  practice,  that  the  work  of 
every  pastor,  was  confined;  principally,  to  one  particular 
church  and  congregation,  who  could  all  assemble  at  one 
place,  whom  he  could  inspect,  and  who  could  all  unite  to- 
gether in  acts  of  worship  and  discipline. §  Indeed,  the 
first  ministers  of  Connecticut  and  New-England,  at  first 
maintained,  that  all  the  pastor's  office  power  was  confined 
to  his  own  church  and  congregation  ;  and  that  the  adminis- 
tering of  baptism  and  the  Lord's  supper  in  other  churches, 
was  irregular. IT 

With  respect  to  ordination,  they  held,  that  it  did  not  con-  Calling 
stitute  the  essentials  of  the  ministerial  office  ;  but  the  qual-  ar>d  ordir 

ifications  for  office,  the  election  of  the  church,  guided  bv  na.tl.°"  of 
i       r  ^,,    •  i,  r   ,  *v  ministers^ 

the  rule  ot  Christ,  and  the  acceptance  oi  the  pastor  elect. 

Says  Mr.  Hooker,  "  ordination  is  an  approbation  of  the  of- 
ficer, and  solemn  setting  and  confirmation  of  him  in  his  of- 
fice, by  prayer,  and  laying  on  of  hands."  It  was  viewed, 
by  the  ministers  of  New-England,  as  no  more  than  putting 
the  pastor  elect  into  office,  or  a  solemn  recommending  ol 
him  and  his  labors  to  the  blessing  of  God.  It  was  the  gen- 
eral opinion,  that  elders  ought  to  lay  on  hands  in  ordina- 
tion, if  there  were  a  presbytery  m  the  church,  but  if  there 
were  not,  the  church  might  appoint  some  other  elders,  or 

a  number  of  the  brethren  to  that  service.lt 

• 

*  Survey,  part  II, p.  19,  20,  21,  and  Cambridge  Platform,  chap,  vi. 

t  Hooker's  Survey,  part  II, p.  13,  19,  C.  Plat.  chap.  vii. 

^  Hooker's  Survey,  and  Cambridge  Platform. 

§  Cambridge  Platform,  chap,  iii,  find  chap.  ix. 

IT  Hooker's  Survey,  part  II,  p.  62,  68. 

**  The  same,  part  II,  p.  75,  78,  Cam.  Platform,  chap,  ix. 

tt  These  sentiments  were  not  peculiar  to  the  first  ministers  and  churchy 


284  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  Xlll. 

BOOK  I.      It  was  acknowledged  that  synods  or  general  councils, 
^^-x-x^  were  an  ordinance  of  Christ,  and  in  some  cases,  expedient 
Power  of   and  necessary :  That  their  business  was  to  give  light  and 
synods,      counsel  in  weighty  concerns,  and  bear  testimony  against 
corruption  in  doctrines  and  morals.     While  it  was  granted, 
that  their  determinations  ought  to  be  received  with  reve- 
rence,  and  not  to  be  counteracted,  unless  apparently  re- 
pugnant to  the  scriptures,  it  was  insisted,  that  they  had  no 
juridical  power.t     The  churches  of  Connecticut  originally 
maintained,   that  the  right  of  choosing  and  settling  their 
ministers,  of  exercising  discipline  and  performing  all  juri- 
dical acts  was  in  the  church,  when  properly  organized  j 
and  they  denied  all  external  or  foreign  power  of  presbyte- 
ries, synods,  general  councils,  or  assemblies.     Hence  they 
were  termed  congregational  churches. 

A«top<fl-       The  fathers  of  Connecticut,  as  to  politics,  were  repub- 

itics,  the    licans.     They   rejected  with  abborrence  the  doctrines  of 

first  set-     j^g  divine  right  of  kings,  passive  obedience,  and  non-re- 

repub7i-re  sistance.     With  Sidney,  Hampden,  and  other  great  wri- 

cans.         ters,  they  believed  that  all  civil  power  and  government  was 

originally   in    the   people.     Upon  these  principles   they 

formed  their  civil  constitutions. 

Confession      The   churches  of  New-Haven,  Milford,  and  Guilford, 

of  faith  were  formed  first,  by  the  choice  of  seven  persons,  from  a- 
dnd  solemn  ,  ,  J  , 

manner  of  mQng  tne  brethren,  who  were  termed  the  pillars.  A  con- 
covenant-  fession  of  faith  was  drawn  up,  to  which  they  all  assented,  as 
iPaT-  preparatory  to  their  covenanting  together  in  church  estate. 

They  then  entered  into  covenant,  first  with  God,  to  be  his 
people  in  Christ,  and  then  with  each  other,  to  walk  togeth- 
er in  the  strict  and  conscientious  practice  of  all  Christian 
duties,  and  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  ordinances  and  privi- 
leges of  a  church  of  Christ,  The  confessions  of  faith  con- 
tained a  summary  of  Christian  doctrine,  and  were  strictly 
calvinistic.  The  covenants  were  full,  solemn,  and  im- 
pressive, importing,  that  they  avouched  the  Lord  Jehovah, 
Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  to  be  their  sovereign  Lord 
and  supreme  Good ;  and  that  they  gave  themselves  up  to 
him,  through  Jesus  Christ,  in  the  way  and  on  the  terms  of 
the  covenant  of  grace.  They  covenanted  with  each  other 
to  uphold  the  divine  worship  and  ordinances,  in  the  church- 
es of  which  they  were  members  ;  to  watch  over  each  other 
as  brethren  ;  to  bfcar  testimony  against  all  sin  ;  and  to 
teach  all  under  their  care  to  fear  and  serve  the  Lord.  The 
other  brethren  joined  themselves  to  the  seven  pillars,  by 

of  New- England.  Augustine,  Chrysostom,  Zanch,  Bucer,  Melancthon, 
Dr.  Ames,  Dr.  Owen,  and  many  other  divines  of  great  fame,  were  of  the 
came  opinion. 

I  Hooker's  Survey,  part  IV.  p.  45 — 48.  C.  Plat.  chap.  XVJ. 


CHAP.  XIII.  CONNECTICUT.  285 

making  the  same  profession  of  faith,  and  covenanting  in  the  BOOK  I. 
same  manner.     The  members,  previously  to  their  cove-  ^^^^^ 
nanting  with    each  other,  gave  one  another  satisfaction 
with  respect  to  their  repentance,  faith,  and  purposes  of 
holy  living. 

It  appears,  that  the  churches  of  l^ew-Haven  and  Mil-  Churches 
ford  were  gathered  to  the  seven  pillars,  on  the  22d  of  Aur?[Nevv~ 
gust,  1639.*     The  tradition  is,  that  soon  after,  Mr.  Da-  MHford^' 
venport  was  chosen  pastor  of  the  church,  at  New-Haven  ;  gathered 
and  that  Mr.  Hooker  and  Mr.  Stone  came  and  assisted  in  Au§-  22d» 
his  installation. 

Mr.  Prudden  was  installed  pastor  of  the  church,  at  Mil-  Installa- 
ford,  April    8th,   1640,  upon  a  day  of  solemn  fasting  and tion  Ol  Mr- 
prayer.     Imposition  of  hands  was  performed  by  Zechari-  ^"n^Rth 
ah  Whitman,  William  Fowler,  and  Edmond  Tapp.     They  1540. 
were  appointed  to  this  service  by  the  other  brethren  of  the 
church. t     The  installation  was  at  New-Haven,  and  it  seems 
that  the  hands  of  the  brethren  were  imposed  in  the  pres- 
ence of  Mr.  Davenport  and  Mr.  Eaton. 

Though  the  members  of  Mr.  Whitfield's  church  were  in  Guilford 
the  original  agreement,  at  New-Haven,   and   engaged   tochlV"cl1. 
embody  into  church  estate,  in  the  same  manner  as  New-  April™5  ' 
Haven  and  Milford  churches  did,  yet  they  delayed  the  com- 1643. 
pletion  of  the  work  for  a  considerable  time.     Probably,  it 
was  because  their  company  were  not  yet  all  arrived.     But 
in  April,  1643,  Mr.  Whitfield,  Mr.  Higginson,  Mr.  Samuel 
Desborough,  Mr.  William  Leet,  Mr.  Jacob  Sheaf,   Mr. 
John  Mipham,   and  Mr.  John  Hoadly,  were  elected  the 
seven  pillars.     On  the  19th  of  June,  all  the  other  church 
members   were  gathered  unto  these  seven  persons.     Mr. 
Higginson,  who  had  been  preaching  about  two  years  at 
Guilford,   with  Mr.  Whitfield,  was,  at  this  time,  elected 
teacher  in  that  church.     Mr.  Whitfield  had  not  separated 
from  the  episcopal  church,  when  he  came  into  New-Eng- 
land.    As  he  came  over  in  orders,  and  his  church  came 
generally  with  him,  there  are  no  intimations  of  his  instal- 
lation. 

The  circumstance  of  the  seven  pillars  in  these  three 
churches  appears  to  have  been  peculiar  to  them.  There 
are  no  intimations  of  it  in  the  formation  of  any  other  church- 
es. The  churches  in  the  other  towns  were  gathered,  by 
subscribing  similar  confessions  of  faith,  and  covenanting 
together  in  the  same  solemn  manner,  upon  days  of  fasting 
and  prayer.  Neighbouring  elders  and  churches  were 
present  on  those  occasions,  assisted  in  the  public  solemni- 
ties, and  gave  their  consent.  When  new  members  were 
*  Milford  church  records,  t  Ibidem, 


2SG 


HISTORY"  OF 


CHAP.  XI1L 


BOOK  L 


Mr.  Den- 
ton  re- 
moves 
from 

Stamford. 
Mr.  Bish- 
op SHC- 

iceeds  him. 


Church 
gathered 
and  Mr. 
Fitch  or- 
dained at 
Say- 
brook, 
1646. 


admitted  to  full  communion,  in  any  of  the  first  churches  of 
Connecticut,  they  gave  satisfaction  to  the  brethren  of  their 
sincere  repentance  towards  God,  and  faith  in  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ.  They  commonly  made  a  relation  of  their  re- 
ligious experiences.  They  were  then  admitted  to  full 
communion,  by  a  public  profession  of  their  faith,  and  by 
covenanting  in  the  manner  which  has  been  represented. 

Mr.  Eaton  continued  but  a  short  time  at  New-Haven, 
and  then  returned  to  England.  Mr.  William  Hook  suc- 
ceeded him  as  teacher  in  the  church. 

Mr.  Denton,  after  spending  three  or  four  years  at  Stamr 
ford,  removed  to  Hampstead  on  Long-Island. 

Upon  his  removal,  the  church  sent  two  of  their  members 
to  seek  them  a  minister.  They  travelled  on  foot,  through 
the  wilderness,  to  the  eastward  of  Boston,  where  they  found 
Mr.  John  Bishop,  who  left  England  before  he  had  finished 
his  academical  studies,  and  had  completed  his  education  in 
this  country.  They  engaged  him  to  go  with  them  to  Stam- 
ford. He  travelled  with  them,  on  foot,  so  great  a  distance. 
The  people  were  united  in  him,  and  he  labored  with  them, 
in  the  ministry,  nearly  fifty  years. 

Mr.  Peters,  after  preaching  three  or  four  years,  at  Say- 
brook,  returned  to  England.  In  1646,  a  church  was  form- 
ed in  that  town,  by  the  direction  and  assistance  of  the  Rev. 
Mr.  Hooker  and  some  other  ministers.  At  the  same  time, 
Mr.  James  Fkch,  who  had  perfected  his  theological  stu- 
dies, under  the  direction  of  Mr.  Hooker,  was  ordained 
their  pastor.  The  tradition  is,  that  though  Mr.  Hooker 
was  present,  yet  that  hands  were  imposed  by  two  or  three 
of  the  principal  brethren,  whom  the  church  had  appointed 
to  that  service. 

On  the  13th  of  October,  1652,  a  church  was  gathered  at 
Farmington,  and  Mr.  Roger  Newton  was  ordained  pastor. 

The  same  year,  Mr.  Thomas  Hanford  began  to  preach 
at  Norwalk,  and  some  time  after  a  church  was  formed  in  the 
town,  and  Mr.  Hanford  ordained  pastor, 

In  1660,  Mr.  Fitch  and  the  greatest  part  of  his  church 
removed  to  Norwich.  Mr.  Thomas  Buckingham  succeed- 
ed him  in  the  ministry  at  Say  brook.  A  council  of  minis- 
ters and  churches  assisted  at  his  ordination,  but  the  imposi- 
tion of  hands  was  performed  by  the  brethren,  as  it  had 
been  before  in  the  ordination  of  Mr.  Fitch.  The  council 
considered  it  as  an  irregular  proceeding,  but  the  brethren 
were  so  tenacious  of  what  they  esteemed  their  right,  that  it 
could  not  be  prevented  without  much  inconvenience.* 

These  fifteen  churches  were  the  whole  number,  forme4 

*  Manuscripts  from  Say  brook. 


CHAP.  XITI.  CONNECTICUT.  287 

in  the  colony,  and  in  which  ministers  had  been  installed,  BOOK  I. 
or  ordained,    at  the  time  of  the  union.     The    settlements  v^x-v-x^ 
and  churches  upon  Long-Island  had  been  adjudged  to  the 
jurisdiction  of  New- York.    There  were  several  other  towns 
which  paid  taxes,  where  churches  were   not  formed  nor 
pastors  ordained.     This   was  the  case   with  Stonington, 
Middletown,.  Greenwich,  and  Rye.     Nevertheless,  at  the 
two  former,  there  was  constant  preaching.     The  general 
court  would  not  suffer  any  plantation  to  be  made  which 
would  not  support  an  able,  orthodox  preacher. 

At  Stonington,  Mr.  Zechariah  Brigden  officiated  about 
three  years,  until  his  death  in  1663.  To  him  succeeded 
3Jr.  James  Noyes,  the  same  year,  who  preached  more 
than  fifty-five  years  in  the  town,  but  he  was  not  ordained 
until  more  than  ten  years  after  his  first  preaching  to  the 
people. 

At  Middletown,  Mr.  Nathaniel  Collins  was  preaching, 
but  not  ordained.  Mr.  Stow  also  preached  there,  before, 
or  with,  Mr.  Collins.  Greenwich  and  Rye  were  but  just 
come  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut,  and  not  in  cir- 
cumstances for  the  support  of  ministers.  They  had  occa- 
sional preaching  only,  for  a  considerable  time. 

From  this  view,  it  appears,  that  the  first  towns  and  Proportib» 
churches  in  Connecticut  were  remarkably  instructed. of  min's- 
Scarcely  in  any  part  of  the  Christian  church,  have  so  many  l^,** 
stars,  of  such  distinguished  lustre,  shone  in  so  small  a 
firmament.  At  the  time  of  the  union,  the  colony  contained 
about  1700  families,  eight  or  nine  thousand  inhabitants, 
and  they  constantly  enjoyed  the  instructions  of  about  twen- 
ty ministers.  Upon  an  average,  there  was  as  much  as 
one  minister  to  every  eighty-five  families,  or  to  about  four 
hundred  and  thirty  souls.  In  some  of  the  new  plantations, 
thirty  families  supported  a  minister,  and  commonly  there 
were  not  more  than  forty  when  they  called  and  settled  a 
pastor.  In  several  of  the  first  churches,  there  were  not 
more  than  eight,  nine,  and  ten  male  members.  Exclusive 
of  Hartford,  Windsor,  New-Haven,  and  Guilford,  there 
appears  to  have  been  none,  in  which  there  were  more  than 
sixteen  or  seventeen  male  communicants,  at  their  forma- 
tion. 

That  the  first  churches  and  congregations,  notwithstand-  Word  and 
ing  their  poverty,  hardships,  dangers,  and  expense  in  set-  ordinances 
tling  in  a  wilderness,  and  in  defending  themselves  against precious" 
the  savages  and  other  enemies,  should  maintain  such  a 
number  of  ministers,   strongly  marks  their  character  as 
Christians,  who  desired  the  sincere  milk  of  the  word.     It 
affords  a  striking  evidence  of  their  zeal  for  religion,  and 


288 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  Xill. 


between 
the  legisla- 
ture and 
Hergy. 


/Influence 
of  the  cler- 
SJ- 


BOOK   I.  that  the  word  and  ordinances  were  indeed  precious  in  those 

Harmony  The  most  perfect  harmony  subsisted  between  the  legis- 
lature and  the  clergy.  Like  Moses  and  Aaron,  they,  walk- 
ed together  in  the  most  endearing  friendship.  The  gover- 
nors, magistrates,  and  leading  men,  were  their  spiritual 
children,  and  esteemed  and  venerated  them,  as  their  fa- 
thers in  Christ.  As  they  had  loved  and  followed  them  into 
the  wilderness,  they  zealously  supported  their  influence. 
The  clergy  had  the  highest  veneration  for  them,  and  spared 
no  pains  to  maintain  their  authority  and  government.  Thus 
they  grew  in  each  other's  esteem  and  brotherly  affection, 
and  mutually  supported  and  increased  each  other's  influ- 
ence and  usefulness. 

Many  of  the  clergy  who  first  came  into  the  country,  had 
good  estates,  and  assisted  their  poor  brethren  and  parish- 
ioners in  their  straits,  in  making  new  settlements.  The 
people  were  then  far  more  dependent  on  their  ministers, 

ibeasonlof  than  they  have  been  since.  The  proportion  of  learned 
men  was  much  less  then,  than  at  the  present  time.  The 
clergy  possessed  a  very  great  proportion  of  the  literature 
of  the  colony.  They  were  the  principal  instructors  of  the 
young  gentlemen,  who  were  liberally  educated,  before  they 
commenced  members  of  college,  and  they  assisted  them  in 
their  studies  afterwards.  They  instructed  and  furnished 
others  for  public  usefulness,  who  had  not  a  public  educa- 
tion. They  had  given  a  striking  evidence  of  their  integri- 
ty and  self  denial,  in  emigrating  kito  this  rough  and  distant 
country,  for  the  sake  of  religion,  and  were  faithful  and 
abundant  in  their  labours.  By  their  example,  counsels, 
exhortations,  and  money,  they  assisted  and  encouraged  the 
people.  Besides,  the  people  who  came  into  the  country 
with  them,  had  a  high  relish  for  the  word  and  ordinances. 
They  were  exiles  and  fellow  sufferers  in  a  strange  land. 
All  these  circumstances  combined  to  give  them  an  uncom- 
mon influence  over  their  hearers,  of  all  ranks  and  charac- 
ters. For  many  years,  they  were  consulted  by  the  legisla- 
ture, in  all  affairs  of  importance,  civil  or  religious.  They 
were  appointed  committees,  with  the  governors  and  magis- 
trates, to  advise,  make  drafts,  and  assist  them  in  the  most 
delicate  and  interesting  concerns  of  the  commonwealth. 
In  no  government  have  the  clergy  had  more  influence,  or 
been  treated  with  more  generosity  and  respect,  by  the  civil 
rulers  and  people  in  general,  than  in  Connecticut. 

The  ministers  and  churches  of  Connecticut  abhorred  the 
Antinomian  heresy,  which  so  distracted  the  church  at  Bos- 
ton, and  some  others  in  the  Massachusetts.  In  the  first 


Ministers 
of  Con- 
necticut 
condemn 
Antinomi- 


CHAP.     IIf.  CONNECTICUT. 

general  council  in  New-England,  Mr.  Hooker  and  Mr.  Da-  BOOK  I. 
venport  bore  a  noble  testimony  against  the  prevailing  V-X-N^N*^ 
errors  and  spirit  of  that  time. 

In  the  next  general  council  in  New-England,  ten  years  1648. 
after,  the  ministers  and  churches  of  Connecticut  and  New-  Jheir  e*~ 
Haven  were  present,  and  united  in  the  form  of  discipline  cTm^ 
which  it  recommended.     By  this   platform  of  discipline,  bridge 
the  churches  of  New-England,  in  general,  walked  for  more  platform, 
than  thirty  years.    This,  with  the  ecclesiastical  laws,  form- 
ed the  religious  constitution  of  the  colonies. 

In  the  platform,  it  is  declared  to  be  evident,  "  That  ne-  Opinion  re» 
cessary  and  sufficient  maintenance  is  due  to  ministers  of  ^Pectin£ 
the  word,  from  the  law  of  nature  and  nations,  the  lawoftenance  ~ 
Moses,  the  equity  thereof,  and  also  the  rule  of  common  of  minis- 
reason  :"  that  it  is  matter  of  indispensable  duty,  a  debt ters> 
due,  and  not  an  affair  of  alms  or  free  gift.    "  That  not  only 
members  of  churches,  but  all  who  are  taught  in  the  word, 
are  to  contribute  unto  him  that  teacheth  in  all  good  things  : 
and  that  the  magistrate  is  to  see  that  the  ministry  be  duly 
provided  for*"* 

An  early  provision  was  therefore  made,  by  law,  in  Mas-  Ecclesias* 
sachusetts  and  Connecticut,  for  the  support  of  the  minis- tical  laws> 
try.  In  Connecticut,  all  persons  were  obliged,  by  law,  to 
contribute  to  the  support  of  the  church,  as  well  as  of  the 
commonwealth.  All  rates  respecting  the  support  of  min- 
isters, or  any  ecclesiastical  affairs,  were  to  be  made  and 
collected  in  the  same  manner  as  the  rates  of  the  respective 
towns.!  Special  care  was  taken,  that  all  persons  should 
attend  the  means  of  public  instruction.  The  law  obliged 
them  ,to  be  present  at  the  public  worship  on  the  Lord's 
day,  and  upon  all  days  of.  public  fasting  and  prayer,  and  of 
thanksgiving,  appointed  by  civil  authority,  on  penalty  of 
a  fine  of  five  shillings  for  every  instance  of  neglect.J  The 
congregational  churches  were  adopted  and  established  by 
law ;  but  provision  was  made  that  all  sober,  orthodox  per- 
sons, dissenting  from  them,  should,  upon  the  manifestation 
of  it  to  the  general  court,  be  allowed  peaceably  to  worship 
in  their  own  way.§  It  was  enacted,  "  That  no  persons- 
within  this  colony,  shall  in  any  wise  embody  themselves 
into  church  estate,  without  consent  of  the  general  court, 
and  approbation  of  neighbouring  elders."  The  laws,  also, 
prohibited  that  any  ministry,  or  church  administration, 
.should  be  entertained,  or  attended,  by  the  inhabitants  of 
any  plantation  in  the  colony,  distinct  and  separate  from, 

*  Cambridge  Platform,  chap.  xi. 

t  The  first  code  of  Connecticut,  p.  52  and  59. 

i  Ibid.  p.  22.  Ubid.p.21. 

M2 


200  [HISTORY  Or  I    CHAP.  XI1L 

BOOK  I.  and  in  opposition  to,  that  which  was  openly  and  publicH 

<^~v~**s  observed  and  dispensed,  by  the  approved  minister  of  the 

place ;  except  it  was  by  the  approbation  of  the  court  and 

neighbouring  churches.*     The  penalty  for  every  breach 

of  this  act,  was  five  pounds. 

The  court  declared,  that  the  civil  authority  established 
in  the  colony,  "  Had  power  and  liberty  to  see  the  peace, 
ordinances,  and  rules  of  Christ,  observed  in  every  church, 
according  to  his  word;  and,  also,  to  deal  with  any  church 
member  in  a  way  of  civil  justice,  notwithstanding  any 
church  relation,  office,  or  interest."  The  law  also  pro- 
vided, that  no  church  censure  should  degrade  or  depose 
any  man  from  any  civil  dignity,  office,  or  authority,  which 
he  should  sustain  in  the  colony.t 

In  the  grant  of  all  new  townships,  special  care  was  ta- 
Careto  ken?  fry  tne  legislature,  that  the  plaiuers  should  not  be 
knowted^e  without  a  minister,  and  the  stated  administration  of  gospel 
and  good  ordinances. 

morals.  Every  town,  consisting  of  fifty  families,  was  obliged,  by 
the  laws,  to  maintain  a  good  school,  in  which  reading  and 
writing  should  be  well  taught ;  and  in  every  county  town 
a  good  grammar  school  was  instituted.  Large  tracts  of 
land  were  given  and  appropriated,  by  the  legislature,  to 
afford  them  a  permanent  support. 

The  selectmen  of  every  town  were  obliged,  by  law,  to 
keep  a  vigilant  eye  upon  all  the  inhabitants,  and  to  take 
care  that  all  the  heads  of  families  should  instruct  their  chil- 
dren and  servants  to  read  the  English  tongue  well,  and 
that  once  every  week  they  should  catechise  them  in  the 
principles  of  religion.  The  penalty  for  every  instance  of 
neglect,  in  this  respect,  was  twenty  shillings,  for  any  fam- 
ily so  neglecting.  The  select  men  were  also  authorised, 
to  take  care  that  all  families  should  be  well  furnished  with 
bibles,  orthodox  catechisms,  and  books  on  practical  godli- 
ness. It  was  provided  by  the  legislature,  that  the  capital 
laws  should  be  taught  weekly  in  every  family.|« 

The  colony  of  New-Haven,  from  the  beginning,  made 
provision  for  the  interests  of  religion,  learning,  and  the 
good  conduct  of  the  inhabitants,  with  no  less  zeal  than 
Connecticut. 

The  care  and  piety  of  the  first  planters  did  not  rest  here: 
but  they  were  careful,  as  soon  as  possible,  in  their  circum- 
stances, to  found  public  seminaries,  in  which  young  meji 
might  be  instructed  in  the  liberal  arts,  prepared  for  the, 

*  The  first  code  of  Connecticut,  p.  21. 

t  Ibid,  p.  22. 

t  Old  code  oi' Connecticut,  p,  13. 


€HAP.  XIII.  CONNECTICUT.  29* 

ministry,  and  all  places  of  importance,  in  civil  or  religious  BOOK  I. 

As  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  were  not  able,  of  them- 
selves, at  first,  to  erect  a  college,  they  united  with  Massa- 
chusetts, and  contributed  to  the  support  of  that  at  Cam- 
bridge. Frequent  contributions  were  made,  both  in  Con- 
necticut and  New-Haven,  for  that  purpose,  and  money  was 
paid  from  the  public  treasury.  For  a  course  of  years,  the 
inhabitants  educated  their  sons  at  that  university. 

By  these  means,  knowledge,  at  an  early  period,  was  gen-  j^appv  ef. 
crally  diffused  among  people  of  all  ranks.  This  abundant  fects  of 
public  and  private  instruction,  arid  constant  attention  to  them, 
the  morals,  industry,  and  good  conduct  of  the  inhabitants, 
has  been  the  means  of  that  general  illumination,  which  has 
always  been  observable  among  the  people  of  this  colony; 
and  of  that  high  degree  of  civil,  ecclesiastical,  and  domes- 
tic peace  and  order,  which,  for  so  long  a  period,  have  ren- 
dered them  .eminent,  among  their  neighbors.  This  has 
made  it  feasible  to  govern  them  by  that  free  constitution 
and  mild  system  of  laws,  by  which  they  have  ever  been 
distinguished.  To  this,  are  owing  the  wisdom  and  stead- 
iness of  their  elections,  and  the  integrity  and  firmness  of 
their  public  administrations,  in  this  way  they  have  been 
formed  not  only  to  virtue,  but  to  industry,  economy,  and 
enterprise.  Indeed,  they  have  been  rendered  one  of  the 
happiest  people  upon  the  earth. 

Cambridge  platform,  in  connection  with  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal laws,  was  the  religious  constitution  of  Connecticut,  for 
about  sixty  years,  until  the  compilation  of  the  Saybrook 
agreement. 

The  colony  of  New-Haven,  sensible  of  the  importance 
of  public  seminaries,  and  of  the  inconvenience  of  sending  Grammar 
their  sons  to  so  great  a  distance  as  Cambridge  for  an  edu-  8^°?ll,ri~ 

.     ,  /•         i  •  i    stituted, 

cation,  at  an  early  period,  attempted  the  founding  of  a  col-  and  college 
lege.     A  proposal,  for  this  purpose,  was  made  to  the  gen-  founded  at 
eral  court,  in  1654.     The  next  year,  at  the  session  in  May,  New~Ha- 
it  appeared,  that  New-Haven  had  made  a  donation  of  3001. 
and  that  Milford  proposed  to  give  1001.  more,  for  the  en- 
couragement of  the  design.     The  court  proposed  it  to  the 
deputies  of  the  other  towns  to  enquire,  and  make  report, 
what  they  would  give.     Mr,  Davenport,  who  was  the  prin- 
cipal promoter  of  the*  affair,  about  the  same  time,  wrote  to 
governor  Hopkins,  who  was  then  in  England,  upon  the  sub- 
ject ;  and  it  seems,  solicited  his  assistance.     Soon  after, 
some  lands  were  given,  by  the  people  of  New-Haven,  for 
the  further  encouragement  of  so  laudable  an  undertaking. 
Upon  these  favorable  prospects,  the  legislature,  in  ljjJ59, 


292  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIII. 

BOOK  I.  proceeded  to  institute  a  grammar  school  at  New-Haven.  It 
\^-v-w  was  ordered,  that  401.  annually,  should  be  paid  out  of  the 
public  treasury,  for  its  support.  1001.  were  also  appro- 
priated for  the  purchase  of  books  for  the  school.  In  1660, 
the  donation  of  governor  Hopkins  having  come  into  the 
possession,  and  being  at  the  disposal  of  Mr.  Davenport, 
he,  on  the  30th  of  May,  surrendered  it  into  the  hands  of  the 
general  court,  for  the  "purpose  of  founding  a  college.  He 
proposed,  that  this  donation  should  be  united  with  the  lands 
which  had  been  already  given,  and  with  such  other  dona- 
tions as  might  be  made  by  the  legislature,  for  the  same 
purpose.  The  elders  of  the  several  churches  in  the  colo- 
ny, were  nominated  as  trustees.  As  Mr.  Davenport  was 
the  only  surviving  legatee  of  governor  Hopkins,  with  res- 
pect to  that  part  of  the  donation  which  had  fallen  to  the 
share  of  New-Haven,  he  desired,  that,  for  the  better  dis- 
charge of  the  trust,  which  had  been  reposed  in  him,  he 
might  have  a  negative  upon  the  corporation,  with  respect 
to  the  disposal  of  that,  whenever  he  could  exhibit  substan- 
tial reasons,  that  it  was  about  to  be  applied  to  any  pur- 
pose contrary  to  the  design  of  the  donor.  The  resigna- 
tion was  made  in  writing,  in  a  formal  manner,  containing 
valuable  sketches  of  history,  and  a  complete  plan  of  the 
college  and  grammar  school,  which  it  was  designed  to  in- 
stitute.* 

The  general  court  thankfully  accepted  the  donation, 
upon  the  terms  on  which  it  had  been  surrendered.  They 
appropriated  the  lands,  which  had  been  given,  at  New-Ha- 
ven, to  the  support  of  the  college  ;  agreed  to  collect  the 
money  given  by  governor  Hopkins  ;  and  besides  all  other 
grants  previously  made,  enacted,  that  a  hundred  pounds 
stock  should  be  paid  in  from  the  treasury  of  the  colony,  in 
such  time  and  manner  as  the  court  should  order.  The 
court  also  ordained,  that  both  the  grammar  school  and  col- 
lege should  be  at  New-HavenV  One  Mr.  Peck  was  ap- 
pointed master  of  the  school ;  but  this  and  the  college  were 
of  short  continuance.  The  troubles  in  which  the  colony 
was  involved  by  the  claims  of  Connecticut,  and  the  defec- 
tion of  such  numbers  of  their  inhabitants,  so  impoverished 
and  weakened  it,  that  a  support  could  not  be  obtained  for 
the  instructor.  He  became  discouraged,  and  the  court 
gave  up  the  school.  By  the  same  means,  the  design  of  a 
college  also  miscarrried.  After  the  union,  the  colony 
made  further  provision  for  a  grammar  school,  and  all  the 
lands  and  money,  which  had  been  given  for  that  and  the 
college,  were  appropriated  to  its  support.  The  school  re- 
yived  and  has  continued  unto  the  present  time. 
*  Appendix_No.  xxh 


CHAP.  XIII.  CONNECTICUT.  29S 

For  a  long  course  of  years,  there  were  no  sectaries  in  BOOK  I. 
Connecticut.  The  churches,  in  general,  enjoyed  great  s^x^^-x^ 
peace  and  harmony,  during  the  continuance  of  the  first 
ministers  and  principal  members  of  whom  they  were  com- 
posed. But  many  of  these  were  considerably  advanced  in 
life  when  they  came  into  the  country,  and  in  about  four  or 
five  and  twenty  years  after  the  first  settlements,  a  consid- 
erable proportion  of  them  were  in  their  graves,  some  had 
returned  to  England,  and  others  were  far  advanced  in  years. 
Before  the  union  of  the  colonies,  in  1665,  almost  all  the 
first  ministers  were  either  dead,  or  removed. 

Mr.  He  wet,  teacher  in  the  church  at  Windsor,  died  Sep- 
tember 4th,  1644. 

The  Rev.  Thomas  Hooker,  the  father  and  pillar  ofDeath  and 
the  churches  in  Connecticut,  died  July  7th,  1647,  in  the  ^^cte 
€lst  year  of  his  age.*  He  was  born  at  Marshfield,  in  the  Hooker, 
county  of  Leicester,  1586.  He  appears  to  have  been  ed- 
ucated at  Emmanuel  college,  Cambridge,  in  England.  Af- 
terwards he  was  promoted  to  a  fellowship  in  the  same  col- 
lege, where  he  acquitted  himself  with  such  ability  and  faith- 
fulness, as  commanded  universal  approbation  and  ap- 
plause. While  at  college,  in  his  youth,  he  was  arrested 
with  strong  convictions  of  his  sin  and  misery,  and  of  the 
dreadfulness  of  the  divine  displeasure.  His  heart  was  af- 
terwards humbled,  and  submitting  to  the  terms  of  mercy,  ho 
received  the  spirit  of  adoption  ;  and  was  enabled  to  ex- 
hibit a  life  of  the  most  exemplary  piety,  self-denial,  pa- 
tience, and  goodness.  He  was  naturally  a  man  of  strong 
and  lively  passions  ;  but  obtained  a  happy  government  of 
himself.  In  his  day,  he  was  one  of  the  most  animated  and 
powerful  preachers  in  New-England.  In  his  sermons,  he 
insisted  much  on  the  application  of  redemption  ;  was 
searching,  experimental,  and  practical.  Another  circum- 
stance, which  rendered  his  public  performances  still  more 
engaging  and  profitable,  was  his  excellency  in  prayer. 
A  spirit  of  adoption  seemed  to  rest  upon  him.  In  conver- 
sation he  was  pleasant  and  entertaining,  but  always  grave. 
He  was  exceedingly  prudent  in  the  management  of  church 
discipline.  He  e.-teemed  it  a  necessary  and  important, 
but  an  extremely  difficult,  part  of  duty.  He  rarely  suffer- 
ed church  affairs  to  be  publicly  controverted.  Before  he 
brought  any  difficult  matter  before  the  church,  special  care 
was  taken  to  converse  with  the  leading  men,  to  fix  them 
right,  and  to  prepare  the  minds  of  the  members  ;  so  that 
they  might  be  harmonious,  and  that  there  might  be  no  con- 

*  He  possessed  considerable   property.     His  estate   •was  appraised  at 
£1336  ;  15  : 0,    His  library  only,  at  £300. 


294  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIII. 

BOOK  I.  trovcrsy  with  respect  to  any  point,  which  he  judged  expe- 
s^-v-x^  dient  for  the  church  to  adopt.  He  was  affable,  condescend- 
ing, and  charitable  ;  yet  his  appearance  and  conduct  were 
with  such  becoming  majesty,  authority,  and  prudence,  that 
he  could  do  more  with  a  word,  or  a  look,  than  other  men 
could  with  severe  discipline.  It  was  not  an  uncommon 
instance,  with  him,  to  give  away  five  or  ten  pounds  at  a 
time  to  poor  widows,  orphans,  and  necessitous  people. 
At  a  certain  time,  when  there  was  a  great  scarcity,  at 
Southampton,  upon  Long-Island,  Mr.  Hooker,  with  some 
friends  who  joined  with  him,  sent  the  people  a  small  vessel, 
freighted  with  several  hundred  bushels  of  corn,  for  their 
relief.  In  family  religion  and  government,  he  was  strict 
and  prudent.  In  his  family  was  exhibited  a  lively  and 
sincere  devotion,  and  the  very  power  of  godliness.  Not 
only  his  own  children  and  domestics,  but  students,  and  oth- 
er persons,  who  occasionally  resided  in  his  family,  were 
instructed  and  edified,  so  that  their  acquaintance  with  it, 
was  matter  of  their  joy  and  devout  thanksgiving.  He  died 
of  an  epidemical  fever,  which  prevailed  that  year,  in  the 
country.  He  had,  for  many  years,  enjoyed  a  comfortable 
assurance  of  his  renewed  estate,  and  when  dying  said,  "  I 
am  going  to  receive  mercy."  He  closed  his  own  eyes, 
and  appeared  to  die  with  a  smile  in  his  countenance.* 

Mr.  Henry  Smith,  first  pastor  of  the  church  at  Weath^ 
ersfield,  died  in  1648,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  Rev. 
Jonathan  Russell. 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Prudden  departed  this  life  in  1656,  in  the 

56th  vear  of  his  a§e*     Before  ne  came  into  New-England, 
of  Mr.  Pe-  he  was  a  preacher  in  Herefordshire,  and  in  the  parts  bor- 
ter  Prud-   dering  upon  Wales.     His  ministry  was  attended  with  un- 
<ien'          common  success  ;  and  when  he  came  into  this  country,  if 
seems,  that  many  good  people  followed  him,  that  they 
might  enjoy  his  pious  and  fervent  ministrations.     He  had 
the  character  of  a  most  zealous  preacher,  and  of  a  man  ol 
an  excellent  spirit.     He  had  a  singular  talent  for  reconcil- 
ing contending  parties,  and  maintaining  peace  among  breth- 
,»••  ren  and  neighbors.     His  ministry  was  conducted  with  pru- 

dence, and  his  church  enjoyed  great  harmony  during  his 
life,  and  rejoiced  in  his  light.! 

*  His  character  may  be   seen  more  at  large  in  the  Magnalia,  B.  iii.  p. 


t  His  estate  in  this  country  was  appraised  at  £924  :  18  :  6.  He  left  a 
landed  interest  in  England,  at  Edgton,  in  Yorkshire,  valued  at  £1300 
sterling,  which  is  still  enjoyed  by  some  of  his  heirs.  He  had  two  SODS. 
One  of  them,  John  Prudden,  was  educated  after  his  decease,  and  graduat- 
ed at  Cambridge,  1668.  He  settled  in  the  ministry,  at  Newark,  in  New- 
Jersey.  The  other  inherited  the  paternal  estate  ;  and  their 
are  numerous,  both  in  Connecticut  and  New-Jersey. 


CHAP.  XIII.  CONNECTICUT*  255 

He  was  succeeded  by  Mr.  Roger  Newton,  who  removed  BOOK  L 
from  Farmington,  and  was  installed  at  Milford,  August  ^x-vy*o 
22d,  1660.  Hands  were  imposed  at  his  installation,  by  Succeeded 
Zechariah  Whitman,  ruling  elder,  deacon  John  Fletcher, 
and  Robert  Treat,  who  were  appointed  to  that  service  by 
the  brotherhood. 

Mr.  Samuel  Hooker,  son  of  the  famous  Mr.  Hooker^  ofMr>I*oofc- 
Hartford,  succeeded  Mr.  Newton  at  Farmington.  He  was  ™A0*t  p™~_ 
ordained  in  July,  1661.  mington. 

These  deaths  were  all  before  the  charter*     There  were 
also  a  number  of  removals  of  some  of  the  principal  minis- 
ters.    The  Rev.  Mr.  Whitfield,  after  he  had  labored  elev- 
en years,    with  the  people  at  Guilford,  returned   again  to 
England.     Some  time  in    the  year  1650,  he  took  leave  of  Removal 
his  flock  and  congregation,  and  embarked  for  his  native  of  Mr. 
country.     He  was  exceedingly  beloved  by  his  flock,  and  ^Q      ' 
they  accompanied  him  to  the  water's  side  with  many  tears. 
He  had  a  large  family  of  nine  children,  whom  he  support- 
ed principally  out  of  his  own  estate,  as  most  of  his  people 
were  poor.     He  found  that  his  estate  was  much  exhausted, 
and  that  he  must  still   labor  under  many  and  great  incon- 
veniences, if  he  continued  in  this  country  ;  and  he   had 
numerous   and  pressing  invitations  to  return  to  England. 
A  combination  of  these  circumstances,   at  length,  prevail- 
ed with  him  to  leave  his  flock.     He  was  one  of  the  weal- 
thiest clergymen,  who  came  into  Connecticut.     Before  he  H's  c*iar~ 
came  into  this  country,  he  enjoyed  one  of  the  best  church 
livings  at  Okely,  in  the  county  of  Surrey,  and  had  a  fine 
interest  of  his  own.     His  charity  was  happily  proportion- 
ed to  his  opulence.     While  he  was  at  Okely,  he  procured 
another  pious  and  able  preacher,  that  he  might  go  abroad 
and  give  assistance  unto  other  churches  and  poor  people* 
While  he  was  in  England,  his  house  was  a  place  of  resort 
for  the  distressed.     Though  he  was,  for  twenty  years,  a 
conformist,  yet  his  house  was  a  place  of  refreshment  for  Mr. 
Cotton,  Mr.  Hooker,  Mr.  Goodwin,  and  other  pious  non- 
conformists.    After  he  came  into  New-England,  he  ex- 
pended much  of  his  interest  in  assisting  his  poor  people. 
He  was  a  capital  preacher,  delivering  himself  with  a  pecu- 
liar dignity,    beauty,   and  solemnity.     After  his  return  to 
England,  he  appears  to  have  finished  his  life,  in  the  minis- 
try, at  the  city  of  Winchester.* 

*  In  consequence  of  Mr.  Whitfield's  estate  and  expenses,  in  purchasing 
and  settling  the  plantation,  and  of  Mr.  Fenwick's  gift  of  the  eastern  part 
of  the  township  to  him,  a  large  portion  of  the  best  land  in  the  town  was 
allotted  to  him.  On  his  return  to  England,  he  offered,  upon  very  low 
terms,  to  sell  all  his  lands  to  the  town.  But  the  people  were  poor,  and 
imagined  they  should  soon  follow  their  pastor,  and  neglected  to  purchase. 


296  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIIL 

BOOK  I.      Several  of  the  principal  men  returned  to  England  with 

^-^v->»/  Mr.  Whitfield  ;  particularly  Mr.  Samuel  Desborough,  Mr. 

Jordan,  and  others.     Mr.  Desborough,  after  his  return, 

was  made  lord  keeper  of  the  great  seal,  and  one  of  the 

seven  counsellors  of  the  kingdom  of  Scotland. 

Mr.  Higginson  continued  his  ministry,  as  teacher  in  the 
church  at  Guilford,  until  about  the  year  1659,  when,  upon 
the  death  of  his  father,  he  returned  to  Salem,  and  succeed-- 
ed  him  in  the  pastoral  office,  over  the  church  in  that  town. 
Mr.  Hook  Mr.  William  Hook,  who,  for  about  fourteen  years,  had 
removes,  been  teacher  in  the  church  at  New-Haven,  about  the  year 
1655.  i655  returned  to  England.  Mr.  Eaton  and  Mr.  Hook  have 
been  represented  as  men  of  great  learning  and  piety,  and 
as  possessing  excellent  pulpit  talents.  A  writer  of  Mr. 
Eaton's  character,  says,  "  He  was  a  very  holy  man,  a  per- 
son of  great  learning  and  judgment,  and  a  most  incompar- 
able preacher."  He  dissented  from  Mr.  Davenport,  with 
respect  to  his  strict  terms  and  form  of  civil  government. 
His  brother,  governor  Eaton,  therefore,  advised  him  to  a 
removal.  After  his  return,  he  became  pastor  of  a  church 
at  Duckenfield,  in  the  parish  of  Stockport,  in  Cheshire. 
Mr,  Hook,  after  his  return,  was  some  time  minister  at  Ex- 
mouth,  in  Devonshire  ;  and  then  master  of  the  Savoy,  on 
the  Strand,  near  London,  and  chaplain  to  the  greatest  mart 
then  in;  the  nation.  After  the  restoration,  he  was  silenced 
for  non-conformity,  May  24th,  1662.  On  the  21st  of 
March,  1667,  he  died  in  the  vicinity  of  London.  Mr. 
Eaton  was  a  companion  with  him  in  tribulation ;  for  soon 
after  the  restoration  of  king  Charles  the  second,  he  was 
silenced,  and  suffered  persecution  for  conscience  sake. 
Mr.  Blyni  The  Rev.  Mr.  Blynman,  after  he  had  labored  about  ten 
man  re-  vears  Jn  the  ministry  at  New-London,  in  1658,  removed  to 
n^oves,  New-Haven.  After  a  short  stay  in  that  town,  he  took 
shipping  and  returned  to  England.  He  lived  to  a  good  old 
age  ;  and,  at  the  city  of  Bristol,  happily  concluded  a  long 
life,  spent  in  doing  good. 

Mr.  Nicholas  Street  succeeded  Mr.  Hook,  as  teacher  in 
the  church,  at  New-Haven,  about  the  year  1659.  And  Mr. 
Blynman  was  succeeded  in  office  at  New-London,  by  Mr. 
Gershom  Bulkley,  from  Concord,  in  Massachusetts. 

The  first  ministers  in  the  colonies  being  thus  dead,  or  re- 
moved, and  a  new  generation  risen  up,  who  had  not  all 
imbibed  the  sentiments  and  spirit  of  their  pious  fathers,  al- 
terations were  insisted  on  with  respect  to  church  member- 

Mr.  Whilfield,  therefore,  sold  them  to  major  Robert  Thompson,  in  Eng- 
land, by  whose  heirs  they  have  been  holden,  to  the  great  damage  of  the 
town,  to  this  time- 


CHAP.  Xlir.  CONNECTICUT.  29? 

ship,  discipline,  and  baptism;  and  great  dissensions  arose  BOOK  I. 
in  the  churches.  They  began  first  in  the  church  at  Hart-  %^-v^* 
ford,  not  many  years  after  Mr.  Hooker's  decease.  The 
origin  of  them  appears  to  have  been  a  difference  between, 
the  Rev.  Mr.  Stone  and  Mr.  Goodwin,  the  ruling  elder  in, 
the  church,  upon  some  nice  points  of  Congregationalism. 
It  seems,  that  some  member  had  been  admitted,  or  baptism 
administered,  which  elder  Goodwin  conceived  to  be  incon- 
sistent with  the  rights  of  the  brotherhood,  and  the  strict 
principles  of  the  congregational  churches.  Perhaps  he 
imagined  himself  not  to  have  been  properly  consulted  and 
regarded.  Not  only  this  church  became  divided  and  in- 
flamed with  the  controversy,  but  it  spread  into  almost  all 
the  neighbouring  churches.  They  interested  themselves 
in  the  controversy,  some  taking  one  side,  and  some  an- 
other, as  their  connections,  prejudices,  and  particular  sen- 
timents led  them.  The  whole  colony  became  affected  with 
the  dispute,  and  the  general  court  particularly  interested 
themselves  in  the  affair.  The  brethren  in  the  church  at 
Hartford,  became  so  inflamed,  and  imbibed  such  prejudices 
and  uncharitable  feelings  one  towards  another,  that  it  was 
with  great  difficulty  they  could  be  persuaded  to  walk  to- 
gether. To  prevent  an  entire  division  of  the  church,  it 
appears,  that  about  the  years  1654  and  1655,  several  coun- 
cils of  the  neighbouring  elders  and  churches  were  called, 
to  compose  the  differences  between  the  parties.  They  la- 
boured to  satisfy  them,  with  respect  to  the  points  in  con- 
troversy. But  the  brethren  at  Hartford  imagined,  that  all 
the  elders  and  churches  in  Connecticut  and  New-Haven, 
•were  prejudiced  in  favour  of  one  party  or  the  other,  and, 
therefore,  they  would  not  hear  their  advice.  For  this  rea- 
son, it  was  judged  expedient  to  call  a  council  from  the 
other  colonies.  Some  time  in  the  year  1656,  it  seems,  a 
number  of  elders  and  churches  from  Massachusetts  came 
to  Hartford,  and  gave  their  opinion  and  advice  to  the 
church  and  the  aggrieved  brethren.  But  it  appears,  that, 
in  the  apprehension  of  the  aggrieved,  the  church  did  not 
comply  with  the  result.  The  state  of  the  church,  there- 
fore, was  no  better  than  it  was  before,  but  the  parties  be- 
came more  alienated  and  embittered.  Elder  Goodwin  was 
joined  by  governor  Webster,  Mr.  Whiting,  Mr.  Cullick, 
and  other  principal  gentlemen  at  Hartford,  who  were  lead- 
ers in  what  they  imagined  to  be  a  defence  of  the  true  prin- 
ciples of  Congregationalism. 

Meanwhile,  there  was  a  strong  party  in  the  colony  of 
Connecticut,  who  were  for  admitting  all  persons  of  a  re- 
gular life  to  a  full  communion  in  the  churches,  upon  their 

N  o 


?S8  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XHJ. 

IJOOK  I.  making  a  profession  of  the  Christian  religion,  without  any 
s^-v^  inquiry  with  respect  to  a  change  of  heart :  and  for  treating 
all  baptized  persons  as  members  of  the  church.  Some 
carried  the  affair  still  further,  and  insisted,  that  all  persons, 
who  had  been  members  of  churches  in  England,  or  had 
been  members  of  regular  ecclesiastical  parishes  there,  and 
supported  the  public  worship,  should  be  allowed  to  enjoy 
the  privileges  of  members  in  full  communion  in  the  church- 
es of  Connecticut,  They  also  insisted,  that  all  baptized 
persons,  upon  owning  the  covenant,  as  it  was  called,  should 
have  their  children  baptizedy  though  they  came  not  to  the 
Lord's  table. 

Numbers  of  them  took  this  opportunity  to  introduce  into 
the  assembly  a  list  of  grievances,  on  account  of  their  being 
denied  their  just  rights  and  privileges  by  the  ministers  and 
churches.  A  dispute  had  arisen  in  the  churches  and  con- 
gregations, relative  to  the  choice  of  a  pastor.  It  was 
urged,  that  it  did  not  belong  to  the  churches  solely  to 
choose  the  pastor  for  themselves  and  the  congregation  : 
but,  as  the  inhabitants  in  general  had  an  equal  concern  for 
themselves  and  their  children,  with  the  members  of  the 
church,  in  the  qualifications  of  their  pastor,  and  as  they 
were  obliged"  to  contribute  their  proportion  to  his  support, 
they  had  a  just  right  to  give  their  voice  in  his  election,. 
The  denying  them  this  right  was  considered  as  a  great 
grievance.  Many  of  the  churches,  and  some  or  other  ot 
the  members  in  all  of  them,  it  seems,  maintained,  that  the 
choice  of  a  pastor  belonged  to  them  solely,  exclusive  of  the 
congregation  :  that  there  was  no  scripture  example  of  any 
person's  ever  giving  a  suffrage,  in  the  choice  of  a  pastor, 
but  members  of  the  church :  that  pastors  were  ordained 
over  the  churches  only,  and  were  termed  the  elders,  pas- 
tors, and  angels  of  the  churches.  It  appears,  by  the  act? 
of  the  assembly,  and  the  questions  proposed,  that  these, 
and  a  number  of  other  points,  were  now  warmly  agitated 
in  the  colony. 

Different        The  general  state  of  the  country  was  greatly  altered 
state  of  the  from  >v}iat  jt  was  at  jts  m-sl  settlement.     The  people  then 
n  ry*     were   generally  church  members,   and  eminently  pious. 
Reason  of  They  loved  strict  religion,  and  followed  their  ministers  in- 
the  dissen- to  the  wilderness,  for  its  sake.     But  with  many,  of  their 
>ions.         chjldren,  and  with  others  who  had  since  emigrated  into  this 
country,  it  was  not  so.     They  had  made  no  open  profes- 
sion of  religion,  and  their  children  were  not  baptized. 
This  created  uneasiness  in  them,  in  their  ministers,  and 
others.     They  wished  for  the  honours  and  privileges  of 
church  members  for  themselves,  and,  baptism  for  their  chil- 


CHAP.  XIII.  CONNECTICUT.  299 

dren  ;  but  they  were  not  persuaded  that  they  were  regene-  BOOK  I. 
rated,  and  knew  not  how  to  comply  with  the  rigid  terms  of  v-«*~v-%^ 
the  congregational  churches.     A  considerable  number  of 
the  clergy,  and  the  churches  in  general,  zealously  opposed 
all  innovations,  and  exerted  themselves  to  maintain  the  first 
practice  and  purity  of  the  churches.  Hence  the  dissensions 
arose. 

The  general  court,  it  seems,  with  a  view  to  reconcile  The  court 

the  church  at  Hartford,  and  to  compose  difficulties,  which  ofC9n~ 
II  ,i  i  ,  .         .     necticut 

were  generally  rising  in  the  colony,  at  their  session  m  send  to  the 

May,  1656,  took  the  affair  into  their  serious  consideration,  other  gen- 
They  appointed  a  committee,  consisting  of  governor  Web-  eal  courts 
ster,  deputy  governor  Wells,  Mr.  Cullick,and  Mr.  Talcoti,  Sa^lSS 
all  of  Hartford,  to  consult  with  the  elders  of  the  colony,  1656. 
respecting  the  grievances  complained  of;  and  to  desire 
their  assistance,  in  making  a  draft  of  the  heads  of  them, 
that  they.might  be  presented  to  the  general  courts  of  the 
united  colonies,  for  their  advice.     The  general  courts  were 
desired  to  give  their  answers  with  as  much  expedition  as 
possible. 

While  the  churches  were  thus  divided,  they  were  alarm- 
ed by  the  appearance  of  the  Quakers.  A  number  of  them 
arrived  at  Boston,  in  July  and  August,  and  had  been  com- 
mitted to  the  common  gaol.  A  great  number  of  their  books 
had  been  seized  with  a  view  to  burn  them.  In  conse- 
quence of  their  arrival,  and  the  disturbance  they  had  made, 
at  Boston,  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies,  at 
their  court  in  September,  recommended  it  to  the  several  *.-  ,". 

,,  fV,,  tion  of  the 

general  courts,  "  That  all  quakers,  ranters,  and  other  no-  commis- 

torious  heretics,  should  be  prohibited  coming  into  the  uni-  sioners  re- 
ted  colonies;  and  that,   if  any  should  come,   or  arise  a- !PecA'n? 
mongst   them,    they  should  be  forthwith  secured,  and  re-  }jeers>  u 
moved  out  of  all  the  jurisdictions."* 

In  conformity  to  this  recommendation,  the  general  court  Law  of 
of  Connecticut,   in  October,   passed  "the  following  act : — Connecti- 
"  That  no  town  within  this  jurisdiction,  shall  entertain  any  theQua-St 
Quakers,  Ranters,  Adamites,  or  such  like  notorious  here-  kers,  6c- 
tics;  nor  suffer  them  to  continue  in  them  above  the  space  tober, 
of  fourteen  days,  upon  the  penalty  of  five  pounds  per  week, 1656- 
for  any  town  entertaining"  any  such  person  :  but  the  towns- 
men shall"  give  notice  to  the  two  next  magistrates,  or  as- 
sistants, who  shall  have  power  to  send  them  to  prison,  for 
securing  them,  until  they  can  conveniently  be  sent  out  of 
the  jurisdiction.     It  is  also  ordered,  that  no  master  of  a 
vessel  shall  land  any  such  heretics ;  but  if  they  do,  they 
shall  be  compelled  to  transport  them  again  out  of  the  colo- 
*  Records  of  the  united  colonies, 


300  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIII. 

BOOK  I.  ny,  by  any  two  magistrates  or  assistants,  at  their  first  set- 
S-X-N/-W  ting  sail  from  the  port  where  they  landed  them  ;  during 
which  time,  the  assistant  or  magistrate  shall  see  them  se- 
cured, upon  penalty  of  twenty  pounds  for  any  master  of  any 
vessel,  that  shall  not  transport  them  as  aforesaid."'* 

The  court  at  New-Haven  passed  a  similar  law.  In 
1658,  both  courts  made  an  addition  to  this  law,  increasing 
the  penalties  and  prohibiting  all  conversation  of  the  com- 
mon people  with  any  of  those  heretics,  and  all  persons  from 
giving  them  any  entertainment,  upon  the  penalty  of  five 
pounds.  The  law  however  was  of  short  continuance,  and 
nothing  of  importance  appears  to  have  been  transacted 
upon  it.  in  either  of  the  colonies. 

>Iassa-          Upon  the  representations   made  of  the  heads  of  griev- 
ehusetis     ance   which  had  been  matter  of  complaint,  to  the  general 

and  Oori-  ,.  ,  _    ,  .  .,  , ,   a 

necticut     courts  ot  the  coniederate  colonies,  the  court  ot  Massachu- 

appointa   setts  advised  to  a  general  council,   and  sent  letters  to  the 
general      other  courts,  signifying  their  opinion.     The  general  court 

Council.  fAT  IT  J  , 

or  IS e w-riaven  wrote  an  answer  to  the  grievances,  and  to 
the  questions  proposed  respecting  them.  They  supposed 
it  sufficient.  The  general  court  of  Connecticut,  neverthe- 

Feb.  1657.  less,  on  the  26th  of  February,  1657,  determined  to  have  a 
general  council.  They  appointed  Mr,  Warham,  Mr.  Stone, 
Mr.  Blynman,  and  Mr.  Russell,  to  meet  the  elders,  who  should 
be  delegated  from  the  other  colonies,  at  Boston,  the  next 
June;  and  to  assist  in  debating  the  questions  proposed  by 
the  general  court  of  Connecticut,  or  any  of  the  other  courts, 
and  report  the  determination  of  the  council  to  the  general 
court. 

The  church  at  Hartford  continuing  their  contentions, 
the  court  directed  the  elders,  who  were  going  to  Boston, 
to  confer  with  the  several  ministers  in  the  Massachusetts, 
who  had  been  of  the  council,  relative  to  the  circumstances 
of  that  church,  and  to  desire  them  to  come  to  Connecticut, 
and  give  their  assistance  in  council  at  Hartford.  The 
court  also  directed  the  church  there  to  send  for  the  former 
council  ;  and  with  the  letters  missive,  to  state  the  particu- 
lars, in  the  advice  of  the  council,  with  which  they  were 
not  satisfied.  If  this  council  should  not  be  so  happy  as  to 
give  them  satisfaction,  then  they  were  directed  to  invite 
Mr.  Sherman  of  Watertown,  and  several  other  ministers 
from  the  Massachusetts,  to  make  a  visit  at  Hartford,  and 
attempt  the  healing  of  the  breach  made  in  the  church 
there. 

WeVbesTerr       Governor  Websier,  Mr.  Cullick,  and  Mr.  Steel  dissent- 

and  others  e^  from  the  resolution  of  the  assembly,  and  Declared,  in 

dissent.  *  Records  of  Connecticut 


CHAP.  XIH.  CONNECTICUT.  301 

open  court,  that  it  did  not  appear  to  them,  that  the  mea-  BOOK  I. 
sures,  adopted  by  the  court,  were  any  where  directed  by  ^*-v~+*s 
the  divine  word,  or  calculated  to  restore  peace  to  the 
churches.  They  appear  to  have  been  of  the  aggrieved 
brethren  at  Hartford,  and  satisfied  with  the  result  of  the 
former  council,  to  which  the  church,  in  their  apprehen- 
sions, did  not  submit.  They  doubtless  judged  it  more  a- 
greeable  to  scripture  and  reason,  and  especially  to  the 
principles  of  congregational  churches,  to  choose  a  coun- 
cil for  themselves,  when  they  should  judge  it  expedient, 
than  to  have  one  imposed  upon  them,  by  legislative  au- 
thority. 

The  general  court,  at  New-Haven,  were  utterly  opposed  Court  of 
to  a  general  council ;  and  upon  receiving  a  letter  from  the  veenWop.a" 
Massachusetts,  inviting  them  to  Bend  a  number  of  their  el-  posea 
tiers  to  assist  in  the  council,  they,  in  a  long  letter,  remonstra-  council, 
ted  against  it,  and  excused  themselves  from  sending  any  of 
their  ministers.  They  represented,  that  the  petition  and 
questions,  exhibited  to  the  general  court  of  Connecticut, 
\vere  unwarrantably  procured,  and  of  dangerous  tendency  : 
That  they  heard  the  petitioners  were  confident  that  they 
should  obtain  great  alterations  both  in  civil  government  and 
church  discipline  :  That  they  had  engaged  an  agent  to 
prove,  "  That  parishes,  in  England,  consenting  to  and  con- 
tinuing meetings  to  worship  God,  were  true  churches," 
and  that  the  members  of  those  parishes,  coming  into  New- 
England,  had  a  right  to  all  church  privileges ;  though 
they  made  no  profession  of  a  work  of  faith  and  holiness 
upon  their  hearts.  They  expressed  their  apprehensions, 
that  a  general  council  at  that  time,  would  endanger  the 
peace  and  purity  of  the  churches.  They  acquainted  the 
general  court  of  Massachusetts,  that  they  had  sent  an  an- 
swer to  all  the  questions,  proposed  to  the  court  of  Connec- 
ticut ;  and  that  it  was  their  opinion,  that  the  legislature  and 
elders  of  that  colony  were  sufficient  to  determine  all  those 
points  without  any  assistance  from  abroad.  They  ob- 
served that,  on  account  of  the  removal  of  Mr.  Whitfield 
and  Mr.  Hook,  and  the  late  death  of  Mr.  Prudden,  their 
elders  could  not  be  spared.  With  their  letter,  they  sent 
the  answers,  which  they  had  given  to  the  questions  to  be 
debated,  and  they  intreated  the  court  and  their  elders  se- 
riously to  consider  them.  They  desired,  that,  as  the  court 
had  formed  their  civil  polity  and  laws  upon  the  divine 
word,  and  as  the  elders  and  churches  had  gathered  and 
received  their  discipline  from  the  same,  they  would  exert 
themselves  to  preserve  them  inviolabler  They  observed, 


302  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIII. 

BOOK  I.  that,  considering  the  state  of  affairs,  in  Connecticut,  un- 
v^-v^/  less  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  should  firmly  ad- 
here to  their  then  constitution,  and  the  council  should 
have  the  divine  presence  with  them,  their  meeting  might 
be  of  the  most  unhappy  consequence  to  the  churches.  Con- 
sidering how  soon  the  church  at  Ephesus,  though  famous 
for  her  first  love,  declined  and  was  forsaken  of  her  Sav- 
iour, they  insisted,  that  there  was  great  occasion  of  watch- 
fulness and  prayer,  lest  the  churches  of  New-England 
should  decline  after  her  example.* 

The  colonies  of  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts  persist- 
ed in  calling  a  general  council. 

The  questions  proposed  for  discussion,  as  they  stand  up- 
on the  records,  are  the  following. 
Questions        j.  Whether  federal  holiness,  or  covenant  interest,  be  not 

tPothe°Se<     thc  Pr°Per  ground  of  baptism  ? 

general          2.  Whether  communion   of  churches,   as  such,  be  not 
council,      warrantable  by  the  word  of  God  ? 

June,i657.      3^  Whether  the  adult  seed  of  visible  believers,  not  cast 
out,  be  not  true  members,  and  subjects  of  church  watch  ? 

4.  Whether  ministerial  officers  are  not  as  truly  bound  to 
baptize  the  visible  disciples  of  Christ,  providentially  set- 
tled among  them,  as  officially  to  preach  the  word  ? 

5.  Whether  the  settled  inhabitants  (if  the  country,  being 
members  of  other  churches,  should    have  their   children 
baptized  amongst  us,  without  themselves  first  orderly  join- 
ing in  churches  here  ? 

6.  Whether   membership,    in    a   particular   instituted 
church,  be  not  essentially  requisite,   under  the  gospel,  to 
entitle  to  baptism  ? 

7.  Whether  adopted  children  and  such  as  are  bought 
with  money  are  covenant  seed  ? 

8.  Whether  things  new  and  weighty  may  be  managed, 
in  a  church,  without  concurrence   of  officers,  and   consent 
of  the  fraternity  of  the  same  church  ?     And  if  things  of 
common  concernment,  then  how  far  the  consent  of  neigh- 
bouring churches  is  to  be  sought  ? 

9.  Whether  it  doth  not  belong  to  the  body  of  a  town, 
collectively  taken,  jointly  to  call  him  to  be  their  minister, 
whom  the  church  shall  choose  to  be  their  officer  ? 

10.  Whether  the  political  and  external  administration  of 
Abraham's  covenant  be  not  obligatory  to  gospel  churches? 

11.  Unto  whom  shall  such  persons  repair,    that  are 
grieved  at 'any  church  process  or  censure;  or  whether  they 
must  acquiesce  in  the  churches  censure  to  which  they  be- 
long?. 

*  Records  of  New-Haven. 
* 


CHAP.  XIII.  CONNECTICUT.  303 

12.  Whether  the  laying  on  of  hands  in  ordination,  be-  BOOK  I. 
long  to  presbyters  or  brethren  ?  ^*~v~*^/ 

13.  Whether  the  church,  her  invitation  and  election  of 
an  officer,  or  preaching  elder,  necessitates  the  whole  con- 
gregation to  sit  down  satisfied,  as  bound  thereby  to  accept 
him  as  their  minister,   though  invited  and  settled  without 
the  town's  consent  ? 

14.  What   is    the    gospel   way   to   gather  and   settle 
churches  ? 

15.  From  whom  do  ministers  receive  their  commission 
to  baptize  ? 

16.  Whether  a  synod  hath  a  decisive  power? 

17.  Whether  it  be  not  justifiable,  by  the  word  of  God, 
that  civil  authority  indulge  congregational  and  presbyterian 
churches,  and  their  discipline  in  the  churches  ?* 

It  appears,  by  the  records,  that  several  other  questions 
were  proposed,  but  these  are  all  which  are  to  be  found  upon 
them.  They  stand  in  the  same  oruer  in  which  they  are  here 
inserted. 

The  council  convened  at  Boston,  June  4th,  1657,  and,  Council  at 
after  a  session  of  a  little  more  than  a  fortnight,  gave  an  ela-  Boston, 
borate  answer  to  twenty-one  questions.     The  elders  from  •J""*  4th» 
Connecticut  brought  back  an  authentic  copy  of  the  result  of 
the  council,  and  presented  it  to  the  general  court,  at  a  ses- 
sion on  the  1 2th  of  August.     The  court  ordered,  that  copies 
should  be  sent  forthwith  to  all  the  churches  in  the  colony  ; 
and  if  any  of  them  should  have  objections  against  the  an- 
swers' which  had  been  given,  they  were  directed  to  transmit 
them  to  the  general  court,  at  the  session  in  October. 

The  answers  were,  afterwards,  printed  in  London,  under 
the  title  of  "A  disputation  concerning  church  members  and 
their  children."    Several  of  the  questions  involve  each  oth- 
er.    The  principal  one  was  that  respecting  baptism  aad 
church  membership.     An  answer  to  this,  in  effect,  answer- 
ed a  considerable  part  of  the  other  questions.    With  respect 
to  this,  they  asserted,  and  learned  pains  were  taken  to  prove, 
"That  it  was  the  duty  of  infants,  who  confederated  in  their  Answer  to 
parents,  when  grown  up  unto  years  of  discretion,  though  the  ques- 
not  fit  for  the  Lord's  supper,  to  own  the  covenant  they  lion  ™- 
niade  with  their  parents,  by  entering  thereinto,  in  their  own  j^til^ 
persons ;  and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  churches  to  call   upon  and  church 
them  for  the  performance  thereof;  and  if,  being  called  up-  member- 
oil,  they  shall  refuse  the  performance  of  this  great  duty,  or  s*"p' 
otherwise  continue  scandalous,  they.are  liable  to  be  cen- 
sured for  the  same  by  the  church.     And  in  case  they  un- 
derstand the  ground  of  religion.,  and  are  not  scandalous,  and 
"  -Record*  of  Connectici.it, 


304  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIII. 

BOOK  I.  solemnly  own  their  covenant  in  their  own  persons,  wherein 
V-X-N^^^  they  give  up  themselves  and  their  children  unto  the  Lord, 
and  desire  baptism  for  them,  we  see  not  sufficient  cause  to 
deny  baptism  unto  their  children."! 

The  answer  to  this  question  was,  in  effect,  an  answer  to 
the  other  respecting  the  right  of  towns  to  vote  in  the  elec- 
tion of  ministers ;  for  if  they  were  all  members  of  the 
church  by  baptism,  and  under  its  discipline,  they,  doubt- 
less, had  a  right  to  vote  with  the  church  in  the  election  of 
their  pastor.  Indeed,  there  was  no  proper  ground  of  dis- 
tinction between  them  and  the  church.  Hence,  it  seems, 
the  answer  to  that  question  was  to  this  effect,  "  That  though 
it  was  the  right  of  the  brotherhood  to  choose  their  pastor, 
and  though  it  was  among  the  arts  of  antichrist  to  deprive 
them  of  this  power,  yet  they  ought  to  have  a  special  re- 
gard to  the  baptized,  by  the  covenant  of  God,  under  their 
watch." 

The  decisions  of  the  council  do  not  appear  to  have  had 
any  influence  to  reconcile,  but  rather  to  inflame  the  church- 
es. 

A  number  of  ministers,  and  the  churches  pretty  gene- 
rally, viewed  this  as  a  great  innovation,  and  entirely  incon- 
sistent with  the  principles  on  which  the  churches  of  New- 
England  were  originally  founded,  and  with  the  principle? 
of  Congregationalism. 

The  church  at  Hartford,  and  the  aggrieved  brethren,  in- 
stead of  being  satisfied  and  reconciled,  appeared  to  be 
thrown  into  a  state  of  greater  alienation  and  animosity. 
The  aggrieved  soon  after  withdrew  from  Mr.  Stone  and 
the  church,  and  were  about  forming  an  union  with  the 
church  at  Weathersfield.  Among  the  aggrieved  were  gov- 
ernor Webster,  Mr.  Goodwin,  ruling  elder  in  the  church, 
Mi'.  Cullick,  and  Mr.  Bacon,  principal  men  both  in  the 
church  and  town.  Mr.  Stone  and  the  church  were  pro- 
1658.  ceeding  with  them  in  a  course  of  discipline. 

.In  this  state  of  their  affairs,  the  general  court,  interpo- 
sed, and  passed  an  act.  prohibiting  the  church  at  Hartford, 
to  proceed  any  further  in  a  course  of  discipline  of  the 
members,  who  had  withdrawn  from  their  communion,  and 
those  members  to  join  with  the  church  at  Weathersfield,  or 
any  other  church,  until  further  attempts  should  be  made, 
for  their  reconciliation  with  their  brethren.  By  the  act  it 
appears,  that  the  churches  in  the  colony  were  generally  af- 
fected with  the  dispute  at  Hartford,  and  viewed  it  as  a 
common  cause,  with  respect  to  all  the  congregational 
churches.  It  exhibits,  in  so  strong  a  point  of  light,  the 
t  Magnalia,  B.  V.  p.  63. 


CHAP.  XIII.  CONNECTICUT.  305 

authority,  which  the  general  court  imagined  they  had  a  BOOK  I. 
right  to  exercise  over  the  churches,  and  the  spirit  of  tiiose  ^-r~v^/ 
times,  as  to  merit  a  place  in  this  history.     It  is  in  the  fol- 
lowing words. 

"  This  court  orders,  in  reference  to  the  sad  difficulties  Act  of  the 
that  are  broken  out  in  the  several  churches  in  this  colony,  general 
and  in  special,   betwixt   the  church   at  Hartford  and  the  ^"necti. 
withdrawers;  and  to   prevent   further  troubles  and   sad  Cut, 
consequences,   that  may  ensue   from  the  premises  to   the  March  11, 
whole  commonwealth,  that  there  be,  from  henceforth,  an 1638> 
utter  cessation  of  all  further  prosecution,   either  on  the 
church's  part  at  Hartford,  towards  the  withdrawers  from 
them  ;  and,  on  the  other  part,  that  those,  that  have  with- 
drawn from  the  church,  at  Hartford,  shall  make  a  cessa- 
tion in  prosecuting  their  former  propositions  to  the  church 
at  VVeathersfield,  or  any  other  church,  in  reference  to  their 
joining  there,  in  church  relation,  until  the  matters,  in  con- 
troversy betwixt  the  church  at  Hartford  and  the  withdrawn 
members,  be  brought  to  an  issue,  in  that  way  the  court  shall 
determine." 

The  court,  having  desired  the  elders  of  the  colony  to 
meet  them,  and  assist  in  adopting  some  measures  by  which 
the  divisions  in  the  churches,  and  especially  in  that  at  Hart- 
ford, might  be  healed,  adjourned  about  a  fortnight. 

It  met  again  on  the  24th  of  March.     Whether  the  el- Advice  of 
ders  met  with  them,  or   not,  does  not  appear  ;  but  the  a 
vice  of  the  assemby,  at  this  time,  was  that  Mr.  Stone,  with 
the  church  and  brethren  who  had  withdrawn,   should  meet 
together ;  and,  in  a  private  conference,  if  possible,  agree 
upon   some  terms   by   which  they  might   be    reconciled. 
Governor  Wells  and  deputy  governor  Winthrop  were  ap- 
pointed to  meet  with  them,  and  employ  their  wisdom  and 
influence  to  make  peace. 

It  seems,  that  the  church  did  not  comply  with  this  ad- 
vice ;  or  if  there  were  any  meeting  of  the  parties,  nothing 
was  done  to  effect  an  accommodation*  It  appears,  that 
Mr.  Stone  viewed  the  withdrawn  brethren  as  in  the  hands  1658> 
of  the  church  at  Hartford,  and  the  matters  to  be  determin- 
ed as  not  lying  before  any  council  or  the  general  court. 
And  he  would  not  admit,  that  he,  or  the  church,, had  coun- 
teracted the  advice  of  the  former  council.  He  therefore, 
at  the  session  in  May,  petitioned,  that  the  subsequent  pro- 
positions might  be  entered  upon  the  records  of  the  colony, 
and  that  the  withdrawn  brethren,  or  some  person  whom 
they  should  appoint,  would  dispute  them  with  ham  in  the 
presence  of  the  court. 

O  52 


30(>  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIIL 

BOOK  I.      I.  "The  former  council,  at  Hartford,  June  26,  is  utter- 
^*-v~*s  ly  cancelled  and  of  no  force. 

2.  "  There  is  no  violation  of  the  last  agreement,  (made 
when  the  reverend  elders  of  the  Massachusetts  were  here,) 
either  by  the  church  of  Christ  at  Hartford,  or  their  teacher. 

3.  "  The  withdrawn  brethren  have  offered  great  violence 
to  the  forementioned  agreement. 

4.  "  The  withdrawn  brethren  are  members  of  the  church 
of  Christ  at  Hartford. 

5.  "  Their  withdrawing.from  the  church  is  a  sin  exceed- 
ing scandalous  and  dreadful,  and  of  its  own  nature  destruc- 
tive to  this  and  other  charches. 

G.  "  The  controversy  between  the  church  of  Christ  at 
Hartford,  and  the  withdrawn  persons,  is  not  in  the  hands 
of  the  churches,  to  be  determined  by  them.* 

"  SAMUEL  STONE.'' 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  court  gave  their  consent,  thau 
the  propositions  should  be  disputed  before  them,    or  that 
khey  enacted  any  thing,  at  this  court,  respecting  the  affairs 
of  the  church,  or  the  brethren  who  had  withdrawn. 
August  But  at  a  session,  in  August,  they  insisted,  that  the  church 

18th.  and  aggrieved  brethren  should  meet  together,  according  to 
their  former  advice,  and  debate  their  difficulties  among 
themselves,  and  that  the  points  in  controversy  should  be 
clearly  stated. 

At  this  time,  a  complaint  was  exhibited  against  govern- 
or Webster,  Mr.  Cullick,  elder  Goodwin  and  others,  who 
had  withdrawn  from  their  brethren.  But  the  court  would 
not  hear  it  at  that  time.  It  ordered,  that,  if  the  church  and 
brethren  would  not  agree  to  meet  together  and  debate  thei;' 
differences  among  themselves,  each  party  should  choose 
three  as  indifferent  elders  as  could  be  found  ;  who  should 
afford  all  the  light  and  assistance  in  their  power,  towards 
settling  the  differences  according  to  the  divine  oracles  ;  and 
that  both  parties  should  peaceably  submit  to  their  advice. 
If  either  of  the  parties  shoold  refuse  to  make  choice  of 
three  gentlemen,  for  the  design  proposed,  the  court  deter- 
mined to  choose  for  them..  The  church  rejected  the  pro- 
posal, and  the  court  chose  Mr.  Cobbett,  Mr.  Mitchel,  and 
Mr.  Danforth,  for  them.  For  a  reserve,  if  either  should 
fail,  Mr.  Brown  was  chosen.  The  aggrieved  brethren 
chose  Mr.  Davenport,  Mr.  Norton,  and  Mr.  Fitch  ;  and  as 
a  reserve,  Mr.  Street.  The  council  were  to  meet  on  the 
37th  of  September. 

The  church,  it  seems,  would  not  send  for  the  council,  and 
so  it  did  not  convene. 
*  Records  of  Connecticut. 


CHAP.  XIII..  CONNECTICUT.  30? 

At  a  session  of  the  general  court,  the  next  year,  March  BOOK  L 
i)th,  1659,  it  was  determined,  that,  as  its  past  labors,  to  ^X-N/"^' 
promote  unanimity,  at  Hartford,  had  been  frustrated,  by  Resolu- 

the  non-compliance  of  the  parties,    the   secretary,   in  the tlon  °' the 
f    i  LIIJ-         111  ill  court  res- 

name  of  the  court,  should  desire  the  elders,  who  had  been  pectin^  a 

formerly  appointed,  to  meet  at  Hartford  on  the  3d  of  June  council, 
succeeding,    and   afford   their   assistance    in    healing  the-^^ch9' 
breach,  which  had  been  made  there.     It  was  also  enacted, 
that  the  church,   at  Hartford,  and    the  brethren  who  had 
withdrawn,  shou-ld  jointly  bear  the  expenses  of  the  former 
council,  and  of  making  provision  for  that  which  had  been 
then  appointed. 

The  council  consisted  of  the  elders  and  churches  of  June  3, 
Boston,  Cambridge,  ChaHestown,  Ipswich,  Dedham,  and  *651*- 
Sudbury.     Th-ey  convened  according  to  appointment,  and  Hartford? 
were  abundant  in  their  labors  to  soften  the  minds  and  con- 
ciliate the  affections  of  Uie  parties  ;  and  though  they  did 
not  effect  a  reconciliation,  yet  they  brought  the  brethren 
much  nearer  together  than  they  had  been,    and   left   the 
church  and  town  in  a   better  state  than  they  had  enjoyed 
for  years  before. 

On  the  15th  of  June,  the  court  convened,  and  perceiv- 
ing the  good  effects  of  this  council,  desired  the  same  gen- 
tlemen to  meet  again,  at  Hartford,  on  the  19th  of  Au- 
gust. Upon  the  choice  and  desire  of  the  brethren  who 
had  withdrawn,  the  Rev.  John  Sherman,  and  the  church 
at  Watertown,  and  the  elder  and  church  at  Dorchester, 
were  also  invited  to  come  with  them. 

The  general  court,  in  this  state  of  the  controversy,  order- 
ed the  heads  of  the  complaint,  which  had  been  exhibited 
against  the  withdrawn  brethren,  to  be  drawn  up  and  sent 
to  them,  and  they  were  required  to  appear  before  the 
court,  in  October,  and  answer  to  them.  The  church  a- 
greed  to  the  whole  council,  and  the  brethren  aggrieved, 
to  seven  of  them.  The  general  court  ordered,  that  both 
parties  should  submit  to  the  judgment  of  the  council,  and 
lhat  it  should  be  a  final  issue. 

The  council  convened  again,  at  Hartford,  and  so  far 
composed  the  difficulties  which  had  so  long  subsisted,  as 
to  prevent  a  separation  at  that  time.  Some  of  the  capital 
characters  were  soon  removed  into  the  land  of  silence, 
v/here  all  animosities  are  forgotten.  Mr.  Cullick  removed 
to  Boston,  and  a  considerable  number  removed  to  Hadley. 
By  these  means,  the  church  was  restored  to  a  tolerable 
state  of  peace  and  brotherly  affection  ;  but  it  was  viewed, 
by  some  of  its  own  members,  and  others,  as  having,  in. 
some  degree,  departed  from  the  strict  principles  of  the 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XIIL 


BOOK  I. 

Nature  of 
the  con- 
troversy. 


gentro- 
versy  at 
Hartford 
remarka- 
ble in  its 


from  the 
commis- 
sioners of 
the  united 


first  congregational  churches  in  New-England ;  and  seems, 
afterwards,  to  have  divided  nearly  on  the  same  grounds. 

Doctor  Mather,  in  his  Magnalia,  represents,  that  it  was 
difficult,  even  at  the  time  of  the  controversy,  to  find  what 
were  the  precise  points  in  dispute.  Indeed,  what  the  par- 
ticular act  or  sentiment  in  Mr.  Stone  or  the  church  was, 
which  gave  elder  Goodwin  disgust,  and  began  the  dissen- 
sion, does  not  fully  appear.  Nothing  however  is  more 
evident,  from  the  questions  propounded,  which  it  appears 
were  drawn  by  the  very  heads  of  the  parties,  and  by  the 
gentlemen  chosen  by  the  disaffected  brethren,  and  rejected 
by  the  church,  than  that  the  whole  controversy  respected 
the  qualifications  for  baptism,  church  membership,  and  the 
rights  of  the  brotherhood,  Mr.  Stone's  ideas  of  Congrega- 
tionalism appear  to  have  bordered  more  on  presbyterian- 
ism,  and  less  on  independence,  than  those  of  the  first  min- 
isters in  the  country  in  general.  •  His  definition  of  Congre- 
gationalism, was,  "  That  it  was  a  speaking  Aristocracy  in 
the  face  of  a  silent  Democracy." 

The  Hartford  controversy  was,  for  its  circumstances, 
duration,  and  obstinacy,  the  most  remarkable  of  any  in  its, 
day.  It  affected  all  the  churches,  and  insinuated  itself  into 
all  the  affairs  of  societies,  towns,  and  the  whole  common- 
wealth. Doctor  Mather,  in  his  figurative  manner  of  des- 
cription, says,  "  From  the  fire  of  the  altar,  there  issued 
thunderings,  and  lightnings,  and  earthquakes,  through  the 
colony."  This  was  considered  as  much  more  remarkable, 
as  the  church,  at  Hartford,  had  been  famous  for  its  instruc- 
tion, light,  gifts,  peace,  and  brotherly  love.  It  had  been 
viewed  as  one  of  the  principal  churches  in  New-England, 
Its  dissensions  were  a  ground  of  great  sorrow  to  all  the  good 
people  in  the  country.  Extraordinary  were  the  pains  ta- 
ken, by  the  principal  characters  in  New-England,  to  heal 
them. 

The  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies,  in  September 
11656,  wrote  them  a  friendly  and  pacific  letter  on  the  sub- 
ject. They  say,  '•  We  have,  with  much  sorrow  of  heart, 
heard  of  your  differences,  and  that  the  means  attended  hi- 
therto, for  composing  them,  have  proved  ineffectual.  We 
cannot  but  be  deeply  sensible  of  the  sad  effects  and  dread- 
ful consequences  of  dissensions,  heightened  and  increased 
in  a  church  of  such  eminence  for  light  and  love."  They 
represented  to  them,  that  though  all  the  churches  sympa- 
thized with  them,f* et  they  themselves  would  be  sure,  in  the 
the  first  place,  to  feel  the  smart.  They  most  earnestly  ex- 
horted them  not  only  to  be  exceedingly  cautious  of  all  fur- 
ther provocations,  but  to  employ  all  their  wisdom  and  ex- 


CHAP.  Xin.  CONNECTICUT.  309 

ertions  for  a  reconciliation.  They  intreated  them,  not  to  BOOK  I. 
suffer  any  discouragements  to  prevail  with  them,  to  make  \^-v~^s 
a  separation  and  scatter  abroad.* 

The  churches  in  Connecticut  and  New-Haven  laboured 
to  harmonize  their  views  and  affections,  and  to  make  peace. 
The  ministers  in  Massachusetts  were  so  affected  with  their 
circumstances,  that  they  offered  to  make  a  journey  to  Con- 
necticut, to  attempt  their  reconciliation.  The  long  and 
repeated  journeys  they  made,  and  the  indefatigable  labours 
they  employed  to  compose  their  difficulties,  exhibited  a 
noble  spirit  of  benevolence,  and  a  zeal  for  the  peace  and 
prosperity  of  Zion.  They  not  only  merited  the  grateful 
acknowledgments  of  the  people  at  Hartford,  but  of  the 
colony  in  general. 

The  proclamation  fora  public  thanksgiving  in  Novem- 
ber, recognized  the  success  of  the  council,  in  composing  the 
difficulties  at  Hartford,  as  an  event  demanding  public  joy 
and  praise. 

The  church  at  Weathersfield  interested  themselves  in 
the  dispute  at  Hartford,  and  became  divided  and  conten- 
tious. Some  of  the  brethren  exhibited  a  complaint  to  the 
court  against  Mr.  Russell,  for  joining  with  the  church  in 
excommunicating  one  of  the  brethren,  as  it  was  alledged, 
without  giving  him  a  copy  of  the  complaint  exhibited 
against  him,  and  without  acquainting  him  with  his  crime. 
The  general  court  ordered,  that  Mr.  Russell  should  be  re* 
proved,  for  acting  contrary  to  the  usage  of  the  churches. 
The  brethren  were  divided  with  respect  to  their  church 
state.  Some  insisted,  that  they  were  no  church,  because 
they  had  never  been  gathered  according  to  gospel  order ; 
or  if  they  had  been  a  church,  that  the  members  of  it  had 
moved  away  in  such  a  manner,  as  had  destroyed  its  very 
existence.  Many  were  inviolably  attached  to  Mr,  Russell, 
while  others  strenuously  opposed  him. 

In  this  state  of  affairs,  the  general  court  appointed  the  1660. 
elders  and  churches  of  Hartford  and  Windsor,  a  council  to 
hear  the  difficulties  which  had  arisen  in  the  church  and 
town.     But  the  parties  could  not  be  reconciled.    Mr.  Rus-  Mr.  Rus- 
sell removed   to  Hadley,  where  he  and  a  number  of  his  sel1  re- 
•warm  friends  from  Hartford  and  Weathersfield,  planted  a 
new  town  and  church.     The  general  court  resolved,  that  a 
church  had  been  regularly  gathered  at  Weathersfield,  by 
the  consent  of  the  general  court,  and  approbation  of  neigh- 
bouring elders ;  and  that,  though  divers  of  the  members 
had  removed  to  other  places,  yet  the  brethren  there  were 
the  true  and  undoubted  church  of  Weathersfield,  and  so  to 
*  Records  of  the  united  colonies, 


310  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  Xlil. 

BOOK  I.  be  accounted,  notwithstanding  any  thing  which  did  appear. 
v^-v>»«/  Thus  terminated  the  controversy;  and  Mr.  Bulkley,  in 
1666,  removed  from  New-London,  and  succeeded  Mr. 
Russell  in  the  pastoral  office.  The  same  year,  Mr.  Simon 
Bradstreet,  from  Charlestown,  came  to  New-London,  and 
took  the  pastoral  charge  of  the  church  there. 

Mr.  Sam-       About  the  time  of  Mr.  Russell's  removal  from  Weathers- 
uel  Stow    field,  the  minds  of  the  people  at  Middletown  became  alien- 
dismissed    ated  from  ]\ir.  Stow,  who  appears  to  have   been   the  first 
dktown.  ~  min'ster  m  tnat  town.     A  committee  of  ministers  and  ci- 
vilians, appointed  by  the  general  court,  dismissed  him,  oa 
account  of  the  evil  temper  of  the  people  towards  him. 

Many  of  the  ministers  and  of  the  people,  in  the  country, 
were  for  extending  baptism,  according  to  the  determination 
of  the  general  council,  in  1657;  but  the  churches  were  so 
generally  and  warmly  opposed  to  it,  that  it  could  not  be 
effected  without  a  synod.  As  this  and  the  consociation  of 
churches  were  favourite  points,  which  a  large  number  of 
the  clergy  and  principal  civilians  in  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut,  wished  to  carry,  the  general  court  of  Massa- 
chusetts appointed  a  synod  of  all  the  ministers  in  that  colo- 
ny, to  deliberate  and  decide  on  those  points.  The  ques- 
tions proposed,  were, 

1.  Who  are  the  subjects  of  baptism  ? 

2.  Whetlrer,  according  to  the  word  of  God,  there  ought 
to  be  a  consociation  of  churches  ? 

Synod,  The  council  met  at  Boston,  in  September,  1662.    Their 

answer  to  the  first  question,  was  substantially  the  same  with 
that  given  by  the  council,  in  1657. 

Its  resolu-  They  declared,  "  That  church  members,  who  were  ad- 
tions.  mitted  in  minority,  understanding  the  doctrine  of  faith,  and 
publicly  professing  their  assent  thereunto,,  not  scandalous 
in  life,  and  solemnly  owning  the  covenant  before  the  church, 
wherein  they  give  up  themselves  and  children  to  the  Lord, 
and  subject  themselves  to  the  government  of  Christ  in  his 
church,  their  children  are  to  be  baptized."  They  further 
resolved,  "  That  the  members  of  orthodox  churches,  being 
sound  in  the  faith,  and  not  scandalous  in  life,  and  present- 
ing due  testimony  thereof,  these  occasionally  coming  from 
one  church  to  another,  may  have  their  children  baptized 
in  the  church  whither  they  came,  by  virtue  of  communion 
of  churches."  They,  also,  gave  their  opinion  in  favour  oi" 
the  consociation  of  churches. 

They  are        However,  the  council  were   not   unanimous ;    several 

opposed,     learned  and  pious  men  protested  against  the  determination 

relative  to  baptism.     The  Rev.  Charles  Chauncey,  presi? 

dent  of  Harvard  college ;  JVIr.  Increase  Mather,  afterward5; 


CHAP.  XIII.  CONNECTICUT.  31 1 

doctor  in  divinity ;  Mr.  Mather,  of  Northampton  ;  and  oth-  BOOK  I. 
crs,  were  warmly  in  the  opposition.     President  Chauncey  ^^^^^^> 
wrote  a  tract  against  the  resolution  respecting  baptism,  en- 
titled Antisynodalia.     Mr.  Increase  Mather,  also,  wrote  in 
opposition  to  the  council.     Mr.  Davenport,  and  all  the 
ministers  in  the  colony  of  New-Haven,  and  numbers  in 
Connecticut,  were  against  the  resolutions.     Mr.  Daven- 
port wrote  against  them.     The  churches  were  more  gene- 
rally opposed  to  them  than  the  clergy. 

The  general  court  of  Connecticut  took  no  notice  of  the 
synod,  nor  of  the  dispute,  but  left  the  elders  and  churches 
at  liberty  to  act  their  own  sentiments.  They  were  attempt- 
ing to  form  an  union  with  New-Haven  ;  and,  as  the  minis- 
ters and  churches  of  that  colony  were  unanimous  in  their 
opposition  to  the  synod,  they,  probably,  judged  it  impolitic, 
at  that  time,  to  act  any  thing  relative  to  these  ecclesiastical 
points.  . 

While  the  churches  were  agitated  with  these  disputes,  Death  of 
another  of  their  original  lights  was  extinguished.  Mr.  j^'  ^^T 
Stone  expired  July  20th,  1663.  He  had  his  education  at  1663. 
Emmanuel  college,  in  the  university  of  Cambridge.  He 
was  eminently  pious  and  exemplary;  abounded  in  fasti  ngsllisckar' 
and  prayer,  and  was  a  most  strict  observer  of  the  Christian 
.sabbath.  Preparatory  to  this,  he  laboured  to  compose 
himself  on  Saturday  evening,  to  the  most  heavenly  views 
and  exercises,  and  was  careful  not  to  speak  a  Avord  which 
was  not  grave,  serious,  and  adapted  to  the  solemnity.  He 
spent  much  time,  on  this  evening,  in  the  instruction  of  his 
family,  commonly  deliv  e.ring  to  them  the  sermon  which  he 
designed  to  preach  on  the  morrow,  or  some  other,  which 
might  he  best  calculated  for  their  instruction  and  edifica- 
tion. His  sermons  were  doctrinal,  replete  with  sentiment, 
concisely  and  closely  applied.  He  was  esteemed  one  of 
the  most  accurate  and  acute  disputants  of  his  day.  He 
was  celebrated  for  his  great  wit,  pleasantry,  and  good  hu- 
mour. His  company  was  courted  by  all  gentlemen  of  learn- 
ing and  ingenuity,  who  had  the  happiness  of  an  acquaint- 
ance with  him. 

.  All  the  ministers  who  illuminated  the  first  churches  in 
Connecticut  and  New-Haven,  except  Mr.  Warham  and 
Mr.  Davenport,  had  now  finished  their  course,  or  returned 
to  England ;  and  most  of  their  brethren,  who  composed  the 
first  churches,  slept  with  them  in  the  dust.  The  first  gov- 
ernors and  magistrates  were  no  more. 

The  next  year,  the  general  court  of  Connecticut  came 
to  a  resolve,  with  a  view  to  enforce  the  resolution  of  the 
synod,  upon  the  churches  in  Connecticut.  It  was  in  the 
words  following. 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIII. 

BOOK  I.      "  This  court  understanding,  by  a  writing  presented  to 
v-^-v-^  them,  from  several  persons  of  this  colony,  that  they  are 
Resolve  of  aggrieved,  that  they  arc  not  entertained  in  church  fellow- 
the  genera!  gj^  ^jg  Court5  having  duly  considered  the  same,  desiring, 
pecting68"  tnat  tne  rules  of  Christ  may  be  attended,  do  commend  it 
baptism      to  the  ministers  and  churches  in  this  colony,  to  consider, 
and  church  whether  it  be  not  their  duty  to  entertain  all  such  persons, 
ship!  Oct.  wh°  are  °f  an  honest  and  godly  conversation,   having  a 
13, 1664.    competency  of  knowledge   in  the  principles  of  religion, 
and  shall  desire  to  join  with  them  in  church  fellowship,  by 
an  explicit  covenant ;  and  that  they  have  their  children 
baptized  :  and  that  all  the  children  of  the  church  be  ac- 
cepted and  accounted  real  members  of  the  church;  and 
that  the  church  exercise  a  due  Christian  care  and   watch 
over  them  :  and  that  when  they  are  grown  up,  being  ex- 
amined by  the  officer,  in  the  face  of  the  church,  it  appear 
in  the  judgment  of  charity,  that  they  be  duly  qualified  to 
participate  in  that  great  ordinance  of  the  LORD'S  supper, 
by  their  being  able  to  examine  themselves  and  discern  the 
LORD'S  body,  such  persons  be  admitted  to  full  communion. 
"  The  court  desireth  the  several  officers  of  the  respec- 
tive churches  would  be  pleased  to  consider,  whether  it  be 
not  the  duty  of  the  court  to  order  the  churches  to  practice 
according  to  the  premises,  if  they  do  not  practice  without 
such  order.     If  any  dissent  from  the  contents  of  this  writ- 
ing, they  are  desired  to  help  the  court,  with  such  light  as  is 
with  them,  the  next  session  of  this  assembly." 

The  secretary  was  directed  to  send  a  copy  of  this  reso- 
lution to  all  the  ministers  and  churches  in  the  colony. 

The  elders  and  churches,  who  would  not  comply  with 
the  proposed  innovation,  had  not  only  to  combat  the  argu- 
ments and  influence  of  the  synod,  but  the  influence  of  the 
uneasy  people  in  the  congregations,  and  of  the  general 
court ;  but  it  was  but  slowly,  and  with  great  difficulty,  that 
the  practice  of  owning  the  covenant,  and  baptizing  the 
children  of  parents  who  did  not  enter  into  full  communion, 
and  attend  both  the  sacraments,  was  introduced.  But  few 
churches,  for  many  years,  admitted  the  practice,  and  some 
never  did.  It  appears  that,  notwithstanding  the  influence 
of  the  general  court,  and  the  resolutions  of  the  synods,  or 
general  councils,  a  majority  of  the  churches  in  Connecti- 
cut were  against  it.  They  imagined,  that  such  a  latitude 
in  baptism,  and  admission  of  members  to  communion, 
would  subvert  the  very  design  for  which  the  churches  of 
Discipline  New-England  were  planted. 

continues        The  discipline  and  usages  of  the  Connecticut  churches 
rame^  ^  contmuet^  yet>  ^or  some  time,  nearly  in  the  same  situation 


CHAP.  XIII.  CONNECTICUT.  313 

in  which  they  had  been  from  the  beginning.     The  clergy  BOOK  I. 
and  churches  were  strict  in  the  admission  of  members  to  ^^v~+s 
full  communion.      Those  who  were  admitted,   generally 
made  a  public  relation  of  their  Christian  experiences,  by 
which  they  gave  satisfaction  to  the  church  of  their  repen- 
tance, faith,  and  sincere  friendship  to  the  REDEEMER. 

The  elders  and  churches  were  exceedingly  strict,  with 
respect  to  those  whom  they  ordained ;  examining  them  not 
only  in  the  three  learned  languages  and  doctrinal  points  of 
theology,  with  respect  to  cases  of  conscience,  and  their 
ability  to  defend  Christianity  and  its  doctrines  against  infi- 
dels and  gainsayers,  but  with  respect  to  their  own  experi- 
mental, heart  religion.  All  those,  who  were  to  be  or- 
dained over  any  church,  previously  to  their  separation  to 
the  sacred  office,  satisfied  the  brotherhood  of  their  spiritu- 
al birth,  and  were  admitted  to  their  communion  and  fellow- 
ship. None  were  ordained,  or  installed  over  any  church, 
until  after  they  had  been  admitted  to  its  full  communion 
and  fellowship. 

They  were  also  strict  in  the  formation  of  churches ; 
none  could  be  formed,  nor  any  minister  ordained,  without 
liberty  from  the  general  court,  and  the  approbation  of  the 
neighboring  elders  and  churches. 

From  the  preceding  view,,  it  appears,  that  before  the 
union  there  were  fifteen  churches  in  Connecticut,  exclu- 
sive of  those  which  had  been  formed"  upon  Long-Island. 
There  had  been  thirty-one  ministers  in  the  colony;  of  whom 
about  twenty-five  or  six  had  been  installed  or  ordained. 
Twenty-one  were  ministering  to  the  people  at  the  time  of 
the  union  ;  nineteen  of  whom  had  been  installed  or  or- 
dained. The  other  two,  Mr.  Noyes  and  Mr.  Collins,  were 
afterwards  settled  in  the  ministry,  in  the  towns  where,  for 
some  years,  they  had  been  laboring. 


3i4  HISTORY  OF  CHAP,  xiv, 

BOOK  J. 
1665.  CHAPTER  XIV. 

Conduct  of  the  hinges  commissioners.  Counties  and  county 
courts  regulated.  Governor  Winthrop^s  estate  freed  from 
taxation.  Towns  settled.  Controversy  with  Rhode-Isl- 
and. The  grounds  of  it.  Courts-  appointed  in  the  Nar- 
raganset  country.  Laws  revised  and  printed.  War  with 
the  Dutch.  Claims  and  conduct  of  major  Edmund  An- 
dross,  governor  of  New-York.  Protest  against  him.  Con- 
duct of  captain  Thomas  Bull.  Proclamation  respecting 
the  insult  received  from  major  Andross.  Philip^  s  war. 
Captains  Hutchinson  and  Lothrop  surprised  and  slain. 
Ti'eachery  of  the  Springfield  Indians.  Hadley  attacked 
by  the  enemy.  The  assembly  make  provision  for  the  de'- 
fence  of  Connecticut.  Expedition  against  the  Narragansct 
Indians.  Ttie  reasons  of  it.  The  great  swamp  fight. 
Loss  of  men.  Courage  exhibited,  and  hardships  endured. 
Captain  Pierce  and  his  party  cut  off.  Nanunttenoo  tak- 
en. Success  of  captains  Denison  and  Avery.  Captain 
Wadsworth  and  his  party  slain.  Death  and  character  of 
governor  Winthrop.  Success  of  major  Taicott.  Attack 
upon  Hadley.  The  ntcmy  beaten  and  begin  to  scatter. 
They  arc  pursued  to  Housatonick.  Sachem  of  Quabaug 
and  Philip  killed'.  Number  of  the  enemy  before  the  war. 
Their  destruction.  Loss  of  the  colonies.  Connecticut 
happy  in  preserving  its  own  towns  and  assisting  its  neigh- 
bors* 


A1 


FTER  the  reduction  of  the  Dutch  settlements,  colonel 
Nichols  fixed  his  residence  at  New- York,  to  manage 
t-he  affairs  of  government.  Sir  Robert  Carr,  Cartvvritk 
Conduct  of  ancj  Maverick,  the  other  commissioners,  soon  went  to  Bos- 
ton>  and  proceeded  upon  the  business  of  their  commission. 
After  they  had  communicated  their  instructions  to  the  gen- 
eral court,  and  made  a  number  of  requisitions  inconsistent 
with  the  chartered  rights  of  the  colony,  and  some  inconsis- 
tent with  the  rights  ot'conscience  and  of  the  churches,  the\ 
went  from  Boston  to  Narraganset.  They  held  courts  an 
Warwick  and  Southerton,  and  spent  a  considerable  time  iti 
hearing  the  complaints  of  the  Indians,  in  determining  the 
titles  of  the  English  to  their  land*;  and,  without  any  color 
of  authority  from  their  commission,  undertook  to  make  a 
new  province.  They  determined,  that  the  deed  of  the 
Rhode-Islanders,  from  the  Indians,  was  of  no  force.  Cap- 
tain Atherton,  and  others,  had  made  a  large  purchase  of 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT.  315 

the  Indians,  in  Narraganset,  east  of  Pawcatuck  river,  and  BOOK  I. 
the  planters  had  put  themselves  under  the  government  of  ^*~v-**s 
Connecticut.  The  commissioners  determined,  that  cap-  1665* 
tain  Atherton's  deed  was  not  legal,  because  there  was  no 
mention  of  the  sum  which  he  had  paid.  However,  as  it 
•appeared  that  considerable  had  been  paid  the  Indians  for 
the  lands,  the  commissioners  ordered  the  natives  to  pay 
to  the  purchasers  a  certain  quantity  of  wampum,  and  or- 
dered the  planters  to  move  off  from  the  lands.  As  the 
Narraganset  sachems  had,  in  1644,  made  their  subjection 
to  the  king  of  England,  acknowledging  themselves  to  be 
his  subjects,  they  declared  that  the  country  belonged  to 
his  majesty,  and  that,  in  future,  it  should  be  called  THE 
KING'S  PROVINCE.  They  determined,  that  no  person,  of 
what  colony  soever,  should  presume  to  exercise  any  au- 
ihority  within  that  tract,  except  those  who  should  be  au- 
thorised by  them,  until  his  majesty's  pleasure  should  be 
known.  They  further  decreed,  that  the  king's  province 
should  extend  westward  to  the  middle  of 'Pawcatuck  river, 
and  northward  as  far  as  the  south  ?line  of  Massachusetts. 
2n  the  plenitude  of  their  power,  they  also  ordered,  that 
the  Pequots,  to  whom  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecti- 
cut had,  agreeable  .to  a  resolution  of  the  commissioners  of 
the  united  colonies,  assigned  a  tract  of  land  on  the  east  of 
Pawcatuck,  should  be  removed  and  settled  in  some  other 
place,  which  the  assembly  should  appoint,  west  of  that  riv- 
er.* It  appears  that  they  came  to  these  important  decis- 
ions, without  giving  Connecticut  notice,  or  ever  hearing 
what  reasons  the  colony  had  ;to  offer  against  them. 

When  they  had  finished  their  business  in  Narraganset, 
they  returned  to  Boston.  There  they  proceeded  in  the 
most  arbitrary  manner,  giving  the  general  court  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  the  whole  colony  unspeakable  trouble.  They 
undertook  the  protection  of  criminals  against  the  common- 
wealth ;  and  summoned  the  members  of  the  general  court 
"before  them  to  answer  for  judgments  which  they  had  given 
in  their  legislative  and  executive  capacity.  They  receiv- 
-ed  complaints  against  the  colony,  from  Indians  and  other 
-disaffected  persons  ;  and  undertook  to  judge  in  cases  which 
had  been  previously  prosecuted  to  a  final  adjudication,  ac- 
.cording  to  law.  Indeed,  they  did  not  content  themselves 
with  determining  civil  matters  only,  they  made  requisi- 
tions respecting  the  church.  They  demanded,  that  all. 
persons  of  orthodox  opinions,  competent  knowledge,  and 

*  Records  of  Connecticut,  iu  their  book  of  patenfs,  letters,  determics> 
4iocs,  &c. 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIV. 

BOOK  I.  civil  lives,  should  be  admitted  to  the  Lord's  supper,  and 
\-*~/-^/  their  children  to  baptism.! 

1665.  While  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts  expressed  en- 
tire loyalty  to  his  majesty,  they  firmly  maintained  their 
charter  rights,  and  remonstrated  against  the  proceedings 
of  the  commissioners.  At  this  firm  conduct,  they  were 
highly  disgusted,  and  made  a  very  unfavorable  representa- 
tion of  the  colony  to  his  majesty,  much  to  its  disadvan- 
tage. 

They  came  to  no  determination  with  respect  to  the  claim 
of  duke  Hamilton,  but  returned  the  answer  of  Connecticut 
to  the  king,  and  rnade  a  very  friendly  report  to  him  of  the 
manner  in  which  they  had  been  received  by  the  colony  of 
Connecticut,  and  of  the  loyalty  and  attachment  of  the  peo- 
ple to  his  royal  person.  In  consequence  of  it,  the  king 
sent  a  most  gracious  letter  to  the  colony.  In  this,  he 
says,  "  We  cannot  but  let  you  know  how  much  we  are 
pleased.  Although  your  carriage  doth  of  itself  most  justly 
deserve  our  praise  and  approbation,  yet  it  seems  to  be  set 
off  with  more  lustre,  by  the  contrary  deportment  of  the 
colony  of  Massachusetts.  We  shall  never  be  unmindful 
of  this  your  loyal  and  dutiful  behaviour."]: 

MaCti°lth       At  l^e  general  election,  May  1 1th,  1666,  the  former  gov- 
1666.      '  ernor  and  council  were  re-elected. 

Counties  The  general  assembly,  at  this  session,  proceeded  to  as- 
made  and  certain  the  limits  of  the  counties  and  the  business  of  the 
courts""1  ^  county  courts.  It  was  enacted,  that  the  towns  upon  the 
regulated,  river,  from  the  north  bounds  of  Windsor,  with  Farmington, 
to  thirty  miles  island,  should  be  one  county,  to  be  called 
the  county  of  Hartford.  That  from  Pa  wcatuck  river,  with 
Norwich,  to  the  west  bounds  of  Hammonasset,  should  be 
one  county,  by  the  name  of  the  county  of  New-London  ; 
and  that  from  the  east  bounds  of  Stratford  to  the  western 
boundary  of  the  colony,  be  another  county,  to  be  known 
by  the  name  of  the  county  of  Fairfield.  The  county  courts 
were  to  consist  of  one  magistrate,  at  least,  and  of  two  jus- 
tices of-  the  quorum.  If  three  magistrates  were  present 
they  were  authorised  to  proceed  to  business,  though  the 
justices  were  absent.  The  probation  of  wills  and  all  tes- 
tamentary matters,  which  before  had  been  transacted  in  the 
court  of  magistrates,  were  referred  to  the  county  courts, 
with  the  liberty  of  appeal  to  the  superior  court. 
May  1667.  In  1667,  no  alteration  was  made  with  respect  to  the  gov- 
ernor and  council,  but  governor  Winthrop,  at  first,  declin- 
ed his  office.  The  assembly  appointed  a  committee,  and 

•\  Hutchinson's  Hist.  vol.  i.  p.  230—2561 
i  No.  XXIL 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT.  317 

desired  to  know  the  reasons  of  his  desire  to  leave  the  chair.  BOOK  I. 
They  reported  the  reasons  to  the  assembly.     It  seems  that  <^~v~*s 
the  expense  of  his  office  was  such,  in  his  opinion,  that  he    1667. 
could  not,  consistently  with  his  duty  to  himself  and  family, 
continue  in  it,  without  some  further  allowance  from  the  colo- 
ny.    The  assembly  continued  their  earnest  desire,  that  he 
would  accept  the  trust  to  which  he  had  been  chosen.     To 
enable  him  to  support  his  office  with  dignity,  the  legisla- 
ture freed  all  his  estate,  in  the  colony,  from  taxation,  and 
granted  him  a  hundred  and   ten  pounds  out  of  the  public 
treasury.     Upon  these  encouragements,  in  connection  with 
the  desire  and  unanimity  of  the  freemen,  he  consented  to 
accept  his  appointment. 

About  the  year  1664,  settlements  commenced  on  the  east  Lyme 
side  of  Connecticut  river,  upon  the  tract,  on  that  side,  which  ™^dne  a 
originally  belonged  to  the  town  of  Saybrook.     In  May,  May,'l667. 
1667,  the  inhabitants  were  so  increased,  that  the  assembly 
made  them  a  distinct  town  by  the  name  of  Lyme.     The 
Indian  name  for  the  eastern  part  of  the  town  was  Nehan- 
tick. 

At  the  election  in  1668,  the  freemen  elected  Mr.   Alex- May  14th, 
ander  Bryan,  Mr.  James  Bishop,  Mr.  Anthony  Hawkins, 1668< 
and  Mr.  Thomas  Wells,  magistrates,  instead  of  Mr.  Mat- 
thew Allen,  Mr.  Sherman,  Mr.  Crane,  and  Mr.  Clark. 

In  this  and  the  next  year,  several  new  settlements  were 
made  and  new  towns  incorporated. 

On  the  20th  of  May,  1662,  a  purchase  was  made  of  the 
Indians,  of  a  township  of  land  termed  thirty  miles  island. 
The  Indian  name  of  the  tract,  east  of  the  river,  since  call- 
ed East-Haddam,  was  Machemoodus.     The  original  pro- 
prietors were  twenty  eight.     They  began  their  settlements 
on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  and  the  inhabitants  were  soHaddam 
increased  that,  in  the  session  in  October,  1668,  the  planta-madea 
tion  was  vested  with  town  privileges,  and  named  Haddam.  o^'iggg. 
The  extent  of  the  town  was  six  miles  east  and  west  of  the 
river. 

About  the  same  time  a  settlement  was  made  at  Massa-  Massacoe 
ooe.     In  April,   1644,   the   general  court  of  Connecticut  purchased, 
gave  liberty  to  governors  Hopkins  and  Haynes  to  dispose  alowrT  bv 
of  the  lands  upon  Tunxis  river,  called  Massacoe,  to  such  of  the  name' 
the  inhabitants  of  Windsor  as  they  should  judge  expedient,  of  Syms- 
1n  1647,  the  court  resolved,  that  Massacoe  should  be  pur- 
chased by  the  country,  and  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
dispose  of  it  to  such  of  the  inhabitants  of  Windsor  as  they 
should  choose.     A  purchase  of  the  lands  was  made  of  the 
Indians,  and  settlements  began  under  the  town  of  Wind- 
sor.    The  plantation,  at  first,  was  considered  as  an  ap 


>1  O 
li  O 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XIV. 


Walling- 
ford^inco 

porated. 


May  12th, 
167& 


Alteration 
of  the 
mode  of 
election. 


Dispute 
with 
Rhode- 
Island  res- 
pecting 
bounda- 
ries. 


pcndix,  or  part  of  that  town.  In  the  session  in  May,  1 670, 
it  was  enacted,  that  Massacoe  should  be  a  distinct  town, 
by  the  name  of  Symsbury.  The  limits  granted  were  ten 
miles  northward  from  the  north  bounds  of  Farmington,  and 
ten  miles  westward  from  the  western  bounds  of  Windsor. 

At  the  same  time,  New-Haven  Village  was  incorporated 
and  made  a  town,  by  the  name  of  Waliingford.  The  pur- 
chase of  the  town  was  made  by  governor  Eaton,  Mr.  Da- 
venport, and  other  planters  of  New-Haven,  in  December, 
1638.  The  settlement  was  projected  in  1669.  A  com- 
mittee was  appointed,  by  the  town  of  New-Haven,  vested 
with  powers  to  manage  the  whole  affair  of  the  settlement. 
This  committee  held  the  lands  in  trust,  and  acted  in  all  the 
affairs  of  the  town,  as  trustees,  until  May,  1672,  when  they 
resigned  their  trust  to  the  town. 

At  the  general  election,  May,  1670,  William  Leet,  Esq. 
was  chosen  deputy  governor,  and  major  Mason,  who  for 
many  years  had  been  deputy  governor,  was  chosen  the  first 
magistrate. 

Until  this  time,  the  great  body  of  the  freemen  had  annu- 
ally convened  at  Hartford,  upon  the  day  of  election,  to 
make  choice  of  the  governor,  magistrates,  and  civil  officers, 
appointed  by  charter,  to  be  elected  on  that  day.  But  the 
freemen  were  now  become  so  numerous,  and  it  had  been 
found  to  be  so  expensive  and  inconvenient,  that  it  was 
judged  necessary  to  alter  the  mode  of  election.  The  as- 
sembly resolved,  "  That  henceforth  all  the  freemen  of  this 
jurisdiction,  without  any  further  summons,  from  year  to 
year,  shall  or  may  upon  the  second  Thursday  in  May  year- 
ly, in  person  or  in  proxy,  at  Hartford,  attend  and  consum- 
mate the  election  of  governor,  .deputy  governor,  and  as- 
sistants, and  such  other  public  officers  as  his  majesty  hath 
appointed,  by  our  charter,  then  yearly  to  be  chosen."  A 
law  was  then  made  regulating  the  freemen's  meetings  and 
the  mode  of  election,  for  substance  nearly  the  same  with 
the  law  respecting  the  election  at  the  present  time. 

While  the  colony  was  thus  extending  its  settlements, 
and  regulating  its  internal  police,  great  troubles  arose  res- 
pecting the  boundaries  between  Connecticut  and  Rhode- 
Island.  From  year  to  year  Connecticut  had  appointed 
committees  to  settle  the  boundary  line  between  the  colo- 
nies, but  all  their  attempts  had  been  unsuccessful. 

In  1668,  the  assembly  appointed  Mr.  Wyllys,  and  Mr. 
Robert  Thompson,  of  London,  by  petition  or  otherwise,  to 
represent  the  affair  to  his  majesty,  and  obtain  a  resolution 
respecting  the  boundary  line.  Nothing  decisive,  however, 
was  effected.  Meanwhile,  the  conduct  of  Rhode-Island 


CHAP.  XI V.  CONNECTICUT.  319 

was  such,  that  the  General  Assembly  of  Connecticut  de-  BOOK  L 
clared  it  to  be  intolerable,  and  contrary  to  the  settlement  ^^^v-^/ 
made  by  his  majesty's  commissioners.  The  assembly,  1670. 
therefore,  in  May,  1670,  appointed  Mr.  Leet,  the  deputy- 
governor,  John  Allen,  and  James  Richards,  Esquires,  cap- 
tain John  Winthrop,  and  captain  Benjamin  Newbury,  a 
committee  to  meet  at  New-London,  the  June  following,  to 
treat  with  such  gentlemen,  from  Rhode-Island,  as  should 
be  sent,  properly  authorised  to  act  in  the  affair  ;  and  con- 
cerning the  injuries  which  the  inhabitants  of  that  colony 
had  done  to  the  people  of  Connecticut,  They  were  not 
only  vested  with  plenary  powers  to  compromise  these  dif- 
liculties,  but,  in  case  the  commissioners  from  Rhode-Isl- 
and would  not  agree  to  some  equitable  mode  of  settlement, 
to  reduce  the  people  of  Squamacuck  and  Narraganset  to 
obedience  to  this  colony.  They  were  also  authorised  to 
hold  courts  in  the  Pequot  and  Narraganset  country,  and  to 
hear  and  determine  all  cases  of  injury,  which  had  been 
done  to  the.  inhabitants  of  Connecticut,  according  to  law. 
Instructions  were  also  given  them  to  appoint  all  officers, 
necessary  for  the  peaceable  government  of  that  part  of  the 
colony. 

The  commissioners  of  the  two  colonies  met  at  New-Lon- 
don, but  could  effect  no  settlement  of  the  controversy. 
The  commissioners  from  Rhode-Island,  insisted  that  Paw- 
catuck  river  was  their  boundary,  according  to  the  express 
words  of  their  charter.  Those  from  Connecticut,  insisted 
that  their  charter,  which  was  prior  to  that  of  Rhode-Island, 
bounded  them  easterly  upon  Narraganset  bay  and  river, 
and  that  the  Pequot  country,  which  they  had  conquered, 
extended  ten  miles  east  of  Pawcatuck  ;  that,  therefore, 
they  had  a  right  to  that  part,  both  by  charter  and  con- 
quest. 

As  no  agreement  could  be  effected,  the  committee  from 
Connecticut,  went  into  the  Narraganset  country,  and  read 
the  charter  at  Wickford,  and  the  plantations  east  of  Pawca- 
'uck  river,  and,  in  the  name  of  the  General  Assembly  of 
Connecticut,  demanded  the  submission  and  obedience  of 
the  people  to  its  authority  and  laws.  They  also  appointed 
officers  for  the  good  government  of  the  people.* 

Both  colonies  had  something  plausible  to  plead.     The 

.  case,  truly  stated,  is  this.     The  old  patent  of  Connecticut, 

to  lord  Say  and  Seal,   lord  Brook,   and  their  associates, 

bounded  the  tract  conveyed  eastward,  by  Narraganset  bay 

and  river.     The  charter  granted  in  April,  1662,  gave  the 

?ame  boundaries  as  the  old  patent  in  1631.     Pawcatuck 

•'•  Records  r,f 


320  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIV. 

BOOK   I.  river  was  never  known  by  the  name  of  Narraganset  river, 

\^~*^^/  and  it  made  no  bay ;  consequently  the  mouth  of  it,  and  the 

1670.    sea  there,  could  not  be  called  Narraganset  bay.  But  when 

Mr.  John  Clark  was  in  England,  as  agent  for  the  colony  of 

Mr.  Win-  Rhode-Island,  in  1663,  there  arose  much  difficulty  between 

**Jr°P  *n<?  him  and  Mr.  Winthrop,  respecting  the  boundaries  between 
Mr.  Clark  .,  rr<f  L    •    r  •       i 

submit       tue  tuo  colonies.     They  were  advised,  by  their  friends,  to 

their  diffe-  submit  the  controverted  points  to  arbitrators,   in  England, 
reDces  to   to  which  they  consented.     William  Breereton,  Esq.  ma- 
rs  jor  Robert  Thompson,  capt.  Richard  Deane,  capt.  John 
Brookhaven,  and  doctor  Benjamin  Worseley,  were  mutu- 
ally chosen  to  hear  and  determine  the  differences  between 
them.     They  came  to  the  following  determination  : 

"  FIRST,  That  a  river  there  commonly  called  and  known 
termba-6    ^y  Pawcatuck  river,  shall  be  the  certain  bounds  between 
tion,  April,  those  two  colonies,   which  said  river  shall,  for  the  future, 
1663.      be  also  called  alias  Narragance  or  Narraganset  river." 

"  SECONDLY,  If  any  part  of  that  purchase  at  Quinebaug 
doth  lie  along  upon  the  east  side  of  the  river,  that  goeth 
down  by  New-London,  within  six  miles  of  the  said  river, 
that  then  it  shall  wholly  belong  to  Connecticut  colony,  as 
•well  as  the  rest  which  lieth  on  the  western  side  of  the  afore- 
said river." 

"  THIRDLY,  That  the  proprietors  and  inhabitants  of  that 
land  about  Mr.  Smith's  trading  house,  claimed  or  purchas- 
ed by  major  Atherton,  capt.  Hutchinson,  lieut.  Hudson, 
and  others,  or  given  unto  them  by  Indians,  shall  have  free 
liberty  to  choose  to  which  of  those  colonies  they  will  be- 
long." 

"  FOURTHLY,  That  propriety  shall  not  be  altered  nor 
destroyed,  but  carefully  maintained  through  the  said  colo- 
nies." 

To  this  the  two  agents,  John  Winthrop  and  John  Clark, 
Esquires,  interchangeably  set  their  hands  and  seals,  as  an 
agreement  finally  terminating  the  controversy  between 
them.  This  was  signed  on  the  7th  of  March,  1663. 

In  consequence  of  this  agreement,  the  charter  of  Rhode- 
Island,  granted  July  8th,  1663,  bounded  that  colony  west- 
ward by  Pawcatuck  river,  and  ordained,  with  particular 
reference  to  the  agreement,  which  is  recognized  in  the 
charter,  that  this  river  should  be  called  alias  Narragance 
or  Narraganset  river;  and  that  the  same  shall  be  holdeu 
by  the  colony  of  Rhode-Island,  "  any  grant,  or  clause  in  a 
late  grant,  to  the  governor  and  company  of  Connecticut 
colony  in  America,  to  the  contrary  thereof,  in  any  wise 
Jiotwithstanding. 

The  proprietors,   mentioned  in  the   agreement,  made 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT.  321 

choice  of  the  government  of  Connecticut,  July  3d,  1663,  BOOK  I. 
and  were  taken  under  the  jurisdiction  and  protection  of  *^-v>»/ 
this  colony.  1671. 

Connecticut  insisted,  that  Mr.  Winthrop's  agency  was 
finished  before  the  agreement  with  Mr.  Clark,  and  that  he 
had  never  received  any  instructions  from  the  colony  au- 
thorizing him  to  enter  into  any  such  compact.  It  was  al- 
so pleaded,  that  his  Majesty  could  not  re-grant  that  which 
he  had  previously  granted  to  Connecticut.  Rhode-Island 
insisted  on  the  agreement  between  Mr.  Winthrop  and  Mr. 
Clark,  and  on  the  limiis  granted  in  the  charter  of  that  co- 
lony. Hence  arose  a  controversy  between  the  colonies, 
which  continued  more  than  sixty  years. 

Governor  Winthrop,  at  the  session  in  October,  again 
proposed  a  resignation  of  his  office,  and  desired  the  con- 
sent arid  approbation  of  the  general  assembly.  The  as- 
sembly were  utterly  opposed  to  it,  and  could,  by  no  means,, 
he  persuaded  to  give  their  consent.  Through  the  influ- 
ence of  the  houses,  he  was  persuaded  to  keep  the  chair, 
and  means  were  adopted  to  give  him  satisfaction.  The 
assembly,  at  the  next  session,  granted  a  hundred  and  fifty 
pounds  salary.  Grants  were  several  times  made  him  of 
valuable  tracts  of  land.  These  considerations,  with  the 
great  unanimity  and  esteem  of  the  freemen,  prevailed  with 
him  to  continue  in  office  until  his  death. 

In  1671  the  former  officers  were  all  re-chosen.  M-W  I«T* 

T\       •!  r     •    i  iTia^j  1O  •  !• 

During  the  term  ot  eighteen  or  twenty  years,  attempts 
had  been  making  to  settle  a  township  at  Paugasset.  About  Settlement 
the  year  1663,  it  appears  that  governor  Goodyear,  and  se- of  Derby, 
veral  other  gentlemen  in  New-Haven,  made  a  purchase  of 
a  considerable  tract  there.  About  the  year  1654,  it  seems 
that  some  few  settlements  were  made.  The  next  year,  at 
the  session  in  October,  the  planters  presented  a  petition 
to  the  general  court,  at  New-Haven,  to  be  made  a  distinct 
town,  and  to  order  their  affairs  independently  of  the  other 
towns.  The  court  granted  their  petition  ;  gave  them  lib- 
erty to  purchase  a  tract  sufficient  for  a  township  ;  released 
them  from  taxes ;  and  appointed  Richard  Baldwin  mode- 
rator to  call  meetings,  and  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  plan- 
tation. At  the  next  cout »,  however,  Mr.  Prudden,  and  the 
people  of  Millbrd,  made  such  strong  remonstrances  against 
the  act,  that  the  court  determined  the  people  at  Paugasset 
should  continue,  as  they  had  been,  under  the  town  of  Mil- 
ford,  unless  the  parties  should  come  to  an  agreement,  res- 
pecting the  incorporation  of  the  inhabitants  there  into  a 
distinct  township.  In  1657  and  1659  a  purchase  was  made 
of  the  lands  of  the  chief  sagamores,  Wotanamow  and  Ras- 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIV. 

BOOK  I.  kenutc.     The  purchase  appears  to  have  been  confirmed 
•^r^~>-'  afterwards  by  Okenuck,  the  chief  sachem.     Some  of  the 

1671.  first  planters  were  Ed.  Wooster,  Ed.  Riggs,  Richard  Bald- 
win, Samuel   Hopkins,    Thomas  Langdon,    and  Francis 
French.     They  preferred  a  petition  to  the  general  assem- 
bly of  Connecticut,  praying  for  town  privileges,  in  1671. 
The  assembly  determined  that  their  south  bounds  should  be 
the  north  line  of  Milford,  and  that  they  should  extend  their 
limits  twelve  miles  northward,  to  a  place  called  the  notch. 
For  their  encouragement,  it  was  promised,  that,  as  soon  as 
there  should  be  thirty   families  in    the  plantation,   they 
should  be  vested  with  town  privileges.     About  four  years 
after,  Oct.  1675,  they  renewed  their  application.     They 
represented  that  they  then  consisted  of  twelve  families,  and 
that  eleven  more  were  abont  moving  directly  into  the  plan- 
tation :  that  they  had   procured  a  minister,  built  him  a 
house,  and  made  provision  for  the  enjoyment  of  divine  or- 
dinances.   Upon  these  representations,  the  assembly  made 
them  a  town,  by  the  name  of  Derby. 

Major  John  Mason,  who,  for  many  years,  had  been  de- 
puty governor,  ami  rendered  many  important  services  to 
the  colony,  being  far  advanced  in  years,  and  visited  with 
many  infirmities,  about  this  time,  excused  himself  from  the 
Election,    service  of  the  commonwealth.     At  the  next  election,  May 
May  9th,    9th,  1672,  Mr.  John  Nash  was  chosen  magistrate,  to  fill 

1672.  tjjc  vacancy  made  by  his  resignation.* 

Until  this  time,  the  colony  had  kept  their  laws  in  manu- 
Laws  prin-  scripl5  au<l  nac^  promulgated  them,  by  sending  copies  to  be 
ted.  publicly  read  in  the  respective  towns.  This  year,  the  first 

code  of  Connecticut  was  published.  It  was  printed  at 
Cambridge,  in  Massachusetts.  It  consisted  of  between 
seventy  and  eighty  pages,  in  small  folro,  printed,  and  of 
nearly  the  same  number  of  blank  pages.  It  is  a  great  cu- 
riosity. The  preface  is  written  in  the  most  religious  man- 
ner, sufficiently  solemn  for  an  introduction  to  a  body  of 
sermons.  It  is  thus  introduced,  "  To  our  beloved  breth- 
ren and  neighbours,  the  inhabitants  of  Connecticut,  the 

*  John  Mason,  Esq.  was  bred  to  arms  in  the  Dutch  Netherlands,  under 
Sir  Thomas  Fairfax.  He  came  into  New-England  with  Mr.  Warham  and- 
his  company,  in  1630.  Five  years  after,  he  removed  to  Connecticut,  anff 
was  one  of  the  first  planters  of  Windsor.  In  1642  he  was  chosen  magis- 
trate ;  in  which  office  he  continued  until  May,  1660,  when  he  was  chosen 
deputy  governor.  In  this  office  he  continued  ten  years.  At  the  desire  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Saybrook,  and  for  the  defence  of  the  colony,  he  remov- 
ed to  that  town  in  1647.  From  thence  he  removed  to  Norwich,  in  1659, 
v.  here  he  died,  in  1672  or  *73,  in  the  73d  year  of  his  age.  He  was  tall  and 
portly,  fall  of  martial  fire,  and  shunned  no  hardships  or  dangers  in  the  de- 
fence and  service  of  the  colony.  He  was  a  gentleman  not  only  of  distin- 
guished heroism,  but  of  strict  uiorais  and  great  prudence. 


CBAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT.  353 

general  court  of  that  colony  wish  grace  and  peace  in  our  BOOK  I. 
Lord  Jesus."     It  recognizes  the  design  of  the  first  plan-  *~*~v~*~' 
ters,  "who,"  as  the  court  express  it,  "  settled  these foun-     1672. 
dations,"  for  the  maintaining  of  "  religion  according  to  the 
gospel  of  our  Lord  Jesus  ;"  which  il  declares  "  ought  to 
be  the  endeavour  of  all  those,  that  shall  succeed,  to  up- 
hold and  encourage  unto  all  generations."     The  assembly 
enacted,  that  every  family  should  have  a  Jaw  book.     In  the 
blank  pages,  all  the   laws  enacted  after  1672  were  insert- 
ed, in  writing,  until  the  year  1699,  when  the  book  was  fill- 
ed up. 

At  the  election,  May  8th,  1673,  Robert  Treat,  Esq.  was 
chosen  into  the  magistracy. 

At  this  court,  Richard  Smith  was  appointed  a  commis-  Cowtof 
signer  at  Narraganset,  and  vested  with  the  powers  of  ma-  M^y'soL 
gistracy  through  that  country.     A  court  of  commissioners  1673. 
was  instituted  there,  and  Mr.  Smith  was  appointed  the 
chief  judge.     This  court  had  cognizance  of  all  cases  not 
exceeding  twenty  pounds,  provided  that  all  such  as  ex- 
ceeded forty  shillings  should  be  tried  by  a  jury.     A  com- 
missioner* was  appointed  at  Pettyquamscot. 

As  war  had  been  declared  in  England,  the  last  year,  a-  War  with 
gainst  the  Dutch,  the  colony  was  put  into  a  state  of  de-  ^e  Dutcb« 
fence.  It  was  ordered  that  a  troop  of  horse  should  be  rais- 
ed in  each  county.  This  year,  the  colony  was  more  tho- 
roughly alarmed,  and  experienced  the  benefit  of  being  in  a 
good  state  of  preparation.  On  the  30th  of  July,  a  small 
Dutch  fleet,  under  the  command  of  commodores  Cornelius 
Everste  and:  Jacob  Benkes,  arrived  at  New- York.  One 
John  Manning,  who  commanded  the  fort  and  island  there, 
treacherously  delivered  them  up  to  the  enemy,  without  fir- 
ing a  gun,  or  attempting  the  least  resistance.  The  inhabi- 
tants of  New- York  and  New-Jersey  generally  submitted  to 
the  Dutch  without  opposition.  About  the  same  time,  the 
Dutch  captured  a  vessel  of  Mr.  Sillick's  of  this  colony,  near 
one  of  the  harbours  of  the  western  towns. 

Upon  this  emergency,  a  special  assembly  was  convo-  The  as_ 
ked,  at  Hartford,  on  the  7lh  of  August.     Orders  were  im-  sembly 
mediately  issued,  that  the  respective  troops,  in  the  colony,  meet,  an<3 
with  five  hundred  dragoons,  should  forthwith  be  ready  for  ^"^"J^" 
service  ;  and  that  all  the  trainbands  should  be  complete  in  the  Dutch 
their  arms.     The  sanic  day,  Mr.  James  Richards  and  Mr.  commo- 
William  Roswell,  were  dispatched,  with  a  letter  from  the  dores 
assembly,  to  the  Dutch  commodores,  to  know  their  further 
intentions.     The  assembly  remonstrated  against  their  con- 
duct in  capturing  Mr.  Sillick's  vessel,  and  in  demanding 
*  Commissioner  was  a  name  for  a  justice  of  the  peace. 


324  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  &IV. 

BOOK  I.  the   submission  -of  his  majesty's  English  subjects,   upon 
v^-v^s^  Long-Island,  and  that   they  should  take  the  oath  of  alle- 
1673.    giance  to  the  States  General.     They  acquainted  the  Dutch 
commanders,  that  the  united  colonies  were,  by  his  majes- 
ty, constituted  the  defenders  of  the  lives  and  liberties  of  his 
subjects,  in  these  parts  of  his  dominions,  and  assured  them 
that  they  would  be  faithful  to  their  trust. 

The  assembly  appointed  the  governor,  deputy  govern- 
or, and  a  number  of  the  council,  a  committee  of  war,  to  act 
as  emergencies  should  require. 

The  Dutch  commanders  returned  a  soldier-like  answer 
to  the  messengers  and  letter  from  Connecticut,  purporting, 
that  they  had  a  commission  to  do  all  damages,  in  their  pow- 
er, to  their  enemies,  by  land  and  sea  :  that  they  had  sum- 
moned the  towns  upon  Long-Island  to  submit  to  them  ;  and 
that,  unless  they  should  comply,  they  would  reduce  them 
to  their  subjection  by  force  of  arms  :  that  as  the  vessel  they 
had  taken  was  their  enemy's  it  was  strange  to  them  that 
any  questions  were  proposed  concerning  it :  and  that  while 
jthey  doubted  not  of  the  faithfulness  of  the  united  colonies 
in  defending  their  majesty's  subjects,  they  should  not  be 
less  zealous  and  faithful  in  the  service  of  the  States  Gene- 
ral.* 

On  the  1 1  th  of  August,  the  committee-  of  war  met  at 
Hartford.  They  appear  to  have  apprehended  an  imme- 
diate invasion.  They  gave  orders,  that  the  whole  militia 
of  the  colony  should  be  ready  to  march  at  an  hour's  warn- 
ing, to  any  place  which  might  be  attacked.  They  made 
such  arrangement  of  the  dragoons,  and  sent  such  assistance 
to  their  friends  upon  Long-Island,  as  prevented  an  inva- 
sion of  any  part  of  the  colony,  and  the  plunder  and  des- 
truction of  the  English  upon  the  island. 

Assembly       On  the  meeting  of  the  assembly,  in  October,  letters  were 
meet  Oct.  sent  to  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth,  to  solicit  their  united 
^th-           assistance  against  the  Dutch,  and  to  know  their   opinion 
relative  to  proclaiming  war,  and  engaging  in  offensive  ope- 
rations against  them.     Mr.  John  Banks  was  sent  express 
to  the  Dutch  commanders,  with  a  spirited  remonstrance  a- 
gainst  the  conduct  of  the  Dutch,  who  had  threatened  the 
towns  on  the  Island  with  destruction,  by  fire  and  sword, 
unless  they  would   submit   and   swear  allegiance   to  the 
States  General.     They  had  sent  ships  and  an  armed  force 
towards  the  east  end  of  the  island,  to  subdue  the  people ; 
but  had  been  prevented.     The  assembly  assured  them,  that 
fhey  knew  how  to  avenge    themselves  upon  their  planta- 
tions, and  not  only  so,  but  upon  their  head  quarters,  ,if  the 
*  Letter  on  file 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT.  325 

colonies  should  rise,  and  warned  them  of  the  consequences  BOOK  I. 
of  injuring  the  English  towns  upon  the  island.  v^-v-^/ 

Connecticut,  upon  consulting  their  confederates,  found  1674. 
it  to  be  the  general  opinion  to  act  offensively  against  the 
Dutch.  A  special  assembly  was  called  on  the  26th  of  No- 
vember, and  war  was  immediately  proclaimed  against 
them.  It  was  determined,  that  an  expedition  should  b£ 
undertaken  against  New- York.  This,  it  seems,  was  in 
conjunction  with  the  other  confederates.  Major  Trea,f 
was  appointed  to  command  the  troops  from  Connecticut. 

The  Dutch  not  only  threatened  the  English  towns  on  the 
island  with  destruction,  but,  it  seems,  made  several  de- 
scents upon  it,  with  a  view  to  attack  them :  however,  by 
the  assistance  of  the  troops  from  Connecticut,  they  were, 
in  all  instances,  repulsed,  and  driven  from  the  island,*  Be- 
fore suitable  preparations  could  be  made  for  an  attack  up- 
on the  Dutch,  at  their  head  quarters,  the  season  was  too 
far  advanced  for  military  operations.  Early  in  the  spring, 
the  news  of  a  general  pacification  between  England  and 
Holland,  prevented  all  further  proceedings  of  this  kind. 
The  whole  militia  of  the  colony,  at  this  time,  amounted  to 
no  more  than  2,070  men.  One  quarter,  it  seems,  were 
mounted  as  dragoons,  and  employed  for  the  defence  of  the 
colony,  and  of  his  majesty's  English  subjects  upon  Long- 
Island. 

The  only  alteration  made  by  the  election  in  1674,  was 
the  choice  of  Thomas  Topping,  Esq.  instead  of  Mr.  Haw- 
kins. 

As  the  inhabitants  of  Long-Island  had  been  protected 
and  governed,  the  latter  part  of  the  last  year,  by  Connecti- 
cut, they  made  application,  at  this  assembly,  for  the  fur- 
ther enjoyment  of  its  protection  and  government.  The 
legislature  accepted  them,  and  appointed  officers  in  the 
several  English  towns,  as  they  had  done  at  their  session 
the  preceding  October. 

Upon  the  application  of  the  town  of  Wickford,  and  other 
plantations  in  Narraganset,  the  legislature  took  them  un- 
der the  government  of  this  colony.  A  court  was  instituted 
at  Stonington,  for  the  government  of  the  people  in  Narra- 
ganset, that  they  might  not  live  in  dissolute  practices,  to 
the  dishonour  of  God,  of  the  king  and  nation,  and  to  the 
scandalizing  of  the  very  heathens.  Pompe- 

The  legislature,  in  1672,  granted  liberty  to  Mr.  S her- rang  set- 
man,  Mr.  William  Curtiss,  and  their  associates,  to  make  a  tlefi  aml 
plantation  at  Pomperaug.     Such  a  number  of  settlements  "v^- 
had  been  made  there,  in  about  two  years,  that  the  assembly,  bury 
>  Rf-rvcls  of  Connecticut,  and  letter?  onSie 


326 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XIV. 


Major  An- 
dross  ap- 
pointed 
governor 
of  New- 
York. 


His  claims 
upon  Con- 
necticut, 
1675. 


War  with 
Philip. 

The  rea- 
sons of  it. 


in  May,  1674,  enacted  that  it  should  be  a  town,  by  the 
name  of  Wood  bury. 

Scarcely  had  the  colonies  recovered,  from  one  calamity 
and  danger,  before  new  and  more  terrible  scenes  of  alarm, 
and  destruction  presented  themselves.  Not  only  Connecti- 
cut, but  all  the  New-England  colonies,  were  now  verging 
upon  a  most  distressful  and  important  period,  in  which 
their  very  existence  was  endangered. 

Upon  the  pacification  with  the  Dutch,  the  duke  of  York, 
to  remove  all  doubt  and  controversy  respecting  his  proper- 
ty in  America,  took  out  a  new  patent  from  the  king,  June 
29th,  1674,  granting  the  same  territory  described  in.  the 
former  patent.  Two  days  after,  he  commissioned  major, 
afterwards  Sir  Edmund  Andross,  to  be  governor  of  New- 
York,  and  all  his  territories  in  these  parts.  The  major 
was  a  mere  tool  of  the  duke,  and  a  tyrant  over  the  people. 
Mr.  Smith,  in  his  history  of  New- York,  observes,  "  Tha? 
he  knew  no  law  but  the  will  of  his  master;  and  that  Kirk 
and  Jefferies  were  not  fitter  instruments  than  he  to  execute 
the  despotic  projects  of  James  the  second." 

Notwithstanding  the  priority  of  the  patent  of  Connecticut 
to  the  duke  of  York's,  and  the  determination  of  his  majes- 
ty's commissioners  about  ten  years  before,  he  set  up  the 
duke's  claim  to  all  that  part  of  the  colony  which  lies  to  the 
westward  of  Connecticut  river,  and  he  threatened  the  colo- 
ny with  an  invasion. 

At  the  same  time,  Philip,  sachem  of  the  Wampanoags, 
commenced  hostilities  against  the  colonies,  and  involved 
them  in  a  most  bloody  and  destructive  war.  It  had  been 
supposed,  that  the  Indians,  for  several  years,  had  been 
concerting  a  general  conspiracy  against  the  plantations  in 
New-England,  with  a  view  of  extirpating  the  English  from 
the  country.  They  viewed  themselves  as  a  free  and  inde- 
pendent people.  Their  sachems  were  men  of  high  and 
independent  spirits.  They  considered  themselves  as  sove- 
reign princes,  and  claimed  to  be  the  original  proprietors 
and  lords  of  the  land.  They  viewed  the  English  as  intru- 
ders and  usurpers.  While,  therefore,  they  saw  them,  in 
almost  every  quarter, .extending  their  settlements  over  the 
dominions  of  their  ancestors,  they  could  not  but  kindle  into 
resentment,  and  adopt  counsels  to  prevent  the  loss  of  their 
liberties  and  country.  Though  they  had  entered  into  trea- 
ties with  the  colonies,  and  acknowledged  themselves  to  be 
subjects  of  the  king  of  England,  yet  it  is  by  no  means  pro- 
bable, that,  by  these  treaties  and  acknowledgments,  they 
designed  to  give  up  their  independence,  or  any  of  their 
natural  rights.  They  viewed  themselves  rather  as  allies. 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT.  327 

than  as  subjects  of  England.  To  be  called  to  an  account  BOOK  I. 
for  their  conduct,  and  to  be  thwarted  in  their  designs,  by  \^^-**/ 
the  colonies,  or  to  be  holden  as  amenable  to  them  for  their  1675. 
actions,  was  a  treatment  which  their  haughty  spirits  could 
not  brook.  These  were  general  reasons  for  which  they 
might  wish  for  the  destruction  of  their  English  neighbors. 
But  beside  these,  there  were  others,  which  had  more  imme- 
diate influence  upon  Philip.  John  Sausaman,  a  Christian 
Indian,  who  had  once  been  a  subject  of  Philip,  made  a  dis- 
covery of  his  plots  against  the  English.  Philip,  fired  with 
resentment,  procured  the  murder  of  Suasaman.  The  mur- 
derers were  discovered,  tried  by  the  English  laws,  and  ex- 
ecuted. Philip,  enraged  at  the  execution  of  his  subjects, 
conscious  of  his  own  guilt,  and  probably  apprehensive  for 
his  personal  safety,  armed  his  own  warriors,  the  Wampa- 
noags,  and  such  strange  Indians  as  he  could  engage  to  em- 
bark in  his  measures,  and,  with  the  most  hostile  appearan- 
ces, began  to  march  up  and  down  the  country. 

As  the  colonies,  for  some  time,  had  been  apprised,  that 
the  Indians  were  forming  designs  against  them,  they,  by 
treaties,  and  such  other  means  as  appeared  to  be  wise  and 
politic,  had  been  attempting  to  prevent  the  storm.  Not- 
withstanding, it  now  burst  upon  them  with  uncommon  fury. 
Its  destruction  was  wide  and  dreadful. 

Philip's  numbers  daily  increasing,  gave  him  fresh  cour-  The  Io- 
age,  and  increased  his  insolence.  On  the  20th  of  June,  J^^Ul 
1675,  his  Indians  commenced  hostilities  upon  Swanzey,  tiiities, 
one  of  the  frontier  towns  of  New-Plymouth,  bordering  on  June  20th. 
the  territories  of  Philip,  whose  chief  seat  was  at  Mount 
Hope.*  They  insulted  the  English,  rifled  their  houses, 
and  killed  their  cattle.  Four  days  after,  they  killed  nine, 
and  wounded  seven  of  the  inhabitants.  The  troops  of  that 
colony  marched  immediately  to  the  defence  of  the  town. 
In  four  days,  they  were  reinforced  with  several  companies 
from  Boston.  On  the  29th,  the  troops  were  drawn  forth 
against  the  enemy.  They  instantly  fled  before  them,  for  a 
mile  or  two,  and  took  refuge  in  a  swamp.  The  next  day, 
major  Savage  arrived  with  more  troops  and  a  general  com- 
mand from  Boston.  He  marched  the  army  into  the  In- 
dian towns,  to  surprise  their  head  quarters,  and  give  them 
battle  upon  their  own  grounds.  The  troops  found  the  en- 
emy's towns,  arid  even  the  seat  of  Philip,  deserted  with 
marks  of  the  utmost  precipitation.  As  the  Indians  fled, 
they  marked  their  route  with  the  burning  of  buildings,  tire 
scalps,  hands,  and  heads  of  the  English,  which  they  had 

*  Mount  Hope  is  an  eminence  in  the  eastern  part  of  the  town  of  Bristol, 
in  Rhode-IslanU. 


HISTORY  OF 


CIUP.  XIV. 


BOOK  I. 


1675. 

Troops 
dispatched 
to  Stoniug- 
ton  and  the 
seaport 
towns. 


Major  An- 
dross ap- 
pears with 
an  armed 
force  at 
Saybrook. 


Detfiands 
the  fort. 


Assembly 
meet, 
July  9th. 


taken  off  and  fixed  upon  poles  by  (he  way  side.  As  they 
could  not  come  up  with  the  enemy,  they  returned  to  their 
head  quarters,  at  Swanzey. 

In  consequence  of  the  war  with  Philip,  the  commission- 
ers of  the  united  colonies  met  at  Boston,  and  governor 
Winthrop,  who  was  one  of  the  commissioners  for  Connect- 
icut, was  gone  there,  to  attend  tire  business  of  the  country/ 
Deputy-governor  Leetand  the  council,  upon-  receiving  in- 
telligence of  the  war,  dispatched  troops  to  Stonington,  to 
defend  that  part  of  the  colony  against  the  enemy. 

At  the  same  time,  it  was  discovered  that  major  Andross 
was  about  to  make  a  hostile  invasion  of  the  colony,  and  to 
demand  a  surrender  of  its  most  important  posts  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  duke  of  York*  Detachments  from  the  mi- 
litia were,  therefore,  sent,  with  the  utmost  expedition,  to 
New-London  and  Saybrook.  Captain  Thomas  Bull,  of 
Hartford^  commanded  the  party  sent  to  Saybrook. 

About  the  8th  or  9th  of  July,  the  people  of  that  town 
were  surprised  by  the  appearance  of  major  Andross,  with 
an  armed  force,  in  the  sound,  making  directly  for  the  fort. 
They  had  received  no  intelligence  of  the  affair,  nor  instruc- 
tions from  the  governor  and  council,  how  to  conduct  them- 
selves upon  such  an  emergency.  They  were,  at  first,  un- 
determined whether  to  make  any  resistance  or  not ;  but 
they  did  not  hesitate  long.  As  the  danger  approached, 
and  their  surprise  abated,  the  martial  spirit  begarr  to  en- 
kindle ;  the  fort  was  manned,  and  the  militia  of  the  town 
drawn  out  for  its  defence.*  At  this  critical  juncture,  cap- 
tain Bull  with  his  company  arrived,  and  the  most  vigorous 
exertions  were  made,  for  the  defence  of  the  fort  and  town. 
On  the  llth,  major  Andross,  with  several  armed  sloops, 
drew  up  before  the  fort,  hoisted  the  king's  flag  on  board, 
and  demanded  a  surrender  of  the  fortress  and  town.  Cap- 
tain Bull  raised  his  majesty's  colors  in  the  fort,  and  arrang- 
ed his  men  in  the  best  manner.  They  appeared  with  a 
good  countenance,  determined  and  eager  for  action.  The 
major  did  not  like  to  fire  on  the  king's  colors,  and  perceiv- 
ing that,  should  he  attempt  to  reduce  the  town  by  force,  it 
would  be  a  bloody  affair,  judged  it  expedient  not  to  fire  up<- 
on  the  troops.  He,  nevertheless,  lay  all  that  day,  and  part 
of  the  next,  off  against  the  fort. 

The  critical  state  of  the  colony  had  occasioned  the  meet- 
ing of  the  assembly,  at  Hartford,  on  the  9th  of  July.  They 
immediately  proceeded  to  draw  up  a  declaration,  or  pro- 
test, against  the  major,  in  the  words  following. 

*  Letter  fVoai  the  Rev.  Mr-  Buckingham  to  the  governor  and  council^ 
on  the  sublet. 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT. 

"  Whereas,  we  are  informed  that  major  Edmund  Andross  BOOK  I. 
is  come  with  some  considerable  force  into  this  his  majes-  S^-N/-W 
ty's  colony  of  Connecticut,  which  might  be  construed  to  1675. 
be  in  pursuance  of  his  letter  to  us,  to  invade  or  intrude  up-  Protest  a- 
on  the  same,  or  upon  some  part  of  our  charter  limits  and  sainst  AB- 
privileges,  and  so  to  molest  his  majesty's  good  subjects,  in  j^'ioth. 
this  juncture,  when  the  heathen  rage  against  the  English, 
and  by  fire  and  sword  have  destroyed  many  of  his  majesty's 
good  subjects,  our  neighbors  of  Plymouth  colony,  and  still 
are  carrying  their  heads  about  the  country,  as  trophies  of 
their  good  success  ;  and  yet  are  proceeding  further  in  their 
cruel  designs  against  the  English ;  in  faithfulness  to  our 
royal  sovereign,  and  in  obedience  to  his  majesty's  com- 
mands, in  his  gracious  charter  to  this  colony,  we  can  do 
no  less  than  publicly  declare  and  protest  against  the  said 
major  Edmund  Andross,  and  these  his  illegal  proceedings, 
as  also  against  all  his  aiders  and  abettors,  as  disturbers  of 
the  peace  of  his  majesty's  good  subjects  in  this  colony ; 
and  that  his  and  their  actions,  in  this  juncture,  tend  to  the 
encouragement  of  the  heathen  to  proceed  in  the  effusion  of 
rhristian  blood,  which  may  be  very  like  to  be  the  conse- 
quence of  his  actions,  and  which  we  shall  unavoidably  lay 
at  his  door,  and  use  our  utmost  power  and  endeavour,  (ex- 
pecting therein  the  assistance  of  Almighty  God)  to  defend 
the  good  people  of  this  colony  from  the  said  major  An- 
dross his  attempts  ;  not  doubting  but  his  majesty  will  coun- 
tenance and  approve  our  just  proceedings  therein,  they 
being  according  to  the  commission  we  have  received  from 
his  majesty,  in  his  gracious  charter  to  this  colony;  by 
which  power  and  trust,  so  committed  unto  us,  we  do  again 
forewarn  and  advise  the  said' major  Andross,  and  all  his 
aiders  and  abettors,  to  forbear  and  desist  such  forenamed 
unjust  and  unwarrantable  practices,  as  they  expect  to  an- 
swer the  same,  with  all  such  just  damages  and  costs  as  may 
arise  or  accrue  thereby.  And  we  do  further,  in  his  majes- 
ty's name,  require  and  command  all  the  good  people,  his 
majesty's  subjects,  of  this  colony  of  Connecticut,  under 
our  present  government,  utterly  to  refuse  to  attend,  coun- 
tenance or  obey  the  said  major  Edmund  Andross,  or  any 
under  him,  in  any  order,  instruction,  or  command,  diverse 
from  or  contrary  to  the  laws  and  orders  of  this  colony  here 
established,  by  virtue  of  his  majesty's  gracious  charter, 
granted  to  this  colony  of  Connecticut,  as  they  will  answer 
the  contrary  at  their  peril." 

"  GOD  save  the  King." 

This  was  voted  unanimously.     It  was  sent  by  an  ex- 
press to  Saybrook.  with  instructions  to  captain  Bull  to  prq- 

R2 


S'3'0 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XIV, 


Major  An- 
dross 
comes  oa 
shore. 


ts  jbrbid- 
dfen  to 
read  his 
commis- 
sion. 


Sails  for 
Long-W- 
and. 


Declara- 
tion of  ihe 
general  as- 
•emblj. 


pose  to  major  Andross  the  reference  of  the  affair  in  dispute 
to  commissioners,  to  meet  in  any  place  in  this  colony 
which  he  should  choose.  Early  in  the  morning  of  the  12th 
of  July,  the  major  desired  that  he  might  have  admittance 
on  shore,  and  an  interview  with  the  ministers  and  chief 
officers.  He  probably  imagined,  that  if  he  could  read  the 
duke's  patent  and  his  own  commission,  it  would  make  an 
impression  upon  the  people,  and  that  he  should  gain  by 
art  that  which  he  could  not  by  force  of  arms.  He  was  al- 
lowed to  come  on  shore  with  his  suit.  Meanwhile,  the  ex- 
press arrived  with  the  protest,  and  instructions  from  the 
assembly.  Captain  Bull  and  his  officers,  with  the  officers 
and  gentlemen  of  the  town,  met  the  major,  at  his  landing, 
and  acquainted  hkn  that  they  had,  at  that  instant,  received 
instructions  to  tender  him  a  treaty,  and  to  refer  the  whole 
matter  in  controversy  to  commissioners,  capable  of  deter- 
mining it  according  to  law  and  justice.  The  major  reject- 
ed the  proposal,  and  forthwith  commanded,  in  his  majes- 
ty's name,  that  the  duke's  patent,  and  the  commission 
which  he  had  received  from  his  royal  highness,  should  be 
read.  Captain  Bull  commanded  him,  in  his  majesty's 
name,  to  forbear  reading.*  When  his  clerk  attempted  to 
persist  in  reading,  the  captain  repeated  his  command,  with 
such  energy  of  voice  and  manner,  as  convinced  the  major 
it  was  not  safe  to  proceed.  The  captain  then  acquainted 
him  that  he  had  an  address  from  the  assembly  to  him,  and 
read  the  protest.  Governor  Andross,  pleased  with  his 
bold  .and  soldier-like  appearance,  said,  "What  is  your 
name  ?"  He  replied,  "  My  name  is  Bull,  Sir."  "  Bull  I" 
said  the  governor,  "  It  is  a  pity  that  your  horns  are  not 
tipped  with  silver."  Finding  he  could  make  no  impres- 
sion upon  the  officers  or  people,  and  that  the  legislature  of 
the  colony  were  determined  to  defend  themselves,  in  the 
possession  of  their  chartered  rights,  he  gave  up  his  design 
of  seizing  the  fort.  He  represented  the  protest  as  a  slen- 
der affair,  and  an  ill  requital  of  his  kindness.  He  said, 
however,  he  should  do  no  more.  The  militia  of  the  town 
guarded  him  to  his  boat,  and  going  on  board  he  soon  sail- 
ed for  Long-Island. 

The  general  assembly  considered  this  as  a  great  abuse 
and  insult  of  the  colony,  and,  upon  receiving  an  account 
,of  the  major's  conduct,  came  to  the  following  resolution. 

"  This  court  orders,  that  this  declaration  shall  forthwith 
be  sent  forth  to  the  several  plantations,  sealed  with  the 
seal  of  the  colony,  and  signed  by  the  secretary,  to  be  there 
published." 

*  Captain  Bull's  letter  to  the  assembly, 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT.  331 

"  Forasmuch  as  the  good  people  of  his  majesty's  colo-  BOOK  I, 
ny  of  Connecticut  have  met  with  much  trouble  and  moles-  ^*~v~^, 
tation  from  major  Edmund  Andross,  his  challenge  and  at-  1675,, 
tempts  to  surprise  the  main  part  of  said  colony,  which  they 
have  so  rightfully  obtained,  so  long  possessed,  and  defend- 
ed against  all  invasions  of  Dutch  and  Indians,  to  the  great 
grievance  of  his  majesty's  good  subjects  in  their  settle- 
ments, and  to  despoil  the  happy  government,  by  charter 
from  his  majesty  granted  to  themselves,  and  under  which 
they  have  enjoyed  many  halcyon  days  of  peace  and  tran- 
quillity, to  their  great  satisfaction,  and  to  the  content  of 
his  majesty,  graciously  expressed  by  letters  to  them,  so 
greatly  engaging  their  loyalty  and  thankfulness,  as  makes 
it  intolerable  to  be  put  off  from  so  long  and  just  settlement 
under  his  majesty's  government  by  charter.  Hereupon, 
•for  the  prevention  of  misrepresentations  into  England,  by 
the  said  major  Andross  aga-inst  us,  for  our  refusal,  and  with- 
standing his  attempts,  made  with  hostile  appearances  to 
surprise  us  at  Saybrook,  while  we  were  apprpaching  to- 
wards a  savage  Indian  enemy  that  had  committed  much 
outrage  and  murder,  by  fire  and  sword,  upon  our  neigh- 
bours about  Plymouth  ;  this  court  have  desired  the  hon- 
orable John  Winthr.op  .and  James  Richards,  Esquires,  or 
either  of  them,  (intending  a  voyage  to  England  upon  their 
own  occasions,)  tc^take  with  them  the  narrative  and  co- 
pies of  all  the  transactions  betwix-t  us,  and  to  give  a  right 
understanding  for  clearing  our  innocence,  and  better  secur- 
ing our  enjoyments  as  occasion  shall  offer." 

As  the  Narraganset  Indians  w«re.considered  as  abettors  The  armJ 
of  Philip,  harbouring  the  old  men  and  women  whom  he  Narra^"  * 
had  sent  off  to  them,   and  as  the  colonies  feared  that  they  ganset. 
would  proceed  to  open  hostilities,  unless  it  could  be  pre- 
vented by  some  vigorous  measures,  it  was  determined  to 
march  the  army,  which  had  been  rendezvoused  at  Swan- 
zey,  immediately  into  their  country,  and  to  treat  with  them 
sword  in  hand.     Captain  Hutchinson  was  dispatched  com- 
missioner, from  the  gener/al  court  of  Massachusetts,  to  con- 
duct the  treaty.*.    On  the  15th  of  July,  a  treaty  was  con-  T|"eaty 
eluded  between  the  untied  colonies  and  the  six  Narragan-  Narra-'€ 
set  sachems,  and  the  sunk  squaw  or  old  queen  of  Narra-  gansets. 
ganset.     Perpetual  peace  was  stipulated  between  the  par- 
ties.    It  was  also  agreed,  thai  all  stolen  goods  should  be  re- 
turned :  that  neither  Philip  nor  any  of  his  subjects  should 
be  harboured  by  the  Narragansets ;  but   if  any  of  them 
should  enter  upon  their  lands  they  should  kill  and  destroy 

*  Major  Wait  Winthrop  and  Mr.  Richard  Smith  were  commissioners 
from  Connecticut. 


335  HISTORY  OF 

BOOK  I.  them,  until  a  cessation  of  hostilities  should  be  concluded 
N^^N^N^/  between  Philip  and  the  united  colonies  :  that  the  commis- 
1675.  sioners  should  give  to  any  of  the  Narraganset  Indians,  who 
should  bring  in  Philip  alive,  forty  coats,  and  twenty  for  his 
head  :  that  two  coats  should  be  given  for  every  subject  of 
Philip  delivered  alive  to  the  English,  and  one  for  his  head. 
On  the  part  of  the  Narragansets,  hostages  were  delivered, 
as  a  security,  for  the  faithful  performance  of  the  treaty. 
This,  at  best,  was  a  forced  business,  rather  calculated  to 
irritate,  than  to  reconcile  a  free  and  haughty  people.  The 
conditions  were  imposed  by  the  army. 

Fight  at  On  the  17th  of  July,  the  troops  returned  to  Taunton. 
tfeck'july  Upon  intelligence,  that  Philip  and  his  warriors  were  in  a 
18th.'  swamp  at  Pocasset,  the  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  for- 
ces formed  a  junction,  and  on  the  18th,  attacked  them  with 
firmness  and  resolution.  The  enemy  had  chosen  an  ad- 
vantageous retreat.  As  the  army  entered  the  swamp,  they 
retired  deeper  and  deeper  into  it,  until  the  troops  were  led 
into  such  an  hideous  thicket,  that  it  was  impossible  for 
them  to  keep  their  order.  It  was  so  thick  and  dark,  as  the 
night  approached,  that  the  men  were  in  danger,  not  only 
from  the  enemy,  but  from  one  another.  They  fired  at  ev- 
ery bush  which  appeared  to  shake.  The  action  was  con- 
tinued until  night,  when  the  English  retreated.  The  at- 
tempt was  unhappy.  Sixteen  brave  mtn  were  killed,  and 
Philip  and  his  men,  after  they  had  been  reduced  to  the 
greatest  distress,  and  were  upon  the  point  of  surrendering 
themselves,  made  their  escape.  A  fine  army  was  collect- 
ed. Philip  was  enclosed  in  a  swamp  and  neck  of  land, 
and  could  not  at  that  time  have  made  his  escape,  by  any 
other  means  than  by  defeating,  or  fighting  his  way  through 
the  army,  had  the  English  conducted  with  prudence  and 
fortitude.  They  might  have  renewed  the  attack  upon  him 
next  morning,  and  had  the  day  before  them  to  finish  their 
work,  and  put  an  end  to  the  war  ;  but,  instead  of  this,  they 
left  a  few  companies  to  guard  the  swamp,  which  was  upon 
Pocasset  neck,  and  starve  out  the  enemy.  Philip,  about 
six  or  eight  days  after,  found  means  to  rid  himself  from  the 
danger.  He  either  waded  across  an  arm  of  the  sea,  at  low 
water,  or  passed  over  it  with  his  warriors  upon  rafts.  He 
and  his  warriors  triumphed,  and  were  blown  up  with  still 
greater  courage  and  insolence.  The  Indians  in  general 
were  encouraged,  so  that  soon  after  there  was  a  general 
rising  of  them  aga'inst  the  English  throughout  New-Eng- 
land, for  an  extent  of  nearly  three  hundred  miles. 

As  the  Indians  had  lived  promiscuously  with  the  Eng- 
lish, in  all  parts  of  the  country,  they  were  generally  as  well 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT.  333 

acquainted  with  their  dwellings,  fields,  and  places  of  wor-  BOOK  I. 
ship,  as  themselves.   They  were  perfectly  acquainted  with  v-x-^/~v-> 
their  roads,  times,  and  places  of  resort.     They  were  at    1675. 
hand,  to  watch  all  their  motions,  to  attack  them  at  every  Advanta- 
difticult  pass,  and  in  every  unguarded  moment.     Except  ^^  e 
some  of  the  thickest  settlements,  and  the  centre  of  the 
towns,  the  country  was  a  vast  wilderness.     This  enabled 
the  enemy,  not  only  in  small  skulking  parties,  hut  in  great 
bodies,  to  make  their  approaches  undiscovered,  almost  into 
the  very  midst  of  them  ;  and  under  covert  of  the  night,  to 
creep  into  their  barns,  gardens,  and  out  houses ;  to  con- 
ceal themselves  behind  their  fences,  and  lie  in  wait  for  them 
on  the  roads  and  in  their  fields.     Sometimes  they  conceal- 
ed themselves  before  their  very  doors.     No  sooner  did 
they  open  them,  in  the  morning,  than  they  were  instantly 
shot  dead.     From  almost  every  quarter,  they  were  ready 
to  rise  upon  them.     At  midnight,  in  the  morning,  or  when- 
ever they  could  obtain  an  advantage,  they  were  ready  to 
attack  them.     While  the  English  were  hunting  them  in  one 
place,  they  would  be  slaying  the  inhabitants,  and  plunder- 
ing and  burning  in  another.     In  a  short  time,  they  would 
plunder  and  burn  a  town,  kill  and  captivate  the  inhabitants, 
and  retire  into  swamps  and  fastnesses,  where  it  was  dan- 
gerous te  pursue,  difficult  to  discover,  and  impossible  to 
attack  them,  but  at  the  greatest  disadvantage. 

Notwithstanding  every  precaution  and  exertion  of  the  Danger 
colonies,  they  continued  plundering,  burning,  killing,  and  and  di»- 

captivating,  in  one  place  and  another,  and  kept  the  whole  tress?f  th* 

.   °         .        /".  '„,.  ,.        colonies, 

country  in  continual  tear  and  alarm.      I  here  was  no  satety 

to  man,  woman,  nor  child ;  to  him  who  went  out,  nor  to 
him  who  came  in.  Whether  they  were  asleep  or  awake — 
whether  they  journeyed,  laboured,  or  worshipped,  they 
were  in  continual  jeopardy.  The  inhabitants  of  Massa- 
chusetts, Plymouth,  and  Rhode-Island,  especially,  were 
killed,  plundered,  and  their  towns  and  buildings  burned, 
in  a  most  distressing  and  terrible  manner. 

Beside   other  damages,   not  so   considerable,    captain  Captain 
Hutchinson,  who  had  been  sent  with  a  party  of  horse,  toHutchin-. 
treat  with  the  Nipmuck  Indians,  was  drawn  into  an  am-  ^  ^Ja*" 
bush,  near  Brookfield,  and  mortally  wounded.     Sixteen  of  Bro'okfiehl 
his  company  were  killed.    The  enemy  then  rushed  in  upon  burnt, 
the  town,  and  burnt  all  the  dwelling-houses,  except  one,     s> 
which  was  defended  by  the  garrison,  until  it  was  reinfor- 
ced, two  days  after,  by  major  Willard.     The  enemy  then 
•Jrew  off,  having  burned  twenty  dwelling-houses,  with  all 
the  barns  and  out  houses,  and  killed  all  the  cattle  and 
horses  which  they  could  find.     In  September.  Hadley, 


334  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIV. 

BOOK  I.  Deerneld,  and  Northfield,  on  Connecticut  river,  were  al- 
v^-vx*/  tacked,  and  numbers  of  the  inhabitants  killed  and  wound- 
1675.  ed.  Most  of  the  buildings  in  Deerh'eld  were  burnt,  and 
Hadley,  Northfield  was  soon  after  abandoned  to  the  enemy.  There 
Def^elfk  were  a'number  of  skirmishes,  about  the  same  time,  in  that 

and  North-  _     .  .         .  .  '.      .      ,-,      , .  , 

field  at-      Part  °f  the  country,  in  which  the  English,  on  the  whole. 

tacked.      were  losers. 

Captain         Captain  Beers  was  surprised  near  Northfield,  by  a  large 

Eeers  and  body  of  the  enemy,  and  he  and   twenty  of  his  party  were 
l,is  party     kjH<fj 
killed,          Killed. 

Sept.  12th.      The  officers  who  commanded  in  that  quarter,  finding 
that,  by  sending  out  parties,  they  sustained  continual  loss 
and  disappointment,  and  effected  nothing  of  importance, 
determined  to  collect  a  magazine  at  Hadley,  and  garrison 
the  town.     At  Decrfield,  there  were  about  three  thousand 
bushels  of  wheat  in  stack.     It  was  resolved  to  thresh  this 
out,  and  bring  it  down  to  Hadley.  While  captain  Lothrop, 
with  a  chosen  corps  of  young  men,  the  flower  of  the  coun- 
ty of  Essex,  was  guarding  the  teams  employed  in  this  ser- 
vice, seven  or  eight  hundred  Indians  .suddenly  attacked 
Captain     him.     Though  he  fought  with  great  bravery,  yet  he  fell, 
Lothrop     jyjtij  nearly  his  whole  party.     Many  of  the  teamsters  were 
partv'kiil-  <a^so  cut  °$»     Ninety  or  an  hundred  men  were  killed  on 
cd,  Sept.    the  spot.     Captain  Mosely,  who  was  stationed  •  at  Deer- 
I8th.          field,  marched  to  reinforce  captain  Lothrop,  but  he  arrived 
too  late  for  his  assistance.     Captain   Mosely  was   then 
obliged  to  fight  the  whole  body  of  the  enemy,  for  several 
hours,  until  the  brave  major  Treat,  of  Connecticut,   with 
about  a  hundred  and  sixty  Englishmen  and  Moheagan  In- 
dians, marched  up  to  his  assistance,  and  put  the  enemy  to 
flight.*     The  fall  of  captain  Lothrop,  and  such  a  fine  body 
of  men,  was  a  heavy  loss  to  the  country;  especially  to  the 
county  of  Essex,  filling  it  with  great  and  universal  lamenta- 
tion. 

During  the  term  of  about  forty  years,  the  Indians  in  the 
vicinity  of  Springfield   had  lived  in  the  greatest  harmony 
with  the  .English,  and  still  made  the  strongest  professions 
Indian        of  friendship  ;  yet,   about  this  time,  they  conspired   with 
treachery.  Philip's  warriors  for  the  destruction  of  that  town.     At  the 
distance  of  about  a  mile  from  it  they   had  a  forr.     The 
evening  before  they  made  their  assault,  they  received  in- 
to it  about  three  hundred  of  Philip's  warriors.     The  same 

*  The  commissioners,  about  the  middle  of  September,  ordered  1000 
men  to  be  raised  for  the  general  defence.  Of  these  500  were  to  be  dra- 
goons, with  long  arms.  Connecticut  was  required  to  raise  315  men,  for 
her  proportion..  A  considerable  part  of  this  force  was  employed  by  Con- 
necticut, under  major  Treat,  for  the  defence  of  the  upper  towns.  Captain 
(i.ad  b«en  sent  with  a  company  to  Deerfield,  some  time  before. 


GHAP.  #IV.  CONNECTICUT.  335 

evening,  one  Toto,  a  Windsor  Indian,  discovered  the  plot,  BOOK  I. 
and  dispatches  were  immediately  sent  off,  from  Windsor  v-x~v~x^ 
to  Springfield,  and  to  major  Treat,  who  lay  at  Westfield,  1675, 
with  the  Connecticut  troops,  to  apprise  them  of  the  danger. 
But  the  people  at  Springfield  were  so  strongly  persuaded 
of  the  friendship  of  those  Indians,  that  they  would  not  cre- 
dit the  report.  One  lieutenant  Cooper,  who  commanded 
there,  was  so  infatuated,  that,  as  soon  as  the  morning  ap- 
peared, instead  of  collecting  his  men  and  preparing  for  the 
defence  of  the  town,  he,  with  another  bold  roan,  rode  out, 
with  a  design  to  go  to  the  fort,  and  discover  how  the  mat- 
ter was.  He  soon  met  the  enemy,  who  killed  his  compan- 
ion, by  his  side,  and  shol  several  balls  through  his  body. 
As  he  was  a  man  of  great  strength  and  courage,  he  kept  his 
horse,  though  mortally  wounded,  until  he  reached  the  first 
garrisoned  house,  and  gave  the  alarm.  The  enemy  imme- 
diately commenced  a  furious  attack  upon  the  town,  and  fp,^nS" 

,  J  ,  i       i     -i  T  mi       •    i     i  •  fie'd  at- 

began  to  set  tire  to  the  buildings.      1  he  inhabitants  were  tacked 

in  the  utmost  consternation.  They  had  none  to  command  and  partly 
'..hem,  and  must  soon  have  all  fallen  a  bloody  sacrifice  toabumecl* 
merciless  foe,  had  not  major  Treat  appeared  for  their  re- 
lief. Upon  receiving  intelligence  of  the  designs  of  the 
enemy,  he  marched,  without  loss  of  time  ;  but  meeting  with 
considerable  hindrance  in -crossing  the  river,  for  want  of 
boats,  his  arrival  was  not  in  such  season  as  to  prevent  the 
attack.  He  soon  drove  off  the  enemy,  saved  the  inhabit- 
ants, and  a  considerable  part  of  the  town.  Great  damage, 
however,  was  done  in  a  very  short  time.  Thirty  dwelling 
houses,  besides  barns  and  out  houses,  were  burned.  Ma- 
jor Pyncheon  and  Mr.  Purchas  sustained  each  the  loss  of 
a  thousand  pounds.*  Mr.  Pelatiah  Glover,  minister  of  the 
town,  lost  his  house,  with  a  large  and  excellent  library. 

In  this  stage  of  the  war,  the  General  Assembly  of  Con- 
necticut^  convened,  October  14th.  The  court,  sensible  of 
the  good  conduct  of  major  Treat,  in  defending  the  colony, 
and  the  towns  on  Long-island  against  the  Dutch,  and  in  re- 
lieving captain  Mosely  and  Springfield,  returned  him  pub- 
lic thanks,  appointed  him  to  the  command  of  all  the  troops 
to  be  raised  in  the  colony,  to  act  against  the  enemy,  and 
desired  his  acceptance  of  the  service. 

Upon  intelligence  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Fitch,  that  a  large 
body  of  the  enemy  were  approaching  the  town  of  Norwich, 
major  Treat  was  directed  to  march  forthwith,  for  the  de- 
fence of  that  part  of  the  colony.  But  soon  after,  his  or- 

*  Major  Pyncheon  was  at  Iladley,  but  did  not  come  down,  with  tlie 
troops  there,  in  season  to  prevent  this  great  damage.  He  had,  until  this 
time,  the  chief  command  in  that  part  of  the  country,  but  he  soon  after  re- 
•=i2fned  it,  that  he  might  take  care  of  his  awn  affairs. 


336  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIV. 

BOOK  I.  ders  were  countermanded,  and  he  marched  for  Northamp- 
^*-v^s  ton.     Here  he  arrived  in  season  to  render  his  country  an- 
16   5.    other  piece  of  important  service.     The  enemy  had  been 
Assault      so  elated  with  their  various  successes,  that,  having  collec- 
" tec*  ^bout  c'Snt  hundred  of  their  warriors,  they  made  a  fu- 
rious  attack  upon  Hadley.     Almost  every  part  of  the  town 
was  assaulted  at  the  same  instant.     But  the  town  was  de- 
fended by  officers  and  men  of  vigilance  and  spirit,  so  that 
the  enemy  every  where  met  with  a  warm  reception.     Sev- 
eral parties  of  the  Massachusetts  troops,  who  were  in  the 
neighboring  garrisons,  flew  to  their  assistance,  and  major 
Treat,  advancing  with  his  usual  dispatch  from  Northamp- 
myrouted  ton'  soon  attac^ed  them,  with  his  whole  force,  and  they 
were  put  to  a  total  flight.     They  sustained  such  loss,  and 
Rendez-     were  so  disheartened,  that,  from  this  time,  the  main  body 
vousin       of  them  left  that  part  of  the  country,  and  held  their  general 
Narragan-  rendezvous  in  Narraganset.     Small  numbers,  however,  re- 
mained, doing  damage  as  they  had  opportunity,  and  keep- 
ing the  people  in  constant  fear  and  alarm* 

From  the  intelligence  communicated  to  the  general  as- 
sembly of  Connecticut,  during  the  October  session,  it  ap- 
peared that  the  enemy  had  designs  upon  almost  all  the 
sembfy'a-  ^rontier  towns  in  the  colony.     Each  county  was  therefore 
dopt  mea-  required  to  raise  sixty  dragoons,  complete  in  arms,   hors- 
sures  for    es,  and  ammunition,  for  the  immediate  defence  of  the  colo- 

the  com-    n      wherever  their  services  might  be  necessary.     Captain 
mon  safety   .- '  ,  .  .        v,      ,.  ." 

Avery  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  forty  Englishmen 

from  the  towns  of  New-London,  Stonington,  and  Lyme, 
with  such  a  number  of  Pequots  as  he  should  judge  expedi- 
ent, for  the  defence  of  that  part  of  the  country,  and  the  an- 
noyance of  the  enemy,  as  occasion  should  present.  Cap- 
tain John  Mason  was  appointed  to  command  another  party 
of  twenty  Englishmen,  and  the  Moheagan  Indians.  These 
parties  were  ordered  to  post  themselves  in  the  best  manner 
to  guard  the  eastern  towns,  and  to  act  conjointly  or  sepa- 
rately, as  emergencies  should  require.  An  army  of  one 
hundred  and  twenty  dragoons  was  appointed  to  act  against 
the  enemy,  under  the  command  of  major  Treat.  It  was 
ordered  that  all  the  towns  should  be  fortified,  and  that  ev- 
ery town  should  provide  the  best  places  of  defence  of  which 
it  was  capable,  for  the  security  of  the  women  and  children, 
who  were  directed  to  repair  to  them  upon  the  first  intima- 
tions of  danger.  The  inhabitants  of  the  towns  on  the 
frontiers,  who  were  few  in  number,  and  most  exposed, 
were  advised  to  remove  their  best  effects,  and  people  una- 
ble to  defend  themselves,  to  retire  into  the  more  populous 
parts  of  the  colony,  where  they  would  be  in  a  more  pro- 
bable state  of  safety. 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT.  337 

The  Narragansets,  in  direct  violation  of  the  treaty,  which  BOOK  I. 
they  had  made  with  the  colonies,  gave  a  friendly  recep-  ^*^s~<*/ 
tion  to  Philip's  men  and  other  hostile  Indians.     The  com-     1675. 
missioners  of  the  united  colonies  were  satisfied,  that  some  The  Nar- 
of  them  had  been  in  actual  service,  in  the  assaults  which  ragansets 
had  been  made  upon  the  English.     Their  young  men  had  roUt. 
returned  wounded  to  Narraganset.     It  was  supposed,  that  Reasons  of 
the  Narraganset  sarhems  could  muster  two  thousand  war-  **?e.  exPe- 
riors,  and  that  they  had  a  thousand  muskets.     It  was  judg-  p^t*" 
ed  that,  if  they  should  all  engage,  in  the  spring,  in  open  them, 
hostilities,  and  scatter,  as  they  might,  into  all  parts  of  the 
country,  all  the  force,  which  the  colonies  could  bring  into 
the  field,  would  not  be  sufficient  to  defend  the   plantations 
against  the  united  exertions  of  the  enemy.     In  the  summer 
and  fall  past,  one  company  of  brave  men  after  another  had 
been  cut  off,  and  future  prospects  were  not  more  favora- 
ble.    The  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies  therefore 
resolved,  that  an  army  of  a  thousand  men  should  be  rais- 
ed,  for  a  winter  campaign,    to  attack  the  enemy  at  their 
head  quarters,  in  the  Narraganset  country.     The  colony 
of  Massachusetts  furnished  a  corps  of  five  hundred  and 
twenty  seven  men,  consisting  of  six  companies  of  foot  and 
a  troop  of  horse,  commanded  by  major  Appleton.     Plym- 
outh furnished  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  men,  consisting 
of  two  companies,  under  the  command  of  major  Bradford 
and  capta-n  G  >rham.     The  proportion  of  Connecticut  was 
three  hundred  and  fifteen  men,   but  they  sent  into  the  field 
three  hundred  English  men  and  150  Moheagan  and  Pequot 
Indians.     These  were  divided  into  five  companies,  com- 
manded  by  captains  Seely,  Gallup,   Mason,   Watts,  and 
Marshall.     This  corps  was  commanded  by  major  Treat. 
The  honorable  Josiah  Winslow,   Esq.  governor  of  New- 
Plymouth,   was  appointed  commander  in  chief.     The  or- 
ders of  the   coinmissioners  to  Connecticut  were    issued  at 
Boston,  the  12th  of  November.     They  required,   that  the 
best  officers  and   firmest  men  should   be  appointed,  and 
armed  and  clothed  in  the  best  manner.     It  was  required, 
that  the  troops  should  rendezvous  at  New-London,  Nor- 
wich, and  Stonington,  by  the  10th  of  December,  ready  to 
receive  orders  from  the  commander  in  chief. 

The  commissioners  were  sensible,  that  an  expedition,  at  Danger  of 
this  season,  would  be  most  distressful  and  hazardous.  Such  the  expe- 
is  the  extremity  of  the  weather,  in  this  qlimate,  that  theyditlon 
•were  not  without  apprehensions ;  the  whofe  army  might  per- 
ish, should  the  troops  be  obliged  to  lie  uncovered  a  single 
night  in  the  open  field.     It  did  not  escape  their  delibera- 
tions, that  the  snow  often  fell  so  deep,  that  it  would  beex- 

S  2 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIV. 

BOOK  f .  tremely  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  send  any  succours  to 
v-x-v-Sw/  the  army,  in  case  of  any  misfortune  ;  but  they  considered 
1675.    this  as  the  only  probable  expedient  of  defeating  the  ene- 
my, and  preventing  the  desolating  of  the  country.     They 
observed,  "  It  was  a  humbling  providence  of  God,  that  put 
his  poor  people  to  be  meditating  a  matter  of  war  at  such  a 
season."     They  appointed  the  second  of  December  to  be 
observed  as  a  solemn  fast,  to  seek  the  divine  aid.-* 

The  Connecticut  troops  arrived  at  Pettyquamscot,  on  the 
1 7th  of  December.     Here  had  been  a  number  of  buildings, 
in  which  the  troops  expected  to  have  been  covered  and 
kindly  entertained ;  but  the   enemy,   a  day  or  two  before, 
had  killed  ten  men  and  five  women  and  cbildrenr  and  burn- 
ed all  the  houses  and  barns.     The  next  day,  they  formed 
Saturday,  a  junctiOn   with  the  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  forces. 
Though  the  evening  was  cold  and  stormy,  the  troops  were 
Line  of      obliged  to  remain  uncovered  in  the  open  field.     The  next 
march,       morning,  at  the  dawning  of  the  day,  they  commenced  their 
Lord's       march  towards  the  enemy,  who  were  in  a  swamp  at  about 
19th  De°    fifteen  mi'es  distance.     The    troops  from  Massachusetts, 
headed  by  captains  Mosely  and  .Davenport,  led  the  van  ; 
their  rear  was  brought  up  by  major  Appleton  and  captain 
Oliver.     General  Winslow,  with  the  Plymouth  companies, 
formed  in  the  centre  5  and  the  troops  of  Connecticut  form- 
ed in  the  rear  of  the  whole,  brought  up  by  major  Treat, 
This  was  the  line  of  march.! 

The  troops  proceeded  with  great  spirit,  wading  through 
the  snow,  in  a  severe  season,  until  nearly  one  o'clock,  with- 
out fire  to  warm  or  food  to  refresh  them,  except  what  had 
been  taken  on  the  way.     At  this  time,  they  had  arrived  just 
Situation    upon  the   seat  of  the  enemy.     This  was  upon  a  rising 
of  the  ene- ground,  in  the  centre  of  a  large  swamp.     It  was  fortified 
my<  with  palisades,  and  compassed  with  a  hedge  without,.near- 

ly  of  a  rod's  thickness.  The  only  entrance,  which  appear- 
ed practicable,  was  over  a  log,  or  tree,  which  lay  up  five  or 
six  feet  from  the  ground.  This  opening  was  commanded 
in  front  by  a  kind  of  log  house,  and  on  the  left  by  a  flanker. 
As  soon  as  the  troops  entered  the  skirts  of  the  swamp,  they 
discovered  an  advanced  party  of  the  enemy,  upon  whom 
they  immediately  fired.  The  enemy  returned  the  fire,  and 
retired  before  them,  until  they  were  led  to  the  very  en- 
Altack  trance  by  the  blockhouse.  Without  reconnoitering  the 
upon  the  £ort^  or  waiting  for  the  army  to  march  up  and  form  for  the 
attack,  the  Massachusetts  troops,  led  on  by  their  officers, 
with  great  courage,  mounted  the  tree  and  entered  the  fort  -. 

*  Letters  of  the  commissioners  to  Connecticut, 
U-Iubbartl's  Narrative,  p.  1(M. 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT.  339 

but  they  were  so  galled  from  the  blockhouse,  and  receiv-  BOOK  T. 
ed  such  a  furious  and  well  directed  tire  from  almost  every  ^*~v~^s 
quarter,  that,  after  every  exertion  of  skill  and  courage,  of  1675. 
which  they  were  capable,  they  were  obliged  to  retreat  out 
of  the  fort.  The  whole  army  pressed  forward  with  the  ut- 
most courage  and  exertion,  but  such  were  the  obstructions 
from  the  swamp  and  the  snow,  that  it  was  a  considerable 
time  before  the  men  could  all  be  brought  up  to  action.  By 
reason  of  this,  and  the  sharpness  of  the  fire  from  the  flanker 
and  block-house,  a  sufficient  number  of  men  were  not  able 
to  enter  the  fort  to  support  those  brave  officers  and  men, 
who  so  courageously  began  the  assault.  Captains  John-  ^ec<  ^ 
son  and  Davenport,  and  many  brave  men  of  the  Massachu- 
setts, were  killed.  The  Connecticut  troops,  who  formed 
in  the  rear,  coming  up  to  the  charge,  mounted  over  the  log 
before  the  blockhouse,  the  captains  leading  and  spiriting 
up  the  men  in  the  most  undaunted  manner.  About  the 
same  time  that  the  main  body  of  the  Connecticut  troops 
were  forcing  their  way  by  the  blockhouse,  a  few  bold  men 
ran  round  to  the  opposite  part  of  the  fort,  where  they  found 
a  narrow  spot  where  there  were  no  palisades,  but  a  high 
and  thick  hedge  of  trees  and  brush.  The  sharpness  of  the 
action  in  the  front  had  drawn  off  the  enemy  from  this  part, 
and  climbing  over  unobserved,  they  ran  down  between  the 
wigwams,  and  poured  a  heavy  and  well  directed  fire  upon 
the  backs  of  the  enemy,  who  lay  wholly  exposed  to  their 
shot.*  Thus  assaulted,  in  front  and  rear,  they  were  driven 
from  the  flanker  and  block-house.  The  captains  crying 
out,  they  run,  they  run,  the  men  pressed  so  furiously  upon 
them,  that  they  were  forced  from  that  part  of  the  fort.  The 
soldiers  without  rushed  in,  with  great  spirit,  and  the  ene- 
my were  driven  from  one  covert  and  hiding  place  to  anoth- 
er, until  the  middle  of  the  fort  was  gained  ;  and  after  a 
long  and  bloody  action  they  were  totally  routed  and  fled 
into  the  wilderness.  As  they  retired,  the  soldiers  set  fire  There- 
to the  wigwams,  about  six  hundred  of  which  were  instantly  m/  defeatl 

,  -,  ...  r  en  and 

consumed.     The  enemy's  corn,  stores,  and  utensils,  with  (neir  wig- 
many  of  their  old  men,  women,  and  children,  perished  in  warns 
the  conflagration.     It  was  supposed,  that  three  hundred  burnt 
warriors  were  slain,   besides  many  wounded,  who  after- 
wards died  of  their  wounds  and  with  the  cold.     Nearly  the 
same  number  were  taken,  with  three  hundred  women  and 
children.     From  the  number  of  wigwams  in  the  fort,  it  is 
probable  that  the  whole  number  of  the  Indians  was  nearly 

*  Manuscripts  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Ruggles.  He  observes,  "  It  is  a  pity 
things  so  curious  and  remarkable,  and  wherein  the  hand  of  Providence  s« 
evidently  appeared,  as  in  taking  the  fort  at  Narragauset,  should  b^  lost 
They  deserve  to  be  recorded  in  history."  > 


340 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XIV. 


March  to 
head  quar- 
ters. 


Courage 
exhibited, 
and  hard- 
ships en- 
dured. 


State  of 
the  array 
on  the 
20th. 


four  thousand.  Those  who  were  not  killed  in  battle,  or 
did  not  perish  in  the  flames,  fled  to  a  cedar  swamp,  where 
they  spent  the  night,  without  food,  fire,  or  covering. 

It  was.  nevertheless,  a  dearly  bought  victory.  Six  brave 
captains  fell  in  the  action,  and  eighty  men  were  killed  or 
mortally  wounded.  A  hundred  and  fifty  were  wounded, 
who  afterwards  recovered.  After  the  fatiguing  march,  and 
hard  fought  battle  of  three  hours,  in  which  the  troops  had 
been  exercised,  the  army,  just  at  the  setting  of  the  sun, 
having  burnt  and  destroyed  all  in  their  power,  left  the  en- 
emy's ground,  and,  carrying  about  two  hundred  dead  and 
wounded  men,  marched  back,  sixteen  or  eighteen  miles, 
to  head  quarters.  The  night  was  very  cold  and  stormy. 
The  snow  fell  deep,  and  it  was  not  until  midnight,  or  after, 
that  the  army  got  in.  Many  of  the  wounded,  who  other* 
wise  might  have  recovered,  died  with  the  cold,  and  the  fa- 
tigue and  inconveniences  of  such  a  distressing  march.*  Af- 
ter lying  the  preceding  night  in  the  open  field,  and  after 
all  the  exertions  of  so  long  and  sharp  an  action,  the  army 
marched,  through  snow  and  a  pathless  wilderness,  in  less 
than  twenty-four  hours,  more  than  thirty  miles.  The  cour- 
age exhibited  by  every  part  of  the  army,  the  invincible  he- 
roism of  the  officers,  the  firmness  and  resolution  of  the  sol- 
diers, when  they  saw  their  captains  falling  before  them, 
and  the  hardships  endured,  are  hardly  credible,  and  rarely 
find  a  parallel  in  ancient  "or  modern  ages.  The  cold  was 
extreme,  and  the  snow  fell  so  deep  that  night,  that  it  was 
difficult,  the  next  day,  for  the  army  to  move.  Many  of 
the  soldiers  were  frozen,  and  their  limbs  exceedingly  swol- 
len. Four  hundred  were  disabled  and  unfit  for  duty.  The 
Connecticut  troops  were  more  disabled  than  those  of  the 
other  colonies.  They  had  endured  a  tedious  march  from 
Stonington  to  Pettyquamscot ;  and  as  the  buildings  there 
were  all  destroyed,  they  endured  great  hardships  before 
their  junction  with  the  troops  of  the  other  colonies.  They 
had  sustained  a  much  greater  loss  in  the  action,  in  propor- 
tion to  their  numbers,  than  the  troops  of  the  other  colo- 

*  It  appears,  by  the  letters  from  the  army,  that  twenty  men  only  were  kil- 
led in  the  action.  This  was  the  whole  number  dead,  when  Hie  army  began 
their  march  for  head  quarters.  Eight  were  left  on  the  ground,  and  twelve 
carried  off  by  the  army.  Ten  or  twelve  died  on  the  march,  and  several 
next  morning,  so  that  on  the  20th  of  December,  thirty-four  were  buried  in 
a  grave.  Four  died  the  next  day,  and  two  the  day  after.  Forty  only  were 
dead  on  the  22d.  Though  the  best  surgeons  which  the  country  could  fur- 
nish, were  provided,  yet  the  season  was  so  severe,  and  the  accommodations, 
after  all  the  exertions  which  could  .be  made,  so  poor,  that,  by  the  end  of 
January,  twenty  more  were  in  their  graves.  The  number  mentioned,  as 
killed,  in  the  ancient  histories^  included  aJI  who  were  killed  or  died  after- 
wards of  their  wounds. 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT.  341 

nies.t  Of  the  five  Connecticut  captains,  three,  Seely,  Gal-  BOOK  I. 
lup,  and  Marshall,  were  killed,  and  captain  Mason  receiv-  S^-V-N*/ 
ed  a  wound,  of  which  he  died  about  nine  months  after.  1675. 
Marshall  was  killed  as  he  ascended  the  tree  before  the  log 
house.  The  fire  of  the  enemy  was  dreadful,  when  the 
Connecticut  men  were  entering,  and  after  they  first  enter- 
ed the  fort,  until  the  men  who  came  in  upon  the  backs  of 
them,  began  to  fire  their  large  muskets,  loaded  with  pistol 
bullets,  upon  the  enemy,  where  they  stood  togetherin  the  clo- 
sest manner.  This  at  once  disconcerted  them,  and  check- 
ed their  fire,  in  that  quarter.  Gallup  and  Seely,  leading 
and  animating  their  men,  in  this  dreadful  moment,  soon 
fell.  The  enemy  made  an  obstinate  defence,  after  the  men 
gained  th,e  fort  the  second  time,  taking  the  advantage  of 
their  block-houses,  wigwams,  and  every  covert  of  which 
they  could  avail  themselves.  Some  of  the  soldiers  expend- 
ed all  their  ammunition  before  the  action  was  terminated, 
and  were  obliged  to  seek  new  supplies. 

The  troops  from  Connecticut  had  sustained  such  a  loss 
of  officers,  and  were  so  disabled,  that  major  Treat  judged 

t  The  whole  number  killed  and  wounded,  was  about  two  hundred.  From 
the  returns  and  letters  before  me,  it  appears,  that  of  the  Massachusetts, 
there  were  one  hundred  killed  and  wounded,  of  whom  thirty-one  were  kil- 
led or  died  of  their  wounds.  Among  these  were  captains  Johnson,  Daven- 
port, and  Gardiner.  They  had,  also,  a  lieutenant  Upham  morially  wound- 
ed,  who  died  afterwards  at  Boston,  Plymouth  sustained  the  loss  of  twen- 
ty killed  and  wounded  ;  eight  or  nine,  it  seems,  were  killed,  or  died  of  their 
wounds  afterwards.  Of  the  three  hundred  Englishmen  from  Connecticut, 
eighty  were  killed  and  wounded ;  twenty  in  captain  Seely's,  twenty  in 
captain  Gallup's,  seventeen  in  captain  Watts's,  nine  in  captain  Mason's, 
and  fourteen  in  captain  Marshall's  company.  Of  these  about  forty  were 
killed,  or  died  of  their  wounds.  About  half  the  loss  in  this  bloody  action, 
fell  upon  Connecticut.  The  legislature  of  the  colony,  in  a  representation 
of  the  services  they  had  performed  in  the  war,  say,  "  In  that  signal  service, 
the  fort  fight,  in  Narraganset,  as  we  had  our  full  number,  in  proportion 
with  the  other  confederates,  so  all  say  they  did  their  full  proportion  of  ser- 
vice. Three  noble  soldiers,  Seely,  courageous  Marshall,  and  bold  Gallup, 
died  in  the  bed  of  honour ;  and  valiant  Mason,  a  fourth  captain,  had  his 
death's  wound.  There  died  many  brave  officers,  and  sentinels,  whose  mem- 
ory is  blessed  ;  and  whose  death  redeemed  our  lives.  The  bitter  cold,  the 
tarled  swamp,  the  tedious  march,  the  strong  fort,  the  numerous  and  stub- 
born enemy  they  contended  with,  for  their  God,  king  and  country,  be  their 
trophies  over  death,  He  that  commanded  our  forces  then,  and  now  us, 
made  no  less  than  seventeen  fair  shots  at  the  enemy,  and  was  thereby  as 
oft  a  fair  mjrk  for  them.  Our  mourners,  over  all  the  colony,  witness  for 
our  men,  that  they  were  not  unfaithful  in  that  day."  It  is  the  tradition, 
that  major,  afterwards  governor  Treat,  received  a  ball  through  the  brim  ol 
his  hat,  and  that  he  was  the  last  man  who  left  the  fort,  in  the  dusk  of  the 
evening,  commanding  the  rear  of  the  army.  The  burning  the  wigwams, 
the  shrieks  and  cries  of  the  women  and  children,  and  the  yelling  of  the  war- 
riors, exhibited  a  most  horrible  and  affecting  scene,  so  that  it  greatly  mov- 
ed some  of  the  soldiers.  They  were  in  much  doubt  then,  and,  afterwards, 
often  seriously  inquired,  whether  burning  their  enemies  alive  could  be  con- 
sistent with  humanity,  and  the  benevolent  principles  of  the  gospel,  Man 
^scripts  of  the  Rev.  Mr,  Thomas  Ruggles, 


342  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIV. 

BOOK  I.  it  absolutely  necessary  to  return  to  Connecticut,  where  he 
v-^-v-x^  might  recruit  them,  and  cover  them  with  more  convenience, 
1675.    than  could  possibly  be  done  in  that  part  of  the  country. 
The  wounded  men,  who  were  not  able  to  travel,  were  put 
on  board  vessels  and  carried  to  Rhode-Island.     The  Con- 
necticut troops,  in  their  march  from  Stonington  to  Petty- 
quamscot,  killed  six  and  captivated  seven  of  the  enemy. 
On  their  return  home,    they  killed  and  captivated  about 
thirty  more. 

The  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  troops  kept  the  field 
the  greatest  part  of  the  winter,  ranged  the  country,  capti- 
vated numbers  of  the  enemy,  brought  in  considerable 
quantities  of  corn  and  beans,  and  burned  more  than  200 
wigwams  ;  but  achieved  nothing  brilliant  or  decisive.  In 
the  whole,  in  the  fort  and  in  the  country,  the  English  burn- 
ed between  eight  and  nine  hundred  wigwams,  and  destroy- 
ed almost  the  whole  of  the  enemy's  provisions.  This  was 
much  more  distressing,  and  had  a  greater  influence  in  their 
total  ruin,  than  was  at  first  imagined. 

Meanwhile,  much  pains  were  taken  to  make  peace, 
and  various  messages  passed  between  the  English  and  the 
Indians,  on  that  subject;  but  they  would  not  accept  of  any 
overtures  which  the  colonies  thought  proper  to  make  to 
them. 

As  the  enemy  had  lost  their  dwellings  and  principal 
stores,  in  Narraganset,  the  great  body  of  their  warriors 
moved  off  to  the  northward,  to  the  Nipmuck  country,  and 
into  the  wilderness,  north  of  Brookfield.  They  were  not, 
however,  idle.  The  latter  part  of  January,  they  drove  off, 
from  one  man,  at  Warwick,  as  they  took  leave  of  their 
country,  sixteen  horses,  fifty  neat  cattle,  and  two  hundred 

sheep.     In  February,    the  Narraganset  and  Nipmuck  In- 
Lancaster    ,.      *   ,  „  T  ,      »  r 

burnt.        oians  tell  upon  Lancaster,  and  plundered  and  burned  the 

Feb.  10th.  greatest  part  of  the  town.  They  either  killed  or  captivat- 
Medfield  ed  forty  of  the  inhabitants.*  Some  days  after,  they  made 
assaulted.  an  assault  on  Medfield,  killed  twenty  men,  and  laid  riearly 

eb.  Laoth.  half  of  the  town  in  ashes< 

March  was  a  month  of  still  greater  disasters.  The  towns 
of  Northampton  and  Springfield,  of  Chelmsford,  Groton, 
Sudbury,  and  Marlborough,  in  Massachusetts,  and  of  War- 
wick and  Providence,  in  Rhode-Island,  were  assaulted  ; 
and  some  of  them  partly,  and  others  entirely,  destroyed. 
Many  of  the  inhabitants  were  killed,  and  others  led  away 
into  a  miserable  captivity. 

*  The  enemy  set  fire  to  the  garrison  house,  and  the  women  and  children 
were  all  captivated,  among  whom  was  the  wife  and  family  of  Mr.  Row- 
landson,  minister  of  the  town. 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT. 

Captain  Pierce,  about  the  same  time,  with  fifty  English-  BOOK  I. 
men  and  twenty  friendly  Indians,  was  drawn  into  an  am-  ^*-^~+>s 
bush,  and  surrounded  by  a  great  body  of  the  enemy,  who    1676. 
slew  every  Englishman,  and  the  greatest  part  of  the  In-  Captain 
dians.      This   was  a  great  loss  to  so  small  a  colony  as  £^e 
Plymouth,  to  whom  captain  Pierce  and  his  company  be-  March  26. 
longed.     Two  days  after,  the  enemy  fell  upon  Rehoboth,  28lh 
in  the  vicinity  of  Swanzey,    where  hostilities  first  began, 
and  burned  forty  dwelling  nouses,  besides  barns -and  out 
houses. 

Captain  Wadsworth,   a  brave  officer,   with  fifty  men, 
marching,  ten  days  before,  to  the  relief  of  Sudbury,  was  Captain 
surrounded  by  a  numerous  body  of  the  enemy,    and  fell  Wads- 
with  his  whole  party.     Massachusetts,  at  this  time,  was  in  worth i 
great  distress  and  sorrow.     It  was  feared  by  many,  that  the   l  e  ' 
whole  colony  would  be  depopulated.     But  it  was  now  full 
tide  with  the  enemy,  they   soon   received   an  important 
check,  and  began  rapidly  to  decline. 

In  February,  1676,  a  number  of  volunteers  from  Con- 
necticut, belonging  principally  to  New-London,  Norwich,  cilTvoluiv 
and  Stonington,  formed  themselves  into  companies,  under  teers. 
major  Palms,  captain  George  Denison,  captain  James  Ave- 
ry,  and  captain  John  Stanton,  for  the  annoyance  of  the 
enemy.  They  engaged  a  number  of  Moheagans,  Pequots, 
and  Narragansets,  to  be  associates  with  them,  for  the  sake 
of  plunder,  and  other  considerations.  The  Moheagans 
were  commanded  by  Onecho,  one  of  the  sons  of  Uncas ; 
the  Pequots,  by  Cassasinamon,  their  chief;  and  the  Narra- 
gansets, consisting  of  about  twenty  men,  by  Catapazet. 
These  latter  were  Ninigrate's  men,  who,  in  time  past,  had 
given  the  colonies  so  much  trouble  ;  but  at  this  time  they 
remained  quiet,  and  would  not  join  the  other  Narraganset 
sachems.* 

These  companies  began  to  range  the  Narraganset  coun- 
try,  and  harass  the  enemy,    the  latter  part  of  February, 
and  continued  making  their  incursions  from  that  time  un-  Their  suc.- 
ti?  the  enemy  were  driven  from  those  quarters.     As  soon  cesses, 
as  one  company  returned,  another  went  out  immediately, 
so  as  to  keep  the  enemy  in  continual  alarm.     Their  suc- 
cess was  admirable. 

Captain  Denison,  of  Stonington,  on  the  27th  of  March, 
began  a  very  successful  incursion  into  the  country. 

Nanunttenoo,  or  Canonchet,  the  head  sachem  of  all  the 
Narragansets,  son  of  Miantonimoh,  inheritor  of  all  his 

*  The  principal  seat  of  Ninigrate  was  at  Westerly,  which  formerly  be- 
longed to  Stonington.  He  put  himself  under  the  English,  and  he,  and  his 
Indians,  were  the  only  ones  who  were  not  destroyed,  or  driven  from  that 
part  of  the  country. 


344  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIV. 

BOOK  I.  pride,  and  of  his  insolence  and  hatred  towards  the  Eng* 
\^-v~*s  lish,  had  ventured  down  from  the  northern  wilderness  to 
1678.    Seaconk,  near  the  seat  of  Philip,  to  procure  seed  corn,  to 
plant  the  towns  which  the  English  had  deserted,  upon  Con- 
necticut river.     He  had  been  aiding  in  the  slaughter  of 
captain   Pierce  and  his  men  just  before.     After  captain 
Denison  and  his  party  had  wearied  themselves  for  several 
days,  in  hunting  the  enemy,  they  came  upon  their  tracks 
near  Blackston's  river,  and  soon  discovered,  by  a  squaw 
whom  they  took,  that  Nanunttenoo  was  in  a  wigwam,  not 
far  distant.     The  captain  made  dispositions  immediately 
„  to  surprise  him.     While  he  was  boasting  of  that  great  feat 

noo  sur-  °f  cutting  off  captain  Pierce,  and  diverting  himself  with 
prised  and  the  story,  the  English  came  upon  him.  Some  of  his  party, 
taken.  discovering  them,  ran  off  with  great  precipitation  ;  but  one 
more  faithful  than  the  rest,  entered  the  wigwam  and  ac- 
quainted him  with  his  danger.  He  instantly  fled  with  all 
his  might.  Catapazet,  from  the  manner  of  his  running, 
suspecting  it  was  Nanunttenoo,  gave  chase  with  as  much 
eagerness  as  he  fled.  The  other  Indians,  who  were  most 
light  of  foot,  joined  in  the  pursuit.  They  pressed  him  so 
hard,  that  he  soon  threw  off  his  blanket,  and  then  his  sil- 
ver laced  coat,  which  had  been  given  him  at  Boston.  The 
pursuers,  perceiving  that  they  were  not  mistaken  with  res- 
pect to  the  person,  employed  their  utmost  exertions  to 
seize  him.  At  length,  plunging  through  the  river,  his  foot 
slipped,  upon  a  smooth  stone,  and  he  fell  and  wet  his  gun. 
One  Monopoide,  a  Pequot,  outrunning  the  other  Indians, 
leaped  through  the  river  alter  him,  and  soon  laid  hold  up- 
on him.  Though  he  was  a  man  of  goodly  stature,  and  of 
great  strength  and  courage,  yet  he  made  no  resistance. 
One  Robert  Stanton,  a  young  man,  was  the  first  English- 
man who  came  up  to  him.  He  asked  him  several  ques- 
tions ;  but  this  haughty  sachem,  looking  with  disdain  up- 
on his  youthful  countenance,  replied,  in  broken  English, 
"  You  too  much  child ;  no  understand  matters  of  war — 
Let  your  captain  come  ;  him  I  will  answer."  This  party, 
in  about  sixteen  days,  killed  and  took  nearly  fifty  of  the 
enemy,  without  the  loss  of  a  single  man.  This  success 
was  more  important  on  account  of  the  capture  of  the  chief 
sachem,  and  a  number  of  counsellors  and  war  captains. 

Nanunttenoo  would  not  accept  of  life  when  offered  upon 
the  condition  that  he  should  make  peace  with  the  English ; 
nor  would  he  so  much  as  send  one  of  his  counsellors  to 
make  a  single  proposal  for  that  purpose.  When  he  was 
made  acquainted  that  it  was  determined  to  put  him  to  death, 
he  said,  "  He  liked  it  well ;  that  he  should  die  before  his 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT.  345 

heart  was  soft,  or  he  had  spoken  any  thing  unworthy  of  BOOK  I. 
himself."  The  Moheagan  sachem,  his  counsellors,  and  ^x-v-x^ 
the  principal  Pequots,  shot  him  at  Stonington.  Those  1676. 
brave  volunteer  captains  and  their  flying  parties  had,  at 
this  time,  killed  and  captivated  forty-four  of  the  enemy,  and 
before  the  end  of  April,  seventy-six  more,  about  a  hun- 
dred and  twenty  in  one  month.  Among  these  was  another 
sachem,  a  grandson  of  Pomham,  who  was  esteemed  the 
best  soldier  and  most  warlike  of  all  the  Narraganset  sa- 
chems. They  made,  in  the  spring,  summer,  and  fall,  ten. 
or  twelve  expeditions,  in  which  they  killed  and  captiva- 
ted two  hundred  and  thirty  of  the  enemy,  took  fifty  mus- 
kets, and  brought  in  one  hundred  and  sixty  bushels  of  their 
corn.  They  drove  all  the  Narraganset  Indians  out  of  their 
country,  except  those  at  Westerly  under  Ninigrate.*  In 
all  these  expeditions  they  had  not  one  man  killed  or  woun- 
ded, t  Governor  Hutchinson  observes,  that  "  the  brave 
actions  of  the  Connecticut  volunteers  have  not  been  enough 
applauded.  Denison's  name  ought  to  be  perpetuated." 

While  Connecticut  had  the  honor  and  happiness  of  giv-  Death  of 
ing  a  check  to  the  war,  the  colony  sustained  a  heavy  loss  J?OF* Win* 
in  the   death  of  governor  Winthrop.     He  had  been  cho-  AprllSth, 
sen  one  of  the  commissioners  from  Connecticut,  the  May 
preceding,  to  the  court  of  the  commissioners  of  the  united 
colonies.     Upon  the  meeting  of  this  court,   early  in  the 
spring,  he  went  to  Boston,  where  he  was  taken  sick  and 
died,  April  5th,    1676,  in  the  71st  year  of  his  age.     He 
was  honorably  interred,  at  Boston,  in  the  same  tomb  with 
his  father. 

He  was  the  eldest  son  of  the  honorable  John  Winthrop,  His  chatt^ 
Esq.  the  first  governor  of  Massachusetts.  His  birth  was  acter, 
at  Groton  in  England,  1605.  His  father  gave  him  a  libe- 
ral education,'  at  the  university  of  Cambridge,  in  England ; 
and  afterwards  supported  him  some  years  at  the  universi- 
ty of  Dublin,  in  Ireland.  As  travelling  was  considered  a 
great  accomplishment  to  a  young  gentleman,  he  travelled 
into  France,  Holland,  Germany,  Italy,  and  Turkey.  With 
these  advantages  he  returned  to  England,  not  only  a  great 
scholar,  rich  in  experience  and  literature,  but  a  most  ac- 
complished gentleman.  While  he  collected  the  literature 
and  excellencies  of  the  various  nations  and  countries 
through  which  he  passed,  he  cautiously  avoided  their  er- 
rors and  vices.  He  was  a  puritan  of  distinguished  piety 
and  morals.  After  his  return  from  his  travels,  he  came  into 
New-England,  with  his  father's  family,  in  1631,  and  was 

*  Declaration  of  the  volunteers,  sworn  before  governor  Saltonstall, 
t  Hubbard's  Narrative,  from  p.  125  to  131. 
T  2 


346 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XIV, 


Election, 
May  llth, 
William 
Leef,  Esq. 
chosen 
governor. 

The  as- 
sembly 
raise  an 
army. 


Major 
Talcott 
comman- 
der. 


chosen  one  of  the  magistrates  of  the  colony  of  Massachu- 
setts. He  afterwards  went  into  England  ;  and  in  1635, 
returned  with  a  commission  to  erect  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of 
Connecticut  river,  and  to  be  governor  of  that  part  of  the 
country.  In  .1651,  he  was  chosen  one  of  the  magistrates 
of  Connecticut.  Irt  1657,  he  was  elected  governor,  and 
the  next  year  deputy  governor.  In  1659,  he  was  again 
rhosen  governor  j  from  which  time  he  was  annually  re- 
chosen  to  that  office,  until  his  death.  He  was  one  of  the 
greatest  chymists  and  physicians  of  his  age,  a  member  of 
the  royal  society  of  philosophical  transactions,  and  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  characters  in  New-England.  He 
rendered  many  important  services  to  the  colony,  was  ex- 
ceedingly beloved  in  life,  and  died  greatly  and  universally 
lamented. 

At  the  election,  May  llth,  William  Leet,  Esq.  was  cho- 
sen governor,  and  Robert  Treat,  Esq.  deputy  governor. 
Captain  John  Mason  was  chosen  magistrate,  to  fill  the  va- 
cancy made  by  the  advancement  of  major  Treat,  to  the  of- 
fice of  deputy  governor.  No  alteration  was  made  with  res- 
pect to  the  other  officers. 

The  assembly  voted  three  hundred  and  fifty  men,  who, 
with  the  friendly  Indians,  were  to  be  a  standing  army,  to 
defend  the  country  and  harass  the  enemy.  Major  John 
Talcott  was  appointed  to  the  chief  command.  The  Rev. 
Gershom  Bulkley,  of  Weathersfield,  was  appointed  sur- 
geon, and  Mr.  James  Fitch,  chaplain.  Mr.  Bulkley  was 
viewed  as  one  of  the  greatest  physicians  and  surgeons  then 
in  Connecticut.  The  assembly  ordered  that  the  surgeon 
and  chaplain  should  be  of  the  council  of  war. 

Major  Talcott,  on  his  appointment  to  the  command  of 
the  army,  resigned  the  office  of  treasurer,  and  William 
Pitkin,  Esq.  was  appointed  to  that  office,  by  the  assembly. 

The  first  general  rendezvous  of  the  army,  this  year,  was 
at  Norwich.  From  thence  major  Talcott  marched,  the  be- 
ginning of  June,  with  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  English 
soldiers  and  two  hundred  Moheagan  and  Pequot  Indians, 
up  towards  the  Wabaquasset  country,  scouring  the  woods 
through  that  long  tract.  They  found  the  country  every 
where  deserted.  The  fort  and  wigwams  at  Wabaquasset 
were  deserted.  Nothing  more  could  be  done  there,  thanr 
•Jemolish  the  Indian  fortress  and  destroy  about  fifty  acres. 
of  corn  which  the  enemy  had  planted.  On  the  5th  of 
June,  the  army  marched  to  Chanagongum,  in  the  Nipmuck 
country.  There  they  killed  nineteen  Indians,  and  took 
thirty-three  captives.*  The  army  then  marched  to  Qua- 
*  Major  Talcott's  letter  to  the  committee  of  war,  June  87  1676. 


CHAP.  XIV.  CONNECTICUT.  347 

bang,  or  Brookfield,  and  thence  to  Northampton.     This  BOOK  I. 
was  a  long  march,  in  which  the  troops  suffered  greatly  lor  v^-v-^/ 
want  of  provisions.     It  has  ever  since,   in  Connecticut,    1G76. 
been  known  by  the  name  of  the  long  and  hungry  march.  Hungry 
Major  Talcott  expected  to  have  met  with  the  Massachu-  march- 
setts  forces  at  Brookfield,  or  in  that  vicinity,  but  they  did 
not  arrive. 

On  the  12th  of  June,  four  days  after  the  arrival  of  the 
Connecticut  troops  at  Northampton,  about  seven  hundred 
Indians  made  a  furious  attack  upon  Hadley;  but  major  / 

Talcott,  with  his  party,  soon  appeared  for  the  relief  of  the 
garrison,  and  drove  oft'  the  enemy.     His  seasonable  arri-      » 
val  was,  providentially,  a  happy  circumstance,  which  pro- 
bably saved  Hadley,  and  other  towns  upon  the  river. 

Some  time  after,  the  Massachusetts  forces  arrived,  and, 
in  conjunction  with  major  Talcott  and  his  soldiers,  scoured 
the  woods  on  both  sides  the  river,  as  far  as  the  falls  at 
Deerfield.  The  enemy,  by  this  time,  had  made  their  es- 
cape from  that  part  of  the  country.  The  army  broke  up 
their  fisheries,  destroyed  their  fish  and  other  stores,  recov- 
ered some  stolen  goods,  and  returned,  without  effecting  any 
thing  very  important. 

After  major  Talcott  had  spent  about  three  weeks  in.ser- 
vice  upon  the  river,  he  left  that  quarter,  and  marched 
through  the  wilderness,  towards  Providence  and  the  Nar- 
raganset  country.  On  the  1st  of  July,  the  army  came  near 
a  large  body  of  the  enemy,  and  took  four.  Two  days  after,  July  Sdi 
major  Talcott  surprised  the  main  body  of  them,  by  the 
jjide  of  a  large  cedar  swamp.  He  made  such  a  disposition 
of  his  men,  and  attacked  them  so  suddenly,  that  a  consider- 
able number  were  killed  and  taken  on  the  spot ;  others  es- 
caped to  the  swamp.  The  troops  compassed  the  swamp, 
and,  after  an  action  of  two  or  three  hours,  killed  and  took 
171.  Thirty-four  warriors  were  killed  in  the  action,  and 
also  Magnus,  the  sunk  squaw,  or  old  queen  of  Narragan- 
set;  90  of  the  captives  were  killed,  and  between  40  and 
50  women  and  children  preserved  alive. 

The  same  day,  the  troops  marched  to  Providence,  and 
compassed  the  neck  there,  and  afterwards,  Warwick  neck ; 
in  which  places  they  killed  and  captured  67.  Eighteen 
were  killed.  In  these  several  rencontres,  238  were  killed 
and  taken,  with  about  30  arms.* 

About  the  5th  of  July,  the  army  returned  to  Connecticut. 
In  their  route,  they  took  60  more  of  the  enemy.  From 
about  the  beginning  of  April  to  the  6th  of  July,  the  Con- 

*  Major  Talcott's  letter  to  the  council  of  wary  July  4th,  1676. 


348 


HISTORY  OP 


CHAP.  XIV. 


Distressed 
condition 
of  the  ene- 


The  ene- 
jny  fly  to 


ward. 

Major 
Talcott 
pursues 
and  sur- 
prises 


necticui  volunteers,  and  the  troops  under  major  Talcolt, 
killed  and  captivated  about  420  of  the  enemy.t 

The  enemy,  about  this  time,  fell  into  a  stale  of  division, 
fear,  and  astonishment.  They  found  that,  rby  attempting 
to  destroy  their  English  neighbours,  they  had  utterly  ruin- 
ed themselves.  A  complication  of  evils  conspired  for  their 
destruction.  The  destruction  of  their  fort  and  principal 
stores,  in  the  dead  of  winter,  the  burning  of  their  wigwams, 
and  bringing  off  their  corn  and  beans,  in  all  parts  of  the 
country,  put  them  to  inexpressible  hardships  and  distres- 
ses. They  had  been  able  to  plant  but  little,  in  the  spring ; 
what  they  had  planted,  the  English  had  destroyed;  they 
had  been  driven  from  the  sea  and  rivers,  and  cut  off  from 
almost  every  kind  of  subsistence.  They  had  been  obliged 
to  lie  in  swamps  and  marshes ;  to  feed  on  horse  flesh,  and 
other  unwholesome  food ;  all  which  gendered  infirmity  and 
death ;  so  that  they  became  debilitated  and  disheartened 
by  fatigue,  famine,  disease,  and  mortality. J  They  could 
not  keep  together  in  any  considerable  bodies,  for  want  of 
sustenance.  They  were  pursued  and  hunted  from  swamp 
to  swamp,  and  from  one  lurking  place  to  another;  so  that, 
in  July  and  August,  they  began  to  come  in  to  the  English, 
in  large  bodies,  and  surrender  themselves  to  the  mercy  of 
their  conquerors. 

Major  Talcott,  after  his  return  from  Narraganset,  having 
recruited  his  men  a  short  time  in  Connecticut,  took  his 
station  at  Westfield.  While  he  lay  there,  a  large  body  of 
the  enemy  was  discovered  fleeing  to  the  westward.  Major 
Talcott  pursued  them,  and  on  the  third  day,  about  half  way 
between  Westfield  and  Albany,  discovered  them  lying  on 
the  west  side  of  Housatonick  river,  entirely  secure.  It  was 
judged  too  late  in  the  day  to  attack  them  to  any  purpose. 
The  army,  therefore,  retreated,  and  lay  upon  their  arms, 
in  great  silence,  during  the  night.  Towards  morning,  the 
troops  were  formed  in  two  divisions.  One  was  ordered  to 
pass  the  river  below  the  enemy,  and  to  advance  and  com- 
pass them  in  on  that  side.  The  other  party,  creeping  si- 
lently up  to  the  east  bank  of  the  river,  were  to  lie  prepared 
instantly  to  fire,  when  the,y  should  receive  the  signal  from 
the  other  division,  who,  when  they  had  reached  their 
ground,  were  to  fire  a  single  gun.  But  this  well  contrived 
plan  was  in  some  measure  disconcerted.  An  Indian  had 
ieft  his  companions  in  a  dead  sleep,  and  proceeded  down 

t  Hubbard's  Narrative,  p.  131,  164,  166.  Hutchinson's  history,  vol.  5. 
p.  30o,  306. 

|  Some  of  the  captives  reported,  that  more  died  by  sickness,  than  the 
.jword. 


CHAP.  XTV.  CONNECTICUT.  349 

the  river  to  catch  fish.     As  the  division  on  the  west  side  of  BOOK  I. 
the  river  was  advancing  to  surround  the  enemy,  he  discov-  v^x-v-w 
ered  them,  and  roared  out,  "  Avvannux,  Awannux."  Upon     1676. 
this,  one  of  the  party  fired,  and  killed  him  on  the  spot. 
The  other  division,  on  the  east  bank  of  the  river,  supposing 
this  to  be  the  signal  gun,  discharged  upon  the  enemy,  as 
they  were  rising  in  surprise,  or  lay  upon  the  ground,  and 
killed  and  wounded  a  great  number  of  them.     Those  who 
were  not   killed,  or  disabled  by    wounds,  instantly  fled, 
leaving  their  camp,  baggage,  provisions,  and  many  of  their 
arms.     As  the  division  on  the  west  side,  had  not  advanc- 
ed to  the  ground  designed,  before  the  alarm  was  given,  the 
enemy  made  their  escape  with  much  less  damage,  than  oth- 
erwise they  could  have  done.     The  troops  pursued  them 
some  distance,   but  the  woods  were  so  extremely  thick, 
that  they  soon  disappeared,  and  the  army  returned.     The 
sachem  of  Quabaug  or  Brookfield  was  killed,  and  44  other  |achf?  ?! 
Indians  were  killed  and  taken.     Among  the  killed  were  ^"ed . ' 
25  warriors.* 

Several  brave  captains  and  officers  in  the  Massachu- 
setts, in  July  and  August,  were  very  successful.  Captain 
Church,  of  Plymouth,  afterwards  major  Church,  a  famous 
partisan,  took  several  small  parties  of  the  enemy.  The 
Indians,  who  were  taken  or  came  in  to  the  English  to  save 
their  own  lives,  betrayed  their  friends,  and  led  the  Eng- 
lish captains  to  their  haunts  and  hiding  places.  Thus  as- 
sisted, the  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  soldiers  hunted 
Philip  from  week  to  week,  and  from  place  to  place.  They 
killed  and  captured  his  brother,  his  counsellors,  and  chief 
men,  his  wife  and  family  ;  but  his  mind  continued  firm  and 
unbroken.  In  the  midst  of  all  this  misfortune  and  dis- 
tress, he  would  hear  no  proposals  of  peace.  At  length, 
on  the  12th  of  August,  captain  Church,  led  by  one  of  Phil- 
ip's men,  whom  he  had  disaffected,  by  shooting  his  broth- 
er, only  for  proposing  to  him  to  make  peace  with  the  col- 
onies, surprised  this  famous  sachem,  in  a  swamp,  near 
Mount  Hope.  As  he  was  flying  to  make  his  escape,  the 
Indian  who  had  been  guide  to  the  party,  shot  him  through  Philip  kill- 
the  heart.  Thus  fell  a  brave  enemy,  who  had  defended  e(^  Au£« 
himself  and  his  country,  and  what  he  imagined  to  be  his  * 
own,  and  the  just  rights  of  his  countrymen,  to  the  last  ex- 
tremity. 

The  Indians  in  this  part  of  the  country,  now  generally 
submitted  to  the  English,  or  fled  and  incorporated  with  dis- 
tant and  strange  nations.  After  this  time,  very  little  dam- 
age was  done. 

Manuscripts  of  the  Rev,  Thomas  Ruggles  and  Jliibbanl's  Narrative 


350  HISTORY  OF  .  CHAP.  XIV. 

BOOK  I.  Connecticut  offered  the  same  conditions  to  the  enemy, 
v^-v~>»/  upon  their  submission,  which  had  been  given  to  the  Pe- 
1676.  quots  :  That  they  should  have  life,  liberty,  protection,  and 
ground  to  plant.  Some  principal  incendiaries  and  mur- 
derers, however,  were  excepted.  They  disdained  to  ac- 
cept the  terms,  and  generally  fled  their  country.  The  Nip- 
mucks,  Nashawas,  Pocomtocks,  the  Hadley  and  Springfield 
Indians,  fled  to  the  French  and  their  Indians,  in  Canada. 
About  200  of  them,  after  their  surprise  at  Housatonick  riv- 
er, fled  to  the  Moheaganders,  upon  Hudson's  river,  incor- 
porated and  became  one  with  them. 

When  Philip  began  the  war,  he,  and  his  kinswoman, 
Wetamoe,  had  about  500  warriors,  and  the  Narragansets 
nearly  2000.  The  Nipmuck,  Nashawa,  Pocomtock,  Had- 
Jey,  and  Springfield  Indians,  were  considerably  numerous. 
It  is  probable,  therefore,  that  there  were  about  3000  war- 
riors combined  for  the  destruction  of  the  New-England 
colonies,  exclusive  of  the  eastern  Indians.  The  war  ter- 
minated in  their  entire  conquest,  and  almost  total  extinc- 
tion. At  the  same  time,  it  opened  a  wide  door  to  extensive 
settlement  and  population. 

This,  however,  in  its  connection  with  the  war  with  the 
Losses  in  eastern  Indians,  which  commenced  about  the  same  time, 
the  war.  was  the  most  impoverishing  and  distressing,  of  any  which 
New-England  has  ever  experienced,  from  its  first  settle- 
ment to  the  present  time.  The  war  with  the  eastern  In- 
dians continued  until  the  spring  of  the  year  1678.  The 
enemy  killed  and  captivated  great  numbers  of  the  people, 
captured  nearly  twenty  fishing  vessels,  with  their  crews, 
and  rioted  in  plunder  and  devastation,  until  most  of  the  set- 
tlements in  those  parts  were  swept  away,  and  the  country 
was  reduced  to  their  domination.* 

About  600  of  the  inhabitants  of  New-England,  the  great- 
est part  of  whom  were  the  flower  and  strength  of  the  coun- 
try, either  fell  in  battle,  or  were  murdered  by  the  enemy. 
A  great  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  were  in  deep 
mourning.  There  were  few  families  or  individuals  who 
had  not  lost  some  near  relative  or  friend.  Twelve  or  thir- 
teen towns,  in  Massachusetts,  Plymouth,  and  Rhode-Isl- 
and, were  utterly  destroyed,  and  others  greatly  damaged. 
About  600  buildings,  chiefly  dwelling  houses,  were  con- 
sumed with  fire.t  An  almost  insuperable  debt  was  con- 

*  Dr.  Belknap's  hist.  vol.  i.  p.  157,  159. 

t  This  statement  of  the  loss  of  lives,  towns,  and  buildings,  is  made  from 
an  accurate  enumeration  of  the  various  numbers  mentioned,  in  the  ancient 
histories,  of  the  lives  lost,  and  of  the  towns  and  buildings  burned.  But  as 
there  were,  doubtless,  many  persons  killed,  and  others  who  died  of  their 
wounds,  not  mentioned  in  those  accounts,  they  must  have  exceeded  the 


CHAP.  XIV.'  CONNECTICUT.  351 

tracted  by  the  colonies,  when  their  numbers,  dwellings,  BOOK  I. 
goods,  cattle,  and  all  their  resources,  were  greatly  dimin-  ^^-^^^/ 
ished.  1676. 

Connecticut,  indeed,  had  suffered  nothing,  in  compari- 
son with  her  sister  colonies.  Her  towns  and  inhabitants 
had  been  preserved  from  the  ravages  of  the  enemy ;  but 
about  a  seventh  part  of  the  whole  militia  was  out  upon  con- 
stant service,  besides  the  volunteers.  A  large  proportion 
was  obliged  to  watch  and  guard  the  towns  at  home.  The 
particular  towns  were  necessitated  to  fortify  themselves 
with  an  inclosurc  of  pallisades,  and  to  prepare  and  fortify 
particular  dwellings  for  garrison  houses,  which  might,  in 
the  best  manner,  command  the  respective  towns;  and  to 
which  the  aged  people,  women,  and  children  might  repair, 
and  be  in  safety,  in  the  time  of  danger.  For  three  years 
after  the  war  commenced,  the  inhabitants  paid  eleven 
pence  on  the  pound,  upon  the  grand  list,  exclusive  of  all 
town  and  parish  taxes.  After  the  war  was  finished,  they 
had  a  considerable  debt  to  discharge.  The  colony,  never- 
theless, was  highly  distinguished  and  favoured  in  many  re- 
spects. The  numerous  Indians  within  it,  were  not  only 
peaceable,  but  the  Moheagans  and  Pequots  were  of  great 
service  in  the  war.  They  were  not  only  a  defence  to  the 
eastern  towns,  but  especially  advantageous  in  discovering 
and  harassing  the  enemy,  and  in  preventing  a  surprise  by 
them.  Connecticut  had  not  one  party  of  men  surprised 
and  cut  off  during  the  war;  nor  did  the  colony  sustain  any 
considerable  loss  of  men,  at  any  time,  except  in  taking  the 
fort  in  Narraganset.  At  the  same  time,  the  legislature  and 
people  were  happy >  in  giving  seasonable  and  powerful  as- 
sistance to  their  confederates,  and  in  repeatedly  rescuing 
whole  towns  and  parties,  when  in  the  most  imminent  danger. 

number  here  staled.  The  histories  of  those  troubles,  rarely  mention  the 
barns,  stores,  and  out  houses  burned  ;  and  sometimes  there  is  notice  of  the 
burning  of  part  of  a  town,  and  of  the  buildings  in  such  a  tract,  without 
any  specification  of  the  number.  All  the  buildings  in  Narraganset,  from 
Providence  to  Stonington,  a  tract  of  about  fifty  miles,  were  burned,  or 
otherwise  destroyed,  by  the  enemy,  but  the  number  is  not  mentioned.  The 
loss  of  buildings  must,  therefore,  have  been  much  greater  than  has  been 
mentioned. 

The  militia  of  Connecticut,  in  1675,  amounted  to  2,250  men.  Of  these, 
the  commissioners  required  315,  as  their  proportion  of  the  1,000  men  then 
to  be  raised. 

If  the  proportion  was  just,  there  were  about  7,150  of  the  militia  of  the 
,  united  colonies.  Reckoning  every  fifth  man  a  soldier,  and  five  persons  to 
every  family,  there  were  7, 150 families,  and  35,750  inhabitants,  at  that  time 
in  the  united  colonies.  According  to  this  estimation,  about  one  fencible 
man  in  eleven  was  killed,  and  every  eleventh  family  was  burnt  out ;  or  an 
eleventh  part  of  the  whole  militia,  and  of  all  the  buildings  of  the  united  colo- 
nies were  swept  away  by  this  predatory  war.  This  greatly  exceeded  the 
toss  in  the  late  war  with  Great-Britain,  in  proportion  to  the  numbers  and 
wealth  of  the  United  States, 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XV. 


1676.  CHAPTER  XV. 


Measures  adopted  Jo  discharge  the  public  debt,  and  settle  the 
country  in  peace.  The  reasons  of  the  colony's  claim  to 
Narraganset.  The  former  settlers  and  owners  of  land 
there  apply  to  Connecticut  for  protection.  Major  Treat 
goes  to  the  upper  towns  upon  Connecticut  river,  to  treat 
with  the  Indians.  Fasts  appointed  through  New-England. 
Act  concerning  the  conquered  lands  in  Narraganset.  Na- 
vigation act  grievous  to  the  colonies.  Governor  Leet  takes 
the  oath  respecting  trade  and  navigation.  Answers  to 
queries  from  the  lords  of  trade  and  plantations.  Protest 
against  Sir  Edmund  Andross's  claim  to  Fisher's  Island. 
Character  of  Governor  Leet.  Commissioners  appointed, 
by  his  majesty,  to  examine  and  make  report,  concerning 
all  claims  to  the  Narraganset  country,  or  king's  province. 
They  report  in  favour  of  Connecticut.  Answers  to  the  re- 
newed claim  of  the  Duke  of  Hamilton,  and  opinions  on 
the  case.  Connecticut  congratulates  the  arrival  of  Colo- 
nel Dungan,  governor  of  New-  York,  and  agree  with  him 
respecting  the  boundary  line  betzoeen  that  colony  and  Con- 
necticut. Petition  to  King  James  II.  Settlement  of  Wa- 
terbury.  Quo  warrantos  against  the  colony.  The  assem- 
bly petition  his  majesty  to  continue  their  charter  privile- 
ges. Sir  Edmund  Andross  made  governor  of  New-Eng- 
land. Arrives  at  Hartford,  and  takes  the  government,  by 
order  of  his  majesty.  The  oppression  and  cruelty  of  his 
administration.  Distressed  and  sorrowful  state  of  the 
people. 

ONNECTICUT  had  now  conquered  the  Narraganset 
country,  and,  in  conjunction  with  the  other  confede- 
rates, terminated  the  war  in  this  part  of  New-England. 
Oct.  12th.  The  legislature,  therefore,  addressed  themselves  to  dis- 
charge the  public  debt ;  to  settle  the  friendly  Indians  in  a 
state  of  peace  among  themselves,  and  with  the  colonies; 
and  to  extend  their  settlements  in  tbe  Narraganset  coun- 
try, as  well  as  in  other  parts  of  their  jurisdiction.  To  dis- 
charge the  public  debt,  they  levied  a  tax  of  eight  pence  on 
the  pound,  upon  the  whole  list  of  the  colony,  in  October 
annually,  during  the  term  of  two  years.  They  appointed 
a  committee  to  hear  all  affairs,  which  the  Moheagans,  Pe- 
quots,  and  Narragansets,  under  Ninigrate,  or  Ninicraft, 
had  to  lay  before  them ;  and  to  do  whatever  they  should 
judge  expedient  to  promote  peace  among  them,  and  to  pre- 


CHAP.  XV.  CONNECTICUT.  353 

serve  their  friendship  and  attachment  to  the  English.     For  BOOK  I. 
their  encouragement,    the   legislature  granted    liberty  for  >^-v^' 
them  to  hunt,  in  all  the  conquered  lands,  during  their  plea-    1677. 
sure.     They  were  also  authorised  to  kill  and  destroy  any 
of  the  enemy,  who  should  return  to  their  country,  without 
submitting  to  the  colony  and  accepting  the  terms  which  had 
been  offered  them. 

At  the  election j  in  May,  1677,  there  was  no  alteration  in  Court  of 
the  legislature,  excepting  the  choice  of  Andrew  Leet,  Esq.  ?lectl°?' 
into  the  magistracy,  instead  of  captain  John  Mason,  who^^  ' 
died,   the  September  before,  of  the  wounds  he  had  receiv- 
ed in  taking  the  Narraganset  fort.     The  same  governor, 
deputy  governor,  and  magistrates  were  re-elected  for  seve- 
ral years  successively.     A  committee  was  appointed,  by 
the  assembly,  to  settle  all  affairs  of  government  in  the  Nar- 
raganset  country,  and  to  report  what  places   there  were 
there  adapted  to  the  purpose  of  planting  new  towns. 

As  the  Rhode-Islanders  had  deserted   the   country,  in  Determi- 
the  war,  and  had  done  nothing  in  the  defence  of  it,  and  as  "ation  °f 
the  Connecticut  volunteers  had  driven  the  enemy  entirely  c^ttTset" 
from  that  extensive   tract,   the  legislature  determined   to  tie  and 
plant  and  govern  it,  as  part  of  this  colony.  govern 

For  various  reasons  they  viewed  the  act  of  his  majes-  getrra?an 
ty's  commissioners,  determining  that  Rhode-Island    and  Reasons  of 
Narraganset  should  be  a  province  for  the  king,  as  a  mere  their  de- 
nullity.     Their  commission  gave  them  no  power  to  make  |frmma~ 
new  colonies.     It  required  that  colonel  Nichols  should  al- 
ways be  one  of  the  council,  that  any  of  its  acts 'might  be 
valid  ;  but  he  was  not  present  at  that  determination.    Fur- 
ther, colonel  Nichols,  with  two  or  three  of  his  council,  af- 
terwards reversed  that  judgment. 

In  the  same  point  of  light  they  viewed  the  agreement 
with  Mr.  Clark,  as  it  was  after  Mr.  Winthrop  had  obtain- 
ed the  Connecticut  charter,  and  sent  it  to  the  colony,  at 
which  time  his  agency  was  terminated.  Further,  that  a- 
greement  was  entirely  alien  from  the  business  of  his  agen- 
cy, and  without  any  instructions  or  authority  from  the  colo- 
ny. The  agreement  with  Mr.  Clark  was  considered  as  a 
nullity,  in  another  point  of  light,  as  the  charter  to  Rhode- 
Island  recognized  arid  had  reference  to  one  article  of  the 
agreement  only,  and  as  Rhode-Island  had  never  submitted 
to  one  of  the  other  articles.  In  direct  contravention  of 
them,  they  had  invaded  the  property  of  the  settlers  named 
in  it,  wantonly  carried- off  the  productions  of  their  lands 
and  fruits  of  their  labors,  driven  off  their  cattle,  forced  the 
inhabitants  from  their  possessions,  burned  their  fences, 

U.2 


$54,  HISTORY  OP  CHAP.  XV. 

BOOK  I.  and  even  pulled  sdown  their  houses.*  They  had  claimed 
VfcX-v'^w  jurisdiction  over  them,  after  they  had,  in  the  year  1663, 
1677.  chosen  to  belong  to  Connecticut,  and  formally  put  them- 
selves under  the  government  of  that  colony.  They  had 
not  regarded  the  agreement  even  with  respect  to  the  boun- 
daries, but  attempted  to  extend  their  limits  beyond  what 
was  expressed  in  the  charter.  Besides,  when  his  majes- 
ty had  previously  granted  that  tract  to  Connecticut,  there 
remained,  in  law  and  reason,  no  further  right  in  him  to  that 
country.  He  had  nothing  there  further  to  grant.  There- 
fore he  could  grant  nothing  there  to  Rhode-Island.  Con- 
necticut well  knew  that  Pawcatuck  never  was  called  Nar- 
raganset  river,  and  that  the  Narragansets  never  extended 
their  claims  so  far  westward  ;  but  that  Pawcatuck,  and  the 
country  some  miles  to  the  east  of  it,  belonged  to  the  Pe- 
quots.J  For  these  reasons,  the  legislature  considered  their 
title  and  claim  to  this  part  of  the  colony  as  clear  and  just, 
as  to  any  other  part  of  it  whatever. 

Mr.  Elisha  Hutchinson,  William  Hudson,  and  others,  their 

so^and""    associates>  claiming  a  large  tract  in  the  Pequot  and  Nar- 
others  pe-  raganset  country,!  applied  to   the  general  assembly   for 
tition  for    their  assistance  and  protection,  against  Rhode-Island,  ia 
protec-      the  re-settlement  of  their  lands.     The  assembly  determin- 
ed to  extend  their  protection  and  government  to  them. 
Oct.  11.          At  the  session  in  October,  the  upper  towns,  upon  Con- 
necticut  river,  sent  messengers  to  the  assembly,  acquaint- 
ing them,  that  there  were  considerable  bodies  of  Indians 
collected   together  in  their  vicinity ;  and  that  they  made 
proposals  of  peace,     The  messengers  solicited  the  assem- 
bly to  send  major  Treaty  the  deputy  governor,  with  a  de- 
tachment of  forty  men,  to  Northampton,  to  treat  with  them, 
or  to  defend  those  towns,  as  occasion  might  require.     The 
assembly  complied  with  the  request,  and  the  deputy  gov- 
ernor proceeded   immediately  to   Northampton.     He  was 
instructed,  in  the  first  place,  to  use  his  utmost  endeavours 
for  the  redemption  qf  the  captives,  with  money,  goods,  or 
by  any  other  means  in  his  power.     The  terms  of  peace, 
which  he  was  authorized  to  propose,  were  life  and  liberty, 
upon  the  submission  of  the  Indians  to  the  English,  in  the 

*  Prayer  of  the  inhabitants  to  the  general  court  of  Connecticut,  on  file, 
representing  the  outrages  of  the  Rhode-Islanders. 

|  Case  of  Connecticut,  with  respect  to  Narraganset,  stated,  in  which 
these  articles  are  largely  insisted  on. 

t  It  appears,  by  the  report  of  the  committee,  appointed  to  view  and 
make  report  concerning  the  state  of  Narraganset,  that  the  gentlemen 
mentioned  above,  major  Atherton,  and  their  associates,  owned  a  tract  of 
more  than  5,000  acres,  only  on  what  was  caUed  Boston  neck,  and  that 
large  tracts  were  owned  by  other  purchasers.  Indeed  the  principal  par* 
of  Narraganset  was  owned  By  them. 


CHAP.  XV.  CONNECTICUT.  355 

several  places  where  they  should  be  settled.     He  was  di-  BOOK  I. 
reeled  to  assure  the  Indians  of  protection  and  safety  during  v-x-v-^ 
the  treaty.     It  does  not  appear,  that  many  of  the  northern    1677. 
Indians  accepted  the  terms  proposed,  or  ever  returned  to 
their  former  places  of  abode.     Little  more  appears  to  have 
been  effected  by  the  treaty,  than  the  redemption  of  some  of 
the  captives. 

The  colonies,  at  this  time,  had  many  enemies,  and  the  1678 
inost  injurious  complaints  and  unfavorable  representations 
were  made  of  them  in  England.  Edward  Randolph,  es- 
pecially, whom  the  people  of  New-England  represented  as 
going  about  to  destroy  them,  was  indefatigable  in  his  com- 
plaints against  them,  and  in  aggravating  whatever  he  im- 
agined might  serve  to  their  disadvantage.  He  came  over 
to  Boston,  in  1676,  and  annually,  in  person  or  by  writing, 
made  complaints  against  them.  He  generally  returned  to 
England  in  the  fall,  and  in  the  spring  or  summer,  came 
over  fraught  with  new  mischief.  He  busied  himself,  a- 
mong  other  affairs,  in  complaining  of  the  colonies  for  their 
opposition  to  the  acts  of  trade  and  navigation.  Unhap- 
pily for  Great-Britain  and  the  colonies,  they  were  suffer- 
ing under  an  arbitrary  prince,  inimical  to  the  civil  and  re- 
ligious rights  of  his  subjects.  His  ear  was  open  to  com- 
plaints against  those,  who  did  not  cheerfully  submit  to  his 
despotic  impositions  ;  and  he  readily  promoted  those  who 
made  them.  The  colonies  knew  how  affairs  were  con- 
ducted in  England,  and  were  deeply  apprehensive  of  the 
danger  they  were  in,  of  a  total  deprivation  of  their  liber- 
ties. 

The  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies,  in  these 
views,  recommended  a  general  fast  to  the  confederate  colo- 
nies to  humble  themselves  for  their  offences,  and  to  pray 
for  the  divine  favor,  in  the  continuation  of  their  just  rights 
and  privileges. 

In  consequence  of  this  recommendation,  the  general  as-  Nor.  21 
sembly  of  Connecticut  appointed  the  third  Tuesday  in 
November  a  public  fast,  in  union  with  their  confederates, 
to  humble  themselves,  and  pray  for  the  purposes  recom- 
mended. 

The  general  assembly,  at  their  session  in  May,  1679,  to  May, 
prevent  the  people  of  Rhode-Island,  and  other  intruders, 167P 
from  taking   up  lands  in  Narraganset,  enacted,  that  none 
of  the  conquered  lands  should  be  taken  up,  or  laid  out  into 
farms,  without  special  and  express  order  from  them.* 

The  Rhode-Islanders,  in  the  time  of  danger,  deserted 
the  country  and  bore  no  part  in  the  war.     However,  as. 
*  Jlecords  of  Connecticut. 


356  HISTORY  -OF  CHAP.  XV. 

BOOK  I.  soon  as  the  inhabitants,  who  had  settled  under  Connecti- 
v^-v-^/  cut,  began  to  return  to  their  former  settlements,  to  build 
1679.    upon  their  lands,  and  cultivate  their  farms,  under  the  gov- 
ernment of  this  colony,  the   legislature  of  Rhode-Island 
began  to  usurp  authority  and  practice  their  former  vexa- 
tions. 

John  Cranston,  Esq.  governor  of  Rhode-Island,  held  a 
court  in  Narraganset,  in  September,  and  made  attempts  to 
introduce  the  authority  and  officers  of  Rhode-Island,  into 
that  part  of  Connecticut.  The  general  assembly  there- 
fore, in  October,  protested  against  his  usurpation,  and  de- 
clared his  acts  to  be  utterly  void.  They  also  prohibited 
all  the  inhabitants  to  receive  any  office  from  the  legislature 
of  Rhode-Island,  or  to  yield  obedience  to  its  authority.* 

The  acts  of  trade   and  navigation   were-  exceedingly 
grievous  to  the  colonies.     They  viewed  them  as  utterly 
inconsistent  with  their  chartered  rights.     This  made  them 
extremely   unwilling  to  submit  to  them.     Massachusetts 
never  would  fully  submit ;  but  as  it  was  matter  of  great  and 
continual  complaint  against  the  colonies,  and  as  his  ma- 
May  13,     jesty  insisted  on  the  respective  governors  taking  the  oath, 
r68°'L   t  resPect'ng  trade  and  navigation,  it  was  judged  expedient, 
took  the6    that  governor  Leet  should  take  it,  in  the  presence  of  the 
navigation  assembly.     It  was  accordingly  administered  to  him,  at  the 
oath.          session  in  May,  1680. 

This  assembly  ordered,  that  a  letter  should  be  written 
to  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  desiring  their  con- 
currence in  mutually  settling  the  line  between  that  colony 
and  Connecticut.  It  was  requested,  that  the  court  would 
appoint  a  committee  fully  authorised  for  that  purpose,  to 
join  with  one  from  Connecticut  vested  with  similar  powers. 
If  the  general  court  of  the  Massachusetts  should  refuse  to 
comply  with  this  proposal,  then  the  governor  and  his  coun- 
cil, with  such  as  they  should  appoint  to  that  service,  were 
authorised  to  run  the  line  without  them. 

Answers         The  lords  of  trade  and  plantations  having  transmitted  a 
to  queries,  number  of  queries  to  the  governor  and  company,  the  gov- 
JS&O. i>'     ernor  and  council  were  desired  to  answer  them.     By  their 
answers,  it  appears,  that  there  were  twenty-six  towns  in 
the  colony  :t    that  the  militia,  including  horse  and  foot, 
consisted,  in  1679,  of  2,507  men  :  that  the  annual  exports 
were  about  9,0001.  :  that  there  were  in  the  colony  about 
twenty  small  merchants,  trading  to   Boston,  New-York, 
Newfoundland,  and  the  West-Indies  :    and  that   its   ship- 
ping consisted  of  four  ships,  three  pinks,  eight  sloops,  and 

*  Records  of  Connecticut. 

^  Rye  and  Bedford  appear  to  have  been  included  in  this  number. 


CHAP.  XV.  CONNECTICUT.  357 

other  small  vessels,  amounting  in  the  whole  to  twenty-sev-  BOOK  1. 
en,  the  tonnage  of  which  was  only  1,050.     The  number  ofv»x-^-^w/ 
inhabitants  is  not  mentioned,  but,  from  the  number  of  the    1680. 
militia,  it  must  have  been  nearly  1 2,000.      To  one  of  the 
enquiries,  the  following  answer  is  given  :  "  If  so  be  Hart- 
ford, New-London,    New-Haven,  and  Fairfield,  might  be 
made  free  ports,  for  fifteen  or  twenty  years,  it  would  be  a 
means  to  bring  trade  there,  and  much  increase  the  naviga- 
tion and  wealth  of  this  poor  colony."*  SirEd- 

About  this  time,  Sir  Edmund  Andross,  governor  of  New-  mund  An~ 
York,  asserted  his  right  of  jurisdiction  over  Fisher's  Isl-  cl°*^s 
and,  as  included  in  the  duke  of  York's  patent.  Fisher's 

Upon  this  claim,  the  legislature  of  the  colony  asserted,  Island. 
"  that  the  said  island  was  a  part,  and  member  of  this  colo- 
ny  of  Connecticut,  and  under  the  government  thereof ;  and  test 
that  they  have  ever  exercised,  and  shall,  and  will  exercise  gainst  his 
government  there,  as  occasion  shall  require  ;  and  do  here-claim- 
by  declare,  and  protest  against  sir  Edmund  Andross,  and 
all  other  persons,  their  claims,  or  exercise  of  any  authority 
or  government,  on,  or  over  the  said  island."' 

At  the  election,  in  1683,  major  Robert  Treat  was  chos-  Election, 
en  governor,  and  James  Bishop  deputy-governor.      The  1683- 
former  magistrates  were  generally  re-chosen  ;  but  by  rea- 
son of  several  vacancies  which  had  been  made,  captain 
Robert  Chapman,  captain  James  Fitch,  Mr.  Samuel  Ma- 
son, and  Mr.  Joseph  Whiting,  were  elected  magistrates. 
The  change  of  governors  was  occasioned  by  the  death  of 
governor  Leet,  who,  after  faithfully  serving  the  colonies, 
for  many  years,  had  now  finished  his  course.]: 

*  Connecticut  book  of  patents,  letter?,  &c. 

J  The  governor,  William  Leet,  Esq.  was  bred  a  lawyer  in  England,  and  Character 
was,  for  a  considerable  time,  clerk  of  a  bishop's  court.  In  this  service  he  of  gover- 
becaiue  acquainted  with  the  conduct  of  the  bishops  towards  the  puritans,  nor  Leet, 
with  the  pleas,  and  serious  conversation  and  conduct  of  the  latter,  when 
arraigned  before  them.  He  observed  the  great  severity  which  the  court 
exercised  towards  them,  for  going  to  hear  good  sermons  in  the  neighbour- 
ing parishes,  when  they  had  none  at  home,  and  what  light  matters  they 
made  of  wantonness,  and  other  instances  of  gross  sin,  and  how  much  bet- 
ter persons  guilty  of  such  crimes  were  treated,  than  the  puritans.  This 
brought  him  to  a  serious  consideration  of  the  affair,  and  to  acquaint  him- 
self more  thoroughly  with  the  doctrines  and  discipline  of  the  puritans.  In 
consequence  of  this  he  became  a  puritan,  left  the  bishop's  court,  and,  in 
1638,  came  into  New-England,  with  Mr.  Whitfield  and  his  company.  Ht- 
was  one  of  the  seven  pillars  of  his  church.  In  1643,  he  was  chosen  magis- 
trate for  the  colony  of  New-Haven,  and  was  annually  re-elected,  until 
May,  1658.  He  was  then  chosen  deputy-governor  of  that  colony,  in 
which  office  he  continued  until  he  was  elected  governor  in  1661.  He  con- 
tinued chief  magistrate  of  that  colony,  until  the  union  in  1665.  He  was 
ihen  chosen  one  of  the  magistrates  of  Connecticut.  In  1669,  he  was  elect- 
ed deputy-governor,  and  was  annually  re-elected,  until  1676,  when  he  was 
chosen  governor  of  Connecticut.  During  the  term  of  forty  years,  he  was 
magistrate,  deputy-governor,  or  governor  of  one  or  other  of  the  colonies. 


358  HISTORY  OF  CHAI-.  X\. 

BOOK  I.      As  there  had  been  long  disputes  relative  to  the  Narra- 
v^-vx-'  ganset  country,  and  as  the  king,  in  consequence  of  the  act 
1683.    of  his  commissioners,  in  1G65,  claimed  it  as  his  province, 
commissioners  were  appointed  to  hear  and  determine  all 
titles  and  claims  respecting  that   tract.      On  the  7th   of 
Commis-    April,  1683,  his  majesty  king  Charles  II.  granted  a  com- 
sion  to  Ed-  mission  to  Edward  Cranfield,  Esq.  lieutenant-governor  of 
Cranfield    New-Hampshire,  William  Stoughtqn,  Joseph  Dudley,  Ed- 
&c.  April'  ward  Randolph,  Samuel  Shrimpton,  John  Fitz  Winthrop, 
7th,  1683.  Edward  Palms,  Nathaniel  Saltonstall,  and  John   Pynch- 
eon,  jun.  Esquires,  or  any  three  of  them,  of  whom  Edward 
Cranfield,  or  Edward  Randolph  was  to  be  of  the  quorum, 
"to  examine  and  enquire  into  the   respective  claims  and 
titles,  as  well  of  his  majesty,  as  of  all  persons  and  corpora- 
tions whatsoever,  to  the  immediate  jurisdiction,  govern- 
ment, or  propriety  of  the  soil*  of  a  certain  tract  of  land, 
within  his  majesty's  dominion  of  New-England,  called  the 
king's  province,  or  Narraganset  country  ;  and  to  call  be- 
fore them  any  person,  or  persons,  and  to  search  records, 
as  they  shall  find  requisite,  and   the  proceedings  therein, 
with  the  opinions  upon  the  matters  that  shall  be  examined 
by  them,  to  state,  and  with  all  convenient  speed,   report 
thereof  to  make  to  his  majesty." 

The  commissioners  convened  on  the  22d  of  August. 
1683,  at  the  house  of  Richard  Smith,  in  the  Narraganset 
country.  They  summoned  all  persons  and  corporations, 
in  whatever  place,  who  were  concerned  in  the  title  or  gov- 
ernment of  that  country,  to  appear  before  them,  and  to  pro- 
duce all  charters,  deeds,  records,  letters,  and  orders,  from 
his  majesty  and  council,  or  of  any  of  his  commissioners,  to 
the  respective  colonies,  governors,  or  governments,  which 
might  give  information  on  the  subject.  At  the  time  and 
place  appointed,  the  records  represent,  "  that  there  was 
the  greatest  appearance  of  the  most  ancient  English  and 
Indians,  then  living,  to  testify  the  truth  of  their  knowl- 
edge," respecting  the  matters  then  to  be  determined. 

The  commissioners,  having  fully  heard  every  thing  re- 
specting the  claims  and  title  to  that  part  of  New-England, 
adjourned  to  Boston,  and  there  made  a  report  to  his  ma- 
jesty, in  an  ample  manner,  declaring,  that  the  government 
of  it  belonged  to  Connecticut.  The  report,  so  far  as  it  re- 
spects this  colony,  and  can  reflect  light  on  the  subject,  is 
as  followeth. 

In  both  colonies  he  presided  in  times  of  the  greatest  difficulty,  yet  always 
conducted  himself  with  such  integrity  and  wisdom,  as  to  meet  the  public 
approbation.  After  he  was  chosen  governor  of  Connecticut,  he  removed 
to  Hartford,  where  he  died  full  of  years  and  good  works.  He  left  a  nume- 
rous offspring.  One  of  his  son<=?  Andrew  Leet,  Esq.  was  some  y^ars  on^  ci 
the  magistrates  of  the  colony. 


CHAP.  XV.  CONNECTICUT.  359 

"  In  humble  obedience  to  your  majesty's  commands,  we,  BOOK  I. 
your  majesty's  commissioners,  have  seriously  considered  ^x-vx^ 
the  several  claims  before  us.     We  find,  that  your  majesty,    ]683. 
by  your  letters  patent,  dated  at  Westminster,  the  three  and  Report  re- 
twentieth  of  April,  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  your  majesty's  ^Narra- 
reign,  granted  to  the  governor  and  company  of  Connecti-  ^met 
cut,  and  their  successors,  all  that  part  of  your  dominions  country, 
in  New-England,  bounded  on  the  east  by  Narraganset  bay,  Oct  20th, 
where  the  said  river  falls  into  the  sea,  and  on  the  norti^by  l 
the  line  of  the  Massachusetts  plantation,  and  on  the  south 
by  the  sea." 

'•'We  have  also  had  information,  that,  some  time  after 
your  majesty's  grant,  and  said  patent  was  sent  to  your 
colony  of  Connecticut,  the  said  country  of  the  Narraganset 
was  likewise,  by  patent,  granted  by  your  majesty  to  the 
governor  and  company  of  Rhode-Island  plantation,  and  is, 
by  charter,  bounded  by  a  river  called  Pawcatuck,  which, 
by  said  charter,  is  for  ever  to  be  accounted  and  called  the 
Narraganset  river :  And  this  latter  grant  of  your  majesty 
to  Rhode-Island,  seems  to  be  founded  upon  advice  submit- 
ted to  by  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  said  to  be  agent  for  Con- 
necticut colony,  and  Mr.  John  Clark,  agent  for  Rhode- 
Island:  to  which  Connecticut  plead,  that  Mr.  Winthrop's 
agency  for  them  ceased,  when  he  had  obtained  and  sent 
the  patent  to  them  ;  and  that  no  submission,  or  act  of  his, 
could  invalidate,  or  deprive  them  of  any  of  the  benefits 
graciously  granted  by  your  majesty's  charter :  and  that, 
notwithstanding  the  seeming  boundaries,  set  by  said  arti- 
cles, signed  by  Mr.  Winthrop  and  Mr.  Clark,  it  is  in  the 
same  articles  provided,  that  the  proprietors  and  inhabit- 
ants of  the  Narraganset  country  should  choose  to  which  of 
the  two  governments  to  belong,  and  that  they  unanimously 
chose  and  subjected  to  the  government  of  Connecticut." 

•'  With  humble  submission,  we  cannot  see  any  cause  to 
judge,  that  the  said  Pawcatuck  river  anciently  was,  or 
ought  to  be,  called  or  accounted  the  Narraganset  river." 

i.  u  Because  it  lies  some  miles  within  the  Pequot  coun- 
try, a  nation,  till  extirpated  by  the  English,  often,  or  al- 
ways, at  war  with  the  Narragansets,  and  to  which  territo- 
ries the  Narragansets  never  pretended." 

II.  "  Because  Pawcatuck  river  falls  into  the  sea  many 
miles  westward  of  any  part  of  Narraganset  bay,  which  is 
the  river  anciently  called  Narraganset  river,  both  because 
it,  on  the  eastward,  washes  and  bounds  the  whole  length  of 
the  Narraganset  country ;  and  for  that  Plymouth  colony, 
which  hath  now  been  planted  near  three  score  years,  have 
ever  since  bounded  themselves  according  to  the  sense  and 


360  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XV. 

BOOK  I.  meaning,  or  limitation  of  their  patent,  by  the  same  bay, 
>*^-*v~*-;  called  Narraganset  river,  towards  the  south." 
1683.  "Thus,  after  most  strict  and  impartial  inquiry  and  ex- 
amination, having  stated,  we  most  humbly  lay  before  youv 
majesty  the  several  original  claims  and  pretensions  offered 
to  us  with  respect  to  the  propriety,  both  of  jurisdiction  and 
.soil,  in  your  majesty's  province,  or  Nar^aganset  country; 
and,  i»  further  obedience  to  your  said  commission,  have 
seriously  weighed  and  considered  all  evidences,  pleas, 
proofs,  and  allegations,  &c.  and  with  most  humble  sub- 
mission and  reservation  of  your  majesty's  right,  offer  our 
opinions,  that  by  virtue  of  your  said  letters  patent,  grant- 
ed to  Connecticut,  jurisdiction  in,  and  through  the  said 
province,  or  Narraganset  country,  of  right  belongs  to  the 
colony  of  Connecticut;  and  that  propriety  of  soil,  as  de- 
rived from  Mr.  Winthrop  and  major  Atherton,  is  vested 
upon  the  heirs  and  assigns  of  said  Mr.  Winthrop,  the  heirs 
of  Thomas  Chiffinch,  Esq.  major  Atherton,  Mr.  Richard 
Smith,  Mr.  Simon  Lynde,  Mr.  Elisha  Hutchinson,  Mr. 
John  Saffin,  Mr.  Richard  Wharton,  and  partners." 

"  Finally,  we  hold  it  our  duty  humbly  to  inform  your 
majesty,  that  so  long  as  the  pretensions  of  the  Rhode- 
Islanders  to  the  government  of  the  said  province  continue, 
it  will  much  discourage  the  settlement  and  improvement 
thereof;  it  being  very  improbable,  that  either  the  afore- 
named claimers,  or  others  of  like  reputation  and  condition, 
will  remove  their  families,  or  expend  their  estates  under  so 
loose  and  weak  a  government." 

"  Your  majesty's  most  loyal  and  obedient  subjects. 
"  EDWARD  CRANFIELD, 
"  WILLIAM  STOUGHTON, 
"  SAMUEL  SHRIMPTO\. 
"  JOHN  PYNCHEOX,  jun. 
"  NATHANIEL  SALTOXSTALL." 
"Boston,  Oct.  20th,  1683." 

Connecticut  had  no  sooner  gained  their  point  against 

the  claims  of  his  majesty  and  Rhode-Island,   than   they 

Edward     were  obliged  to  answer  to  a  new  antagonist.     Edward 

Randolph,  Randolph,  Esq.  on  the  30th  of  June,  1683,  had  received  a 

EI^-          power  of  attorney  from  William  and  Ann,  duke  and  duch- 

duk™         ess  °f  Hamilton,  and  James,  earl  of  Aran,  son  and  heir  of 

Hamil-      William  and  Ann,  and  grandson  of  James,  marquis  of  Ham- 

*on'8         ilton,  to   sue  for  and  recover  their  right  and   interest   in 

lands,  islands,  houses,  and  tenements,  in  New-England. 

He  appeared  before  the  commissioners  at  Boston,  and,  in 

the  name  of  the  said  duke,  duchess,  and  earl,  claimed  the 

lands  which  they  supposed  had  been  granted  to  their  an 

cestor,  in  the  deed  of  1635. 


CHAP.  XV.  CONNECTICUT.  361 

This  renewed  claim  of  that  tract  of  country,  occasioned  BOOK  I. 
answers  from  the  proprietors  of  the  lands,  and  from  Con-  ^^^/••-^' 
necticut,  with  several  opinions  on  the  case.  1683. 

It  may  be  proper  to  communicate  the  substance  of  these 
to  the  public. 

Mr.  Saffin,  in  November,  gave  the  following  answer,  in 
behalf  of  the  proprietors. 

"  The  ends  aimed  at  and  propounded  in  the  king's  char-  Mr.  Saf» 
ter  to  the  great  council  of  Plymouth,  was  the  propagation  fin's  aa- 
of  the  gospel  among  the  heathen,  and  the  enlargement  of swer' 
his  majesty's  empire,  by  plantation  ;  and  whatsoever  grants 
were  made  by  said  council,  were  founded  upon  those  con- 
siderations ;  which  being  not  pursued,  rendereth  all  grants 
of  land  void.  Qui  sentit  commodum,  incommodum  sentire 
debet  et  onus.*  And  it  doth  not  appear,  that  his  grace, 
(as  other  patentees,)  did  transport  any  person,  or  plant 
any  colony,  nor  used  any  other  means,  either  to  instruct 
the  natives,  or  purchase  their  right  in  the  lands,  or  appoint- 
ed any  agent  to  take  possession,  in  order  to  the  improve- 
ment of  the  same.  But  it  is  probable,  that  the  duke,  under- 
standing a  former  patent  was  granted,  by  the  council  of 
t)evon,  to  the  lords  Say  and  Brook,  &c.  in  and  about  the 
year  1631,  and  purchased  and  improved  by  the  colony  of 
Connecticut,  might  divert  him  from  any  procedure  therein. 
The  copy  of  said  patent,  as  we  have  been  informed,  when 
exhibited  by  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  before  the  king  in  coun- 
cil, the  then  lord  chancellor,  Hyde,  declared,  the  lords  Say 
and  Brook's  title  to  be  good  and  unquestionable ;  and  upon 
that  interest,  we  presume,  it  was,  that  Connecticut  made 
application  to  his  majesty,  and  that  their  charter  was  grant- 
ed ;  the  lords  Say  and  Brook,  and  partners,  having  expend- 
ed nine  thousand  pounds  in  settlement  of  the  lands  claim- 
ed by  his  grace ;  and  had  made  considerable  improve- 
ments and  fortifications  upon  the  lands,  in  several  places, 
divers  years  before  the  date  of  duke  Hamilton's  grant. 

"  Our  present  gracious  sovereign,  &c.  hath,  by  his  royal 
letters,  manifested  his  approbation  of  the  purchase,  pos- 
session, and  improvement  of  his  loyal  subjects,  the  propri- 
etors here.  The  said  proprietors  have  been  necessarily 
engaged  in  a  bloody  war  with  the  Indians,  in  their  late  re- 
bellion. 

"  We  further  humbly  offer,  that,  in  regard  that  the  copy 
of  the  duke's  deed,  presented  by  Mr.  Randolph,  in  behalf 
of  his  grace,  seems  to  have  no  signification  of  any  hand  or 
seal  affixed  to  it,  nor  mention  made  of  any  witnesses,  said 

*  He  who  enjoys  the  benefit  of  a  grant,  ought  to  bear  its  disadvantage 
aud  burthen- 


362 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XV* 


BOOK  I.  to  be  the  original  instrument,  (yet  affirmed  to  be  a  true  copy 
s«^-v-x^  thereof,)  it  may  be  presumed  the  said  original  deed  was 
1G83»    never  completed  according  to  law." 

The   governor  and  council  of  Connecticut  answered, 
December  13th,  1683,  in  the  manner  following. 
Answer  of      "As  to  the  substance  of  the  duke's  claim,  so  far  as  it 
Connect!-   concerns  us,  it  is  preceded,  some  years,  by  a  grant  from 
duk*          f'lc  r*Snt  honourable,  Robert,  earl  of  Warwick,  to  the  lord 
Hamilton.  Say,  and  other  persons  of  honour  and  credit,  March  19th. 
1631,  whereas  his  grace's  deed  was  made  four  years  after. 
viz.  on  the  20th  of  April,  1635. 

"  By  virtue  of  his  majesty's  grant  to  lords  Say,  Brook. 
&c.  they,  and  their  assigns,  our  predecessors,  did,  at  their 
own  proper  charge,  about  the  year  1634,  begin  to  enter 
upon  the  said  lands,  and  so  have  continued  ever  since,  m 
actual  possession  and  improvement  thereof,  without  chal- 
lenge or  claim  from  duke  Hamilton  :  which  improvement 
hath  been  with  great  cost,  hazard,  and  labour  of  his  majes- 
ty's subjects ;  yet  by  the  blessing  of  God,  and  his  majes- 
ty's grace,  hath,  in  a  good  measure,  answered  the  ends  of 
those  grants  or  patents  ;  as  the  propagating  -the  Christian, 
religion,  and  the  increase  and  enlargement  of  his  majesty's 
empire :  of  all  which,  his  grace,  duke  Hamilton,  hath,  in 
these  parts,  done  nothing  that  we  know  of." 

"  His  present  majesty,  understanding  the  condition  of 
his  subjects  in  this  colony,  upon  our  humble  address,  April 
23d,  1662,  was  graciously  pleased  to  grant  us  a  charter, 
for  holding  the  lands  therein  granted  firm,  to  'us  and  our 
successors,  for  ever;  and  in  his  letters,  dated  April  23d, 
1 664,  sent  to  us  by  his  majesty's  honourable  commission- 
ers, he  is  pleased  to  call  his  grant  a  renewing  of  our  char- 
ter, which  must  relate  to  that  grant  made  by  the  earl  of 
Warwick,  in  the  year  1631  ;  for  we  had  no  other,  before 
his  majesty's  grant  and  confirmation  aforesaid. 

"  Under  these  securities  and  encouragements,  we  laid 
out  our  estates,  labors,  &c.  and  suddenly  after  our  first 
settling  we  were  engaged  in  a  bloody  war,  anno  37,  with 
the  Pequots,  which  was  chargeable  and  expensive  to  us. 
Also,  in  the  year  1675,  a  great  people,  who  inhabited 
the  Narraganset  country,  rose  up  against  his  majesty's 
subjects,  who  were  planted  in  these  parts,  slew  many  of 
them,  burnt  their  houses,  and  destroyed  their  cattle,  where- 
by we  were  engaged  in  another  bloody  war,  which  was 
the  cause  of  great  expense  of  blood  and  treasure,  (his 
grace  duke  Damilton  being  no  partaker  with  us  in  any  of 
those  expenses,  or  helper  of  us  therein,)  and  by  the  as- 
sistance of  Almighty  God,  and  countenance  of  his  majesty. 


CHAP.  XV.  CONNECTICUT. 

in  both  these  forementioned  wars,  we  overcame  our  ene-  BOOK  I. 
mies,  that  rose  up  against  us,  without  which  all  our  grants  ^^^^^^ 
would  have  been  of  little  benefit  to  us.  .  1683. 

"  It  is  required  by  his  majesty's  good  laws,  as  in  the 
twenty-first  of  king  James,  16th,  that  the  duke,,  and  all 
others,  should  have  sued  out  his  claims :  The  reason  of 
which  law,  as  it  is  very  great,  so  it  is  plcadable  on  our  ac- 
count ;  for  it  being  latent  unto  us,  for  near  fifty  years,  would 
prove  our  ruin,  if  thereupon  our  property  be  altered.  Had 
the  duke's  grace,  or  his  predecessors  timeously  set  his 
claim,  in  competition  with  lord  Say's  patent,  that  we  had 
purchased,  the  people  had  known  how  to  have  applied 
themselves  ;  but  after  half  a  century's  settlement,  as  afore- 
said, we  hope  his  majesty  will  be  pleased  to  secure  the 
same  to  his  good  subjects  here. 

"  We  desire,  that  we  may  have  a  more  fit  opportunity  to 
make  a  more  full  answer,  and  to  present  our  proofs. 
"  Per  order  of  the  governor  and  council, 
"  signed  per  me, 

"  JOHN  ALLEN,  Secretary." 

Some  years  after,  several  opinions,  by  gentlemen  learn- 
ed in  the  law,  were  given  on  the  case,  both  as  it  respected 
the  duke  o'f  Hamilton  and  the  colony  of  Rhode-Island. 

Sir  Francis  Pembertony  having  largely  stated  the  case 
between  Connecticut  and  the  duke  of  Hamilton,  says, 
"  Marquis  Hamilton,  nor  his  heirs,  or  any  deriving  from 
him,  have  ever  had  possession  or  laid  out  any  thing  upon 
the  premises,  nor  made  any  claim,  in  said  country,  until  the 
year  1683,  which  was  about  forty-eight  years  after  said  » 
grant,  the  said  heir  by  his  attorney,  claimed  the  said  lands, 
at  Boston,  in  New-England,  which  is  above  seventy  miles 
from  the  premises,  and  in  another  country." 

"  The  heir  of  said  marquis  Hamilton,  after  threescore  Sir  Fran- 
and  two  years,  demands  the  said  premises,  or  a  quit  rent.    is 
I  am  of  the  opinion,  that  the  heir  of  M.  H.  after  such  pur- 
chases  and  so  long  quiet  enjoyment  of  them,  &c.  ought  not 
to  recover  any  of  the  lands  or  grounds  or  quit-rents  out  of 
them. 

"  I  am  of  opinion,  that  these  purchasers,  by  virtue  of 
their  purchases,  and  so  long  and  uninterrupted  possession 
under  them,  have  an  undoubted  right  and  title  to  these 
grounds  and  lands,  and  the  buildings  and  improvement  of 
them,  and  ought  not  now,  after  so  much  money  laid  out 
upon  them,  and  such  enjoyment  of  them,  to  be  disturbed 
in  their  possession  of  them. 

"  FRANCIS  PEMBERTON." 

Mr.  Trevor,  having  stated  the  case  between  Connecticut 


364  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XV, 

BOOK  I.  and  Rhode-Island,  gives  his  opinion  to  the  lords  of  trade 
V^-NT-X^  and  plantations,  in  the  words  following.    "  1  am  humbly  ot 
1683.     opinion,  that  this  grant  to  Rhode-Island  is  void  in  /are,  he- 
Opinion  of  cause  the  country  of  Narraganset  bay  was  granted  before 
Mr.  Tre-    jo  Connecticut,  and  that  therefore  the  government  of  Nar- 
raganset  bay  doth,  of  right,  belong  to  Connecticut,  and  not 
to  Rhode-Island :  all  which   is  humbly  submitted  to  your 
honor's  great  wisdom. 

"  THOMAS  TREVOR. 
"October  28,  1696." 

The  aspects  of  Providence  upon  the  colony,  this  year, 
were  exceedingly  gloomy.  Besides  the  dangers  which 
threatened  them,  with  respect  to  their  civil  and  religious 
privileges,  the  people  were  visited  with  great  sickness  and 
mortality.  The  instances  of  death  among  the  clergy  were 
uncommonly  numerous,  and  many  churches  were  made  to 
sit  in  widowhood.  The  fruits  of  the  field  were  also  dimin- 
ished, and  the  inhabitants  in  various  ways  impoverished 
and  distressed. 

The  general  assembly,  in  October,  considered  the  di- 
vine dispensations  so  afflictive  as  to  demand  their  deepest 
humiliation.     A  general  fast  was  appointed,  and  the  peo- 
ple called  upon  to  repent  and  humble  themselves.* 
Commit-         Colonel    Dungan   having  lately  arrived  at  New- York, 
tee  to  con- t^g    assembly,    in  November,   appointed   major    Nathan 
fhe  duke's  Gquld,  captain  John  Allen,  and  Mr.    William  Pitkin,  a 
governor,   committee,  to  congratulate  him  upon  his  arrival  at  his  seat 
and  to  a-    of  government ;  and  to  agree  with  him  upon  a  settlement 
bounda-"   °^  boundaries  between  the  colonies.     The  committee  were 
ries,  NOV.  instructed  not  to  exceed  his  demands  of  twenty  miles  east 
14th.         of  Hudson's  river:  To  examine  his  powers  to  treat,  and  if 
they  were  only  conditional,  to  treat   with  him  upon  the 
same  terms.     They  were  directed  to  insist  upon  this,  that 
there  was  no  mistake  with  respect  to  the  rise  of  the  line  at 
Memoronock.     If  they  should  be  obliged  to  give  up  juris- 
diction at  any  place,  they  were  instructed  to  preserve  prop- 
erty inviolably  to  the  proprietors  ;  and  to  insist  on  the 
former  line,  unless  it  should,  in  any  place,  approach  near- 

*  The  proclamation  is  introduced  in  these  words,  "  Whereas  it  is  evi- 
dent to  all  who  observe  the  footsteps  of  Divine  Providence,  that  the  dis- 
pensations of  God,  towards  hi?  poor  wilderness  people,  have  been  very  so- 
lemn, awful,  and  speaking,  for  many  years  past ;  and  particularly  towards 
ourselves  in  this  colony,  this  present  year,  by  occasion  of  general  sickness 
in  most  places,  and  more  than  ordinary  mortality  in  some,  as  also  exces- 
sive rains  and  floods  in  several  plantations,  shortening  us  in  our  enjoy- 
ments ;  and  considering  also  the  holy  l,and  of  God,  in  bereaving  so  many 
churches  and  congregations  of  a  settled  ministry,  whereby  they  are  left, 
and  have  been,  some  of  them,  a  long  time,  as  sheep  without  a  shepherdi 
->s  if  th«  Lord  intended,  foF  our  tine,  to  quench  the  light  of  our  Israel  -" 


CHAP.  XV.  CONNECTICUT.  365 

er  to  Hudson's  river  than  the  distance  of  twenty  miles.     In  BOOK  I. 
fine,  they  were  required  to  make  his  honor  sensible,  that^x^v^^ 
the  former  line  was  legal  and  firm,    and  that  the  present    1683. 
settlement  was  solely  Tor  the  purpose  of  promoting  peace 
and  a  good  correspondence  between  his  majesty's  colony 
of  Connecticut  and  the  duke's  territories,  and  their  succes- 
sive governors. 

As  the  colony  had  been  certified,  by  letters  from  his  ma-  Address 
jesly,   of  a  conspiracy  against  himself  and  the  duke  of^P^s 
York,  the  assembly  addressed  him  on  the  subject.     They  majesty, 
declared,  in  the  strongest    terms,  their  utmost  abhorrence  Charles  II. 
of  all  plots  against  his  royal  person  and  government :  That 
they  prayed  for  kings  and  all  men,  and  especially  for  his 
majesty,  and  all  in  authority  under  him  :  That  they  feared 
God  and  honored  the  king.     In  such  suppliant  language  as 
follows,  they  prayed  for  the  continuance  of  their  chartered 
rights. 

"  Most  dread  sovereign,  we  humbly  pray  the  continu- 
ance of  your  grace  and  favor  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  those 
former  privileges  and  liberties  you  have,  out  of  your 
princely  grace  and  bounty,  bestowed  upon  us,  in  your  roy- 
al charter,  granted  this  corporation,  that  our  poor  begin- 
nings may  prosper,  under  your  shadow,  to  the  glory  of 
God,  and  the  enlargement  of  your  majesty's  dominions."'' 

The  committee  appointed  to  agree  yvith  colonel  Dun- 
gan,  with  respect  to  the  line  of  partition  between  Connec- 
ticut and  New-York,  came  to  an  agreement  respecting  it, 
November  28th,    1683.     It  was  agreed,  "  That  the  line  Agreement 
should  begin  at  Byram  river,  where  it  falleth  into  the  sound,  relative  to 
at  a  point  called  Lyon's  point,  to  go  as  the  said  river  run-  []ae   °^T 
neth  to  the  place  where  the  common  road,  or  wading  place,  between 
over  the  said  river  is;  and   from  the  said  road  or  wading Connecti- 
place,  to  go  north  northwest  into  the  country,  as  far  as  will  £fuetwi.nd 
be  eight  English  miles  from   the  foresaid  Lyon's   point ;  York, 
and  that  a  line  of  twelve  miles,   being  measured  from  the  Nov.  28, 
said  Lyon's  point,  according  to  the  line  or  general  course  168J~ 
of  the  sound  eastward,  where  the  said  twelve  miles  end- 
eth,  another  line  shall  be  run  from  the  sound,  eight  miles 
into  the  country,  north  north-west,  and  also,  that  a  fourth 
line  be  run,  (that  is  to  say,)  from  the  northernmost  end  of 
the  eight  miles  line,  being  the  third  mentioned  line,  which 
fourth  line,    with    thg  first  mentioned  line,   shall    be  the 
bounds  where  they  shall  fall  to  run  ;  and  that  from  the  eas- 
ternmost end  of  the  fourth  mentioned  line,  (which  is  to  be 
twelve  miles  in  length,)  a  line  parallel  to  Hudson's  river, 

*  The  nnmber  of  persons  giving  in  their  lists.  Oct.  1G83.  was  2,735,  and 
the  grand  jist  was  £159,385.  • 


366  HISTORY'OF  CHAP.  XV. 

BOOK  I.  in  every  place  twenty  miles  distant  from  Hudson's  river, 
**^~v~>*s  shall  be  the  bounds  there,  between  the  said  territories  or 
1683.  province  of  New-York,  and  the  said  colony  of  Connecti- 
cut, so  far  as  Connecticut  colony  doth  extend  northwards  ; 
that  is  to  the  south  line  of  the  Massachusetts  colony  :  only 
it  is  provided,  that  in  case  the  line  from  Byram  brook's 
mouth,  north  north-west  eight  miles,  and  the  line,  that  is 
then  to  run  tAvelve  miles  to  the  end  of  the  third  foremen- 
tioned  line  of  eight  miles,  do  diminish  or  take  away  land 
within  twenty  miles  of  Hudson's  river,  that  then  so  much  as 
is  in  land  diminished  of  twenty  miles  of  Hudson's  river 
thereby,  shall  be  added  out  of  Connecticut  bounds  unto  the 
line  aforementioned,  parallel  to  Hudson's  river,  and  twen- 
ty miles  distant  from  it  ;  the  addition  to  be  made  the  whole 
length  of  the  said  parallel  line,  and  in  such  breadth,  as  will 
make  up  quantity  for  quantity,  what  shall  be  diminished  as 
aforesaid." 


The  assembly,  in  the  session  of  May,  1684,  approved  of 
this  agreement,  and  appointed  major  Nathan  Gould,  Mr. 
Jehu  Burr,  and  Mr.  Jonathan  Selleck,  to  lay  out  the  lines 
according  to  the  stipulation.  The  lines  accordingly  were 
run,  and  on  the  24th  of  February,  1685,  were  ratified  by- 
governor  Dungan  and  governor  Treat. 
Law  made  Great  complaints  had  been  made,  in  England,  against 

against  pi-  tne  coionies  for  harbouring  pirates;  and  that  no  laws  had 

rates,  July  , 

5  1684.     been  made  against  them.     A  letter  had  been  written  to  the 

governor  and  company,  by  Lyonel  Jenkins,  Esq.  complain- 

ing of  this  neglect,  and  demanding,  in  his  majesty's  name, 

that  a  law  should  forthwith  be  made  against  piracy.     A 

special   assembly  was  consequently  called  on  the  5th  of 

July,  and  a  law  enacted  against  it,  and  a  copy  of  it  for- 

warded immediately  to  his  majesty's  secretary  of  state. 

May  14,         At  the  election,  1685,  Giles  Hamlin  was  chosen  into  the 

1685.         magistracy,  in  the  place  of  Mr,  Topping,  who  seems  now 

to  have  been  dead. 

A  letter  to  The  legislature,  at  this  session,  addressed  a  letter  of 
k'"S  condolence  to  his  majesty,  king  James  II.  on  account  of 
ies'  the  demise  of  his  brother,  king  Charles  II.  and  congratu- 
lating him  on  his  peaceful  accession  to  the  throne  of  his 
ancestors.  They  presented  him  with  the  strongest  assu- 
rances of  their  loyalty  and  attachment  to  his  royal  person 
and  government.  At  the  same  time,  sensible  of  their  dan- 
ger, under  a  prince  of  his  character,  they  most  humbly  be- 
sought him  to  continue  to  them  their  civil  and  religious 
privileges,  and  that  he  would  preserve  to  them  the  peace- 
able enjoyment  of  their  property. 

Upon  the  petition  of  a  number  of  the    inhabitants  of 


CHAP.  XV.  CONNECTICOT.  3G7 

Farmington,  presented  to  the  assembly  in  1673,  a  com-  BOOK  1. 
mittee  was  appointed  to  .view  Mattatock,  and  report  to  the  ^X-N/-X^ 
assembly,  whether  a  plantation  might  not  be  made  in  that    1686. 
tract.     In  May,  1674,  the  committee  reported,  that  Matta- 
tock was  a  place  sufficient  to  accommodate  thirty  families. 
.  Upon  this  report,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  settle  a 
plantation  there.     Some  time  after  the  settlement  commen- 
ced. The  number  of  sharers  was  about  twenty-eight.    May 
13th,   1686,  they  appear  to  have  been  vested  with  town 
privileges,  by  the  name  of  Waterbury.* 

In  the  last  years  of  the  reign  of  king  Charles  the  second, 
the  rights  of  the  nation  were  violated,  and  a  great  number 
of  corporations  in  England  and  Wales  were  obliged  to  re- 
sign their  charters.  Indeed,  he,  and  his  officers,  seemed 
to  sport  with  the  liberty,  property,  and  lives  of  his  sub- 
jects. King  James  the  second  began  his  reign  in  the  most 
flagrant  violation  of  the  laws  of  his  three  kingdoms.  His 
reign  grew  more  intolerable,  from  year  to  year,  until  he 
became  the  general  abhorrence  of  the  nation.  He  pro- 
ceeded in  the  same  lawless  and  cruel  manner  with  the  colo- 
nies, vacating  their  charters,  and  governing  them  by  the 
worst  measures  and  the  worst  men. 

In  July,  1685,  a  quo  warranto  was  issued  against  theQuowar. 
governor  and  company  of  Connecticut,  requiring  their  ap-  ranto, 
pearance  before  him,  within  eight  days  of  St.  Martin's,  to  Jul 
show  by  what  warrant  they  exercised  certain  powers  and 
privileges. 

The  governor,  having  received  intelligence  of  the  meas-  Special  ass- 
ures adopted  against  the  colony,  on  the  6th  of  July,  1686,  jembly'. 
called  a  special  assembly,  to  consult  what  might  be  done  jg^ 
for  the  preservation  of  the  just  rights  of  the  colony. 

The  assembly,  after  most  serious  deliberation,  addres-  The  as- 
sed  a  letter,  in  the  most  suppliant  terms,  to  his  majesty,  sembly  ad- 
beseeching  him  to  pardon  their  faults  in  government,  and  ^"gst"5 
continue  them  a  distinct  colony,  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  juiy  6th. 

*  Several  misfortunes  attended  the  plantation,  which  very  greatly  im- 
poverished it,  and  prevented  its  population.  In  February,  1691,  the  towu 
was  nearly  ruined  by  an  inundation.  The  rain  fell  in  great  abundance, 
and  the  frost  came  out  of  the  ground  very  suddenly,  which  rendered  it  un- 
commonly soft.  At  the  same  time,  the  river  rose  to  an  unusual  height, 
overflowed  the  meadows,  and  ran  with  such  rapidity  and  violence,  that  it 
tore  away  a  great  part  of  them.  Other  parts  were  covered  with  earth  and 
stone,  so  as  to  be  greatly  damaged.  Numbers  of  the  inhabitants  were  so 
discouraged,  that  they  left  the  town,  and  it  did  not  recover  its  former  state 
Tor  some  years. 

In  171-J,  on  the  15th  of  October,  began'  a  great  sickness  in  the  town, 
which  continued  udtil  the  18th  of  September,"  17 13,  and  was  so  general, 
that  there  were  scarcely  a  sufficient  number  well  to  attend  the  sick,  and 
bury  the  dead.  Between  twenty  and  thirty  persons  died  of  the  sickness. 
Manuscript;  of  Mr.  Southmayd.' 


368  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XV. 

BOOK  I.  their  civil  and  religious  privileges.     Especially,  they  be- 
^*x-v~x^  sought  him  to  recal  the  writ  of  quo  warranto,  which  they 
168G.    heard  had  been  issued  against  them,  though  it  had  not  yet 
arrived.     They  pleaded  the  charter  which  they  received 
of  his  royal  brother,  and  his  commendation  of  them,   for 
their  loyalty,  in  his  gracious  letters,  and  his  assurances  of 
the  continuance  of  their  civil  and  religious  rights.     They 
^     made  the  strongest  professions  of  loyalty,  and  of  their  con- 
stant supplications  to  the  Supreme  Ruler,  that  he  would 
save  and  bless  his  majesty. 

Quo  war-       On  the  21st  of  July,   1686,  two  writs  of  quo  warranto 

rantos  ar-  were  delivered  to  governor  Treat.  They  had  been  brought 

2iIt'July   over  ky  Edward  Randolph,  that  indefatigable  enemy  of 

the  colonies.     The  time  of  appearance  before  his  majesty, 

was  past  before  the  writs  arrived. 

Special  as-      Upon  the  reception  of  the  writs,  and  a  letter  from  Rich- 
jTb28th    ai(^  Normansel,  one  °f  tne  sheriffs  of  London,  the  governor 
immediately  convoked   another  special   assembly,  which 
Mr.  Whi-  met  on  the  28th  of  July.     The  assembly  appointed  Mr. 
tin^ap-      Whiting  to  be  their  agent,  to  present  their  petition  to  the 
a°ent!        king*     He  was  instructed  to  acquaint  his  majesty  with  the 
time  of  the  colony's  receiving  the  quo  warrantos,  and  of 
the  impossibility  of  its  making  its  appearance  before  his 
majesty,  at  the  time  appointed  :  fully  to  represent  the  great 
injury  which  the  colonists  would  sustain,  by  the  suspend- 
ing their  charter  rights  5  and  especially  by  a  division   of 
the  colony.     If  Connecticut  could  not  be  continued  a  dis- 
tinct government,  he  was  instructed  to  supplicate  his  ma- 
jesty to  continue  to  them  the  enjoyment  of  their  property, 
their  houses  and  lands,  and  especially  their  religious  privi- 
leges. 

Another  On  the  28th  of  December,  another  writ  of  quo  warranto 
quo  war-  was  served  on  the  governor  and  company,  bearing  date 
Dec°28th  October  23d,  requiring  their  appearance  before  his  majes- 
ty within  eight  days  of  the  purification  of  the  blessed  Vir- 
gin. Though  the  writs  gave  no  proper  time  for  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  colony,  and,  consequently,  no  time  at  all ; 
yet  they  declared  all  its  chartered  rights  vacated,  upon  its 
not  appearing,  at  time  and  place.  The  design  of  the  king 
and  his  corrupt  court  was  to  re-unite  all  the  colonies  to  the 
crown.  James  the  second  was  an  obstinate,  cruel  tyrant, 
and  a  bigoted  Roman  catholic;  destitute  of  all  the  princi- 
ples of  true  honour,  faith,  justice,  or  humanity.  He  wan- 
tonly trampled  on  the  constitution,  laws,  and  liberties  of 
the  nation ;  and,  with  his  ministers  and  officers,  in  an  un- 
righteous and  merciless  manner,  shed  the  blood  of  his  sub- 
jects, and  wreaked  his  vengeance  on  all  who  made  the. 


CHAP.  XV.  CONNECTICUT. 

least  opposition  to  his  lawless  proceedings.     The  most  BOOK  I. 
humble  petitions,  arguments  from  reason,  charters,   the  v^-v~x^ 
most  solemn  compacts  and  royal  promises,  from  justice,     1686. 
humanity,   or  any   other  consideration,  which  a  subject 
could  plead,  had  no  weight  or  influence  with  him.     Nearly 
fifty  corporations  in  England  had  been  deprived  of  their 
charters*     The  city  of  London,  and  the  corporation  of  Ber- 
mudas, had  stood  trial  with  his  majesty,  and  their  charters 
had  been  taken  from  them;     The  charter  of  Massachusetts 
had  been  vacated,  and  Rhode-Island  had  submitted  to  his 
majesty.     A  general  government  had  been  appointed  over 
all  New-England,  except  Connecticut.     By  the  commis- 
sion, instituting  this  general  government,  Connecticut  was 
totally  excluded  from  all  jurisdiction  in  the  Narraganset 
country,  or  king's  province.* 

The  governor  and  company  of  Connecticut,  however,  in 
these  discouraging  circumstances,  'spared  no  pains,  nor 
omitted  any  probable  means  for  the  preservation  of  their 
chartered  rights. 

A  special  assembly  was  called  on  the  26th  of  January,  gpecia]  av, 
1687,  after  the  reception  of  the  third  writ  of  quo  warranto,  semblyv 
to  deliberate  on  the  measures  to  be  adopted,  in  the  then  Jan-  26th> 
present  circumstances  of  the  colony.     Little  more,  how-  l 
ever,  was  done,  than  to  desire  the  governor  and  council  to 
transact  all  business,  which  they  should  judge  necessary 
and  expedient,  further  to  be  done  for  the  preservation  of 
their  privileges. 

The  election  in  May  proceeded  regularly,  but  the  as-  May  12th. 
sembly  did  nothing  important.     Fear  and  hesitation  ap- 
pear to  have  attended  the  legislature.     They  knew  not  Fear  and 
what  course  to  steer,  with  safety,  either  to  themselves,  or  thlstreSiS°f 
their  constituents.     They,  with  the  colony  in  general,  were 
in  great  fear  and  distress,  lest,  after  all  their  expense,  hard- 
ships, and  dangers,  in  settling  and  defending  the  country, 
and  all  their  self-denial  and  sufferings  for  the  sake  of  en- 
joying the  worship  and  ordinances  of  Christ,  according  to 
the  gospel,  they  should  not  only  be  deprived  of  all  their 
civil  and  religious  liberties,  but  even  of  their  houses  and 
lands.     There  was  no  security  for  any  thing  under  a  prince 
like  James  the  second.     He  had,  indeed,  in   his  letters, 

*  This  general  commission  was  granted  by  king  James  II.  in  the  first 
year  of  his  reign,  Oct.  8th,  1685.  Joseph  Dudley,  Esq.  was  appointed 
president  of  the  commissioners.  On  the  28th  of  May,  1686,  the  president 
issued  a  proclamation,  discharging  all  the  inhabitants  of  Rhode-Island,  and 
the  Narraganset  country,  from  all  obedience  either  to  Connecticut  or 
Rhode  Island  ;  and  prohibiting  all  government  of  either  in  the  king's  pro- 
vince. At  the  same  time,  the  president  required  the  entire  submission  of 
all  the  inhabitants  to  the  commissioners,  and  the  officers  whom  they  ?h<JuM 
appoint.  Proclamation  on  file. 

W2 


37(7  HISTORY  OF  GHAP.  XV. 

I.  promised  them*  the  presepvation  of  all  their  liberties  ;  yet, 
w  without  any  fault  on  their  part,  he  was  arbitrarily  wresting 
1687.    them  from  their  hands.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive,  and  much 
more  to  express,  the  anxiety  of  our  venerable  ancestors  in 
this  terrible  crisis  of  their  affairs. 

Mr.  Whiting  exerted  himself  in  England,  to  procure  all 
the  influence,  and  make  all  the  opposition  he  possibly 
could,   against  a  general   governor  of  the  colonies,   and 
especially  to  prevent  the  suspension  of  the  government  of 
Connecticut,  according  to  charter;  but  he  found  his  utmost 
Xo-ent        exertions  to  be  in  vain.     He  wrote  to  the  governor,  Janu- 
\Vhiting     ary  15th,  1687,  that  if  the  governor  and  council  would  de- 
I[nt0es  to    lend -their  charter  at  law,  they  must  send  over  one  or  more 
nor.S°     "  from  among  themselves.     A  special  assembly  was,  called 
Special  as-  uPon  tne  reception  of  the  agent's  letter,  which-  convened 
sembly,      on  the  15th  of  J  line,   to  deliberate  on  the  expediency  of 
June  15th.  sending  another  agent.     The  prospects  appeared  so  unfa~ 
Decline      vourable,  that  it  was  determined  not  to  send  another.     Mr. 
sending      Whiting  was  thanked  for  his  services,  in  favour  of  the  colo- 
nv'  anc^  desired  to  continue  them. 

Mr.  Dudley,  while  president  of  the  commissioners,  had 
Tfrtitten  to  the  governor  and  company,  advising  them  to  re- 
sign the  charter  into  the  hands  of  his  majesty,  and  promi- 
sing to  use  his  influence  in  favour  of  the  colony.  Mr.  Dud- 
ley's commission  was  superseded  by  a  commission  to  Sir 
Edmund  Andross  to  be  governor  of  New-England.  He 
arrived  at  Boston,  on  the  19th  of  December,  1686.  The 
next  day  his  commission  was  published,  and  he*  took  on 
him  the  administration  of  government.  Soon  after  his  ar- 
rival, he  wrote  to  the  governor  and  company,  that  he  had 
a  commission,  from  his  majesty,  to  receive  their  charter,  if 
they  would  resign  it ;  and  he  pressed  them,  in  obedience 
to  the  king,  and  as  they  would  give  him  an  opportunity  to 
serve  them,  to  resign  it  to  his  pleasure.  At  this  session  of 
the  assembly,  the  governor  received  another  letter  from 
him,  acquainting  him,  that  he  was  assured,  by  the  advice 
which  he  had  received  from  England,  that  judgment  was, 
by  that  time,  entered  upon  the  quo.warranto  against  their 
charter,  and  that  he  soon  expected  to  receive  his  majesty's 
commands  respecting  them.  He  urged  them,  as  he  repre- 

*  In  his  letter  to  governor  Treat,  June  26th,  1685,  he  says  :  "  As  we  can- 
not doubt  of  the  ready  and  dutiful  assurances  and  expressions  of  loyalty 
and  obedience,  from  our  good  subjects  under  your  government,  since  our 
accession  to  the  crown,  so  shall  we,  at  all  times,  extend  our  royal  care  and 
protection  to  them,  in  the  preservation  of  their  rights,  and  in  the  defence 
and  security  of  their  persons  and  estates  ;  which  we  think  fit  that  you  signi- 
fy uuto  the  iahabitants  of  that  our  colony."  Letter  of  king  James  IU  OR 


CHAP.  XV.  CONNECTICUT.  371 

sented  it,  that  he  might  not  be  wanting  in  serving  their  wel-  BOOK  I. 
fare,  to  accept  his  majesty's  favour,  so  graciously  offered  <*^~v~**s 
them,  in  a  present  compliance  and  surrender.  Colonel  1687, 
Dungan  also  used  his  influence  to  persuade  them  to  resign, 
and  put  themselves  under  his  government.*  But  the  colo- 
ny insisted  on  their  charter  rights,  and  on  the  promise  oi 
king  James,  as  well  as  of  his  royal  brother,  to  defend  and 
secure  them  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  privileges  and  estates:, 
and  would  not  surrender  their  charter  to  either.  However, 
in  their  petition  to  the  king,  in  which  they  prayed  for  the 
continuance  of  their  chartered  rights,  they  desired,  if  this 
could  not  be  obtained,  and  it  should  be  resolved  to  put  them 
under  another  government,  that  it  might  be  under  Sir  Ed- 
mund's, as  the  Massachusetts  had  been  their  former  corres- 
pondents and  confederates,  and  as  they  were  acquainted 
with  their  principles  and  manners.  This  was  construed 
into  a  resignation,  though  nothing  could  be  further  from 
the  design  of  the  colony* 

The  assembly  met,  as  usual,  in  October,  and  the  govern-  SirEd- 
ment  continued  according  to  charter,  until  the  last  of  thje  ™urul  An" 
month.     About  this  time,  Sir  Edmund,  with  his  suit,  and  c^s  to 
more  than  sixty  regular  troops,  came  to  Hartford,   when  Hartford, 
the  assembly  were  sitting,  demanded  the  charter,  and  de-  and  de- 
clared the  government  under  it  to  be  dissolved.     The  as- "J^jrthe 
•sembly  were  extremely  reluctant  and  slow  with  respect  to 
any  resolve  to  surrender  the  charter,  or  with  respect  to  any 
motion  to  bring  it  forth.     The  tradition  is,  that  governor  Governor 
Treat  strongly  represented  the  great  expense  and  hardships  Treat  re- 
of  the  colonists,  in  planting  the  country ;  the  blood  and  monstrates 
treasure  which  they  had  expended  in  defending  it,  both  ^.'"^er- 
against  the  savages  and  foreigners  ;  to  what  hardships  and  ing  it. 
dangers  he  himself  had  been  exposed  for  that  purpose ; 
and  that  it  was  like  giving  up  his  life,  now  to  surrender  the 
patent  and  privileges,  so  dearly  bought,  and  so  long  enjoy- 
ed.    The  important  affair  was  debated  and  kept  in  sus- 
pence,  until  the  evening,  when  the  charter  was  brought  and 
laid  upon  the  table,  where  the  assembly  were  sitting.     By 
this  time,  great' numbers  of  people  were  assembled,  and 
men  sufficiently  bold  to  enterprise  whatever  might  be  ne- 
cessary or  expedient.     The  lights  were  instantly  extin- 
guished, and  one  captain  Wadsworth,  of  Hartford,  in  the  jt  is  carri, 
most  silent  and  secret  manner,  carried  off  the  charter,  anded  off  by 
secreted  it  in  a  large  hollow  tree,  fronting  the  house  of  the  ?£p*airi 
Hon.  Samuel  Wyllys,  then  one  of  the  magistrates  of  the         " 
colony.     The  people  appeared  all  peaceable  and  orderly. 
The  candles  were  officiously  re-lighted  ;  but  the  patent  was 
*  Letters  of  Dudley,  Andross,  aad  Dungan,  on  file. 


372 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XV. 


Sir  Ed- 
mund as- 
sumes the 
govern- 
ment. 


The  op- 
pressive 
govern- 
ment of 
Sir  Ed- 
mnnd  An- 
dross. 


gone,  and  no  discovery  could  be  made  of  it,  or  of  the  per- 
son who  had  conveyed  it  away.  Sir  Edmund  assumed  the 
government,  and  the  records  of  the  colony  were  closed  in 
the  following  words. 

"  At  a  general  court  at  Hartford,  October  31st,  1687, 
his  excellency,  Sir  Edmund  Andross,  knight,  and  captain- 
general  and  governor  of  his  majesty's  territories  and  do- 
minions in  New-England,  by  order  from  his  majesty,  James 
the  second,  king  of  England.  Scotland,  France,  and  Ire- 
land, the  31st  of  October,  1687,  took  into  his  hands  the 
government  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  it  bejng,  by  his 
majesty,  annexed  to  Massachusetts,  and  other  colonies  un- 
der his  excellency's  government," 
"  FINIS." 

Sir  Edmund  appointed  officers  civil  and  military,  through 
the  colony,  according  to  his  pleasure.  He  had  a  council, 
at  first,  consisting  of  about  forty  persons,  and  afterwards, 
of  nearly  fifty.  Four  of  this  number,  governor  Treat,  John 
Fitz  Winthrop,  Wait  Winthrop,  and  John  Allen,  EsquiresT 
were  of  Connecticut. 

Sir  Edmund  began  his  government  with  the  most  flatter- 
ing professions  of  his  regard  to  the  public  safety  and  hap- 
piness. He  instructed  the  judges  to  administer  justice,  as 
far  as  might  be  consistent  with  the  new  regulations,  accord- 
ing to  the  former  laws  and  customs.  It  is,  however,  well 
observed, by  governor  Hutchinson,  that  "Nero  concealed 
his  tyrannical  disposition  more  years,  than  Sir  Edmund 
and  his  creatures  did  months."  He  soon  laid  a  restraint 
upon  the  liberty  of  the  press ;  and  then,  one  far  more  griev- 
ous upon  marriage.  This  was  prohibited,  unless  bonds 
were  previously  given,  with  sureties,  to  the  governor. 
These  were  to  be  forfeited,  in  case  it  should  afterwards 
appear,  that  there  was  any  lawful  impediment  to  the  mar- 
riage. Magistrates  only  were  allowed  to  join  people  in  the 
bands  of  wedlock.  The  governor  not  only  deprived  the 
clergy  of  the  perquisite  from  marriages,  but  soon  suspended 
the  laws  for  their  support,  and  would  not  suffer  any  person 
to  be  obliged  to  pay  any  thing  to  his  minister.  Nay,  he 
menaced  the  people,  that,  if  they  resisted  his  will,  their 
meeting-houses  should  be  taken  from  them,  and  that  any 
person  who  should  give  two  pence  to  a  non-conformist 
minister,  should  be  punished. 

The  fees  of  all  officers,  under  this  new  administration, 
were  exorbitant.  The  common  fee  for  the  probate  of  a 
•will  was  fifty  shillings.  The  widow  and  fatherless,  how 
distant  soever,  were  obliged  to  appear  at  Boston,  to  transact 
^11  business  relative  to  the  settlement  of  estate?.*  This 

*  Hutcbinson'a  Hist.  Vol.  I.  p.  353 


CHAP.  XV.  CONNECTICUT.  373 

was  a  grievous  oppression  of  the  POOF  people  ;  especially,  BOOK  F. 
of  the  fatherless  and  widow.  v^r^-s^/ 

Sir  Edmund,  without  an  assembly,  nay,  without  a  ma-  1687, 
jority  of  his  council,  taxed  the  people  at  pleasure.  He 
and  Randolph,  with  four  or  five  others  of  his  creatures, 
who  were  sufficiently  wicked  to  join  with  him,  in  all  his 
oppressive  designs,  managed  the  affairs  of  government,  as 
they  pleased.  But  these  were  but  the  beginnings  of  op- 
pression and  sorrow.  They  were  soon  greatly  increased 
and  more  extensively  spread. 

In  1688,  Sir  Edmund  was  made  governor  of  New-York, 
as  well  as  of  New-England,  and  the  same  kind  of  govern- 
ment was  exercised  in  that  department.!  As  the  charters 
were  now  either  vacated,  surrendered,  or  the  government 
under  them  suspended,  it  was  declared,  that  the  titles  of 
the  colonists  to  their  lands  were  of  no  value.  Sir  Edmund 
declared,  that  Indian  deeds  were  no  better  than  "  the 
scratch  of  a  bear's  paw."  Not  the  fairest  purchases  and 
most  ample  conveyances  from  the  natives,  no  dangers,  dis-r 
bursements  nor  labors,  in  cultivating  a  wilderness,  and 
turning  it  into  orchards,  gardens,  and  pleasant  fields,  no 
grants  by  charter,  nor  by  legislatures  constituted  by  them, 
no  declarations  of  preceding  kings,  nor  of  his  then  present 
majesty,  promising  them  the  quiet  enjoyment  of  their  hous- 
es and  lands,  nor  fifty  or  sixty  years  undisturbed  posses- 
sion, were  pleas  of  any  validity  or  consideration  with  Sir 
Edmund  and  his  minions.  The  purchasers  and  cultivators, 
after  fifty  and  sixty  years  improvement,  were  obliged  to 
take  out  patents  for  their  estates.  For  these,  in  some  in- 
stances, a  fee  of  fifty  poun,ds  was  demanded.  Writs  of  in- 
trusion were  issued  against  persons  of  principal  character, 
who  would  not  submit  to  such  impositions,  and  their  lands 
were  patented  to  others.  Governor  Hutchinson  observes, 
with  respect  to  Massachusetts,  that  "  men's  titles  were  not 
all  questioned  at  once.  Had  this  been  the  case,  according 
to  the  computation  then  made,  all  the  personal  estate  in  the 
colony  would  not  have  paid  the  charge  of  the  new  pa- 
tents."t 

The  governor,  and  a  small  number  of  his  council,  in  the 
most  arbitrary  manner,  fined  and  imprisoned  numbers  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Massachusetts,  and  denied  them  the  ben- 
efit of  the  act  of  habeas  corpus.  All  town  meetings  were 
prohibited  except  one  in  the  month  of  May,  for  the 


t  The  same,  p.  371.     It  is  strange,  that  Mr.   Smith,  in  his  history  of 
New-  York,  takes  no  notice  of  this,  nor  gives  any  account  of  Sir 
Administration. 

|  HutcJiinson's  Hist,  vol.  I.  p.  35$, 


S74  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XV. 

BOOK  I.  tion  of  town  officers,  to  prevent  the  people  from  consulting 
s^r-v-^/  measures  for  the  redress  of  their  grievances.     No  person 
1688.     indeed  was  suffered  to  go  out  of  the  country,  without  leave 
from  the  governor,   lest  complaints  should  be  carried  to 
England  against  his  administration.     At  the  same  time,  he 
so  well  knew  the  temper  and  views  of  his  royal  master, 
that  he   feared  little  from  him,  even  though  complaints 
should  be  carried  over  against  him.     Hence  he  and  his  de- 
pendants oppressed  the  people,  and  enriched   themselves 
without  restraint. 

The  most  humble  petitions  were  presented  to  his  majes- 
ty, from  corporations  of  various  descriptions,  beseeching 
him,  that  the  governor's  council  might  consist  of  none  but 
men  of  considerable  property  in  lands ;  that  no  act  might 
be  passed  to  bind  the  people,  but  by  a  majority  of  the  coun- 
cil ;  and  that  he  would  quiet  his  good  subjects  in  the  en- 
joyment of  all  property  in  houses  and  lands.*  But,  in  the 
reign  of  James  the  second,  petitions  so  reasonable  and 
just  could  not  be  heard.  The  prince,  at  home,  and  his 
officers  abroad,  like  greedy  harpies,  preyed  upon  the  peo- 
ple without  control.  Randolph  was  not  ashamed  to  make 
his  boast,  in  his  letters,  with  respect  to  governor  Andross 
and  his  council,  "  that  they  were  as  arbitrary  as  the  great 
Turk."  All  New-England  groaned  under  their  oppres- 
sion. The  heaviest  share  of  it,  however,  fell  upon  the  in- 
habitants of  Massachusetts  and  New-Plymouth.  'Connec- 
ticut had  been  less  obnoxious  to  government,  than  Massa- 
chusetts, and  as  it  was  further  removed  from  the  seat  of  gov- 
ernment, was  less  under  the  notice  and  influence  of  those 
oppressors. 

Governor  Treat  was  a  father  to  the  people,  and  felt  for 
them,  in  their  distressed  circumstances.  The  other  gen- 
tlemen, who  were  of  the  council,  and  had  the  principal 
management  of  affairs,  in  Connecticut,  were  men  of  prin- 
ciple, lovers  of  justice  and  of  their  fellow  subjects.  They 
look  advantage  of  Sir  Edmund's  first  instructions,  and  as 
far  as  they  possibly  could,  consistently  with  the  new  regu- 
lations, governed  the  colony  according  to  the  former  laws 
and  customs.  The  people  were  patient  and  peaceable, 
though  in  great  fear  and  despondency.  They  were  no 
strangers  to  what  was  transacted  in  the  neighbouring  colo- 
nies, and  expected  soon  fully  to  share  with  them,  in  all 
their  miseries.  It  was  generally  believed,  that  Andross 

*  Sir  Edmund,  with  all  his  vigilance,  could  net  prevent  the  carrying  over 
of  complaints  against  him.  Mr.  Increase  Mather,  got  on  board  a  ship,  and 
sailed  to  England,  for  this  very  purpose,  and  delivered  the  complaint?, 
•which  he  carried  over,  into  his  majesty's  hands. 


CHAP.  XVI.  CONNECTICUT.  375 

was  a  papist ;  that  he  had  employed  the  Indians  to  ravage  BOOK  I. 
the  frontiers,  and  supplied  them  with  ammunition  ;  and  that  \~*~\s-+*s 
he  was  making  preparations  to  deliver  the  country  into  the     1688. 
hands  of  the  French.     All  the  motives  to  great  actions, 
to  industry,   economy,   enterprise,    wealth,    and    popula- 
tion, were  in  a  manner   annihilated.     A   general  inactivi- 
ty  and  languishment  pervaded  the  whole  public  body. 
Liberty,  property,  and  every  thing,    which  ought  to  be 
dear  to  men,   every  day.  grew  more  and  more  insecure. 
The  colonies  were  in  a  state  of  general  despondency,  with 
respect  to  the  restoration  of  their  privileges,  and  the  truth 
of  that  divine  maxim,  "  when  the  wicked  beareth  rule  the 
people  mourn,"  was,  in  a  striking  manner,  every  where 
exemplified. 


CHAPTEIOXVJ. 

Revolution  in  New -England.  Connecticut  resume  their  gov- 
ernment. Address  to  king  William.  Troops  raised  for 
the  defence  of  the  eastern  settlements  in  New-Hampshire 
and  the  province  of  Maine.  French  and  Indian  war. 
Schencctady  destroyed.  Connecticut  dispatch  a  reinforce- 
ment to  Albany.  Expedition  against  Canada.  The  land 
army  retreats,  and  the  enterprise  proves  unsuccessful. 
Leisler^s  abuse  of  major  general  Winthrop.  The  assem- 
bly of  Connecticut  approve  the  general's  conduct.  Thanks 
are  returned  to  Mr.  Mather,  agent  Whiting,  and  Mr.  Por- 
ter. Opinions  respecting  the  charter,  and  the  legality  of 
Connecticut's  assuming  their  government.  Windham  set- 
tled. The  Mohawk  castles  are  surprised  and  the  country 
alarmed.  Connecticut  send  troops  to  Albany.  Colonel 
Fletcher,  governor  of  New-York,  demands  the  command- 
of  the  militia  of  Connecticut.  The  colony  -petition  king 
William  on  the  subject.  Colonel  Fletcher  comes  to  Hart- 
ford, and,  in  person,  demands  that  the  legislature  submit 
the  militia  to  his  command ;  but  (hey  refuse.  Captain 
Wadsworth  prevents  the  reading  of  his  commission,  and 
the  colonel  judges  it  expedient  to  leave  the  colony.  The 
fase  of  Connecticut  relative  to  the  militia  stated.  His 
majesty  determines  in  favor  of  f he  colony.  Committees 
are  appointed  to  settle  the  boundary  line  between  Connec- 
ticut and  Massachusetts.  General  Winthrop  returns  and 
reoei-ses  public  thank*.  Congratulation  of  the  earl  of 


376  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVI, 

BOOK  I.      Bellemont,  appointed  governor  of  New-York  andMassa- 
i^^-v^/      chusetts.     Dispute  with  Rhode- Island  continues.     Com- 
mittee to  settle  the   boundaries.     Expenses    of  the  war. 
Vexatious  conduct  of  governor  Fletcher.     Peace,  joy  and 
thanksgiving. 

1689.  ^1 CARCELY  any  thing  cotild  be  more  gloomy  and  dis- 
^  tressful,  than  the  state  of  public  affairs,  in  New-Eng- 
land, at  the  beginning  of  this  year.  But  in  the  midst  of 
darkness  light  arose.  While  the  people  had  prayed  in 
vain  to  an  earthly  monarch,  their  petitions  had  been  more 
successfully  presented  to  a  higher  throne.  Providence 
wrought  gloriously  for  their  and  the  nation's  deliverance. 
On  the  5th  of  November,  1688,  the  prince  of  Orange  land- 
Revolution  ecj  at  Torbay,  in  England.  He  immediately  published  a 

in  New-        j      ,          .  i- 1  •      i      •  •   •  •          i      i  •        i 

England,  declaration  oi  his  design,  in  visiting  the  kingdom.  A  co- 
py of  this  was  received  at  Boston,  by  one  Mr.  Winslow,  a 
gentleman  from  Virginia,  in  April,  1689.  Governor  An- 
dross  and  his  council  were  so  alarmed  with  the  news,  that 
they  ordered  Mr.  Winslow  to  be  arrested  and  committed  to 
gaol  for  bringing  a  false  and  traitorous  libel  into  the:  coun- 
try. They  also  issued  a  proclamation  commanding  all  the 
officers  and  people  to  be  in  readiness  to  prevent  the  land- 
ing of  any  forces,  which  the  prince  of  Orange  might  send 
into  that  part  of  America.  But  the  people,  who  sighed  un- 
der their  burthens,  secretly  wished  and  prayed  for  success 
to  his  glorious  undertaking.  The  leaders  in  the  country 
determined  quietly  to  Wait  the  event ;  but  the  great  body 
of  the  inhabitants  had  less  patience.  Stung  with  past  in- 
juries, and  encouraged  at  the  first  intimations  of  relief,  the 
fire  of  liberty  re  kindled,  and  the  flame,  which,  for  a  long 
time,  had  been  smothered  in  their  bosoms,  burst  forth  with 
irresistible  violence. 

On  the  18th  of  April,  the  inhabitants  of  Boston  and  the 
adjacent  towns  rose  in  arms,  made  themselves  masters  ot 
the  castle,  seized  Sir  Edmund  Andross  and  his  council,  and 
persuaded  the  old  governor  and  council,  at  Boston,  to 
resume  the  government. 

°elt 'reas       ^n  the  9th  of  ^ay'  * 689'  Sovernor  Robert  Treat,  deputy 
smmecTat "  governor  James  Bishop,  and  the  former  magistrates,  at  the 
Connccti-  desire  of  the  freemen,  resumed  the  government  of  Connec- 
cut,  May    ticut.     Major  general  John  Winthrop  was,  at  the  same 
'    °  '      time  chosen  into  the  magistracy,  to  complete  the  number 
appointed  by  charter.     The  freemen  voted,   that,   for  the 
present  safety  of  that  part  of  New-England  called  Connec- 
ticut, the  necessity  of  its  circumstances  so  requiring,  "  they 
would  re-establish  government,  as  it  was  before,   and  at 


CHAP.  XVI.  CONNECTICUT.  377 

the  time,  when  Sir  Edmund  Andross  took  it,  and  so  have  it  BOOK  I. 
proceed,   as  it  did  before  that  time,  according  to  charter ;  S^-N^->^ 
engaging  themselves  to  submit  to  it  accordingly,  until  there    1689. 
should  be  a  legal  establishment  among  them." 

The  assembly  having  formed,  came  to  the  following 
resolution  :  "  That  whereas  this  court  hath  been  interrupt- 
ed, in  the  management  of  the  government  in  this  colony  of 
Connecticut,  for  nineteen  months  past,  it  is  now  enacted, 
ordered,  and  declared,  that  all  the  laws  of  this  colony, 
made  according  to  charter,  and  courts  constituted  for  the 
administration  of  government,  as  they  were  before  the 
late  interruption,  shall  be  of  full  force  and  virtue,  for  the 
future,  and  until  this  court  shall  see  cause  to  make  further 
and  other  alterations,  according  to  charter."  The  assem- 
bly then  confirmed  all  military  officers  in  their  respective 
posts,  and  proceeded  to  appoint  their  civil  officers,  as  had 
been  customary  at  the  May  session. 

It  was  expected,  that  it  might  soon  be  necessary  to  trans-  Resolve  of 
act  matters  of  the  highest  importance,  respecting  the  most  t}16  depu- 
essential  rights  of  the  colony.     The  deputies  therefore  re- ties" 
solved,  that  if  occasion  should  require  any  thing  to  be  act- 
ed, respecting  the  charter,  the  governor  should  call  the  as- 
sembly, and  not  leave  the  affair  with  the  council. 

Upon  the  26th  of  May,  a  ship  arrived  at  Boston  with 
advice  that  William  and  Mary  were  proclaimed  king  and 
quren  of  England.  The  joyful  news  soon  reached  Con- 
necticut. A  special  assembly  was  called,  which  convened 
on  lh<  J3th  of  June.  On  the  same  day,  William  and  Ma- 
i*y,  prince  and  princess  of  Orange,  were  proclaimed  with 
great  ceremony  and  joy.  Never  was  there  greater  or  more 
general  joy  in  New-England,  than  upon  the  accession. of 
William  and  Mary  to  the  throne  of  Great-Britain.  The 
"bands  of  oppression  were  now  loosed,  the  fears  of  the  peo- 
ple dissipated,  and  joy  brightened  in  every  countenance. 

The  legislature  addressed  his  majesty,  in  the  most  loyal  Addres* 
and  dutiful  manner.  They  represented,  that  the  Lord,  *° 
•who  sitteth  king  upon  the  floods,  had  separated  his  ene- 
mies  from  him,  as  he  divided  the  waters  of  Jordan  before 
his  chosen  people ;  and  that,  by  the  great  actions  which 
lie  had  performed,  in  rescuing  the  nation  from  popery  and 
despotism,  God  had  begun  to  magnify  him,  as  he  did  Josh- 
ua, in  the  sight  of  all  Israel.  In  strong  terms,  they  de- 
clared, that  it  was  because  the  Lord  loved  his  people,  that 
he  had  exalted  him  to  be  king  over  them,  to  execute  jus- 
tice and  judgment.  They  most  humbly  presented  their 
grateful  acknowledgments  to  him,  for  his  zeal  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  nation,  and  for  the  protestant  interest.  At  the 
X2 


373  HISTORY  OF*  CHAP.  XVL 

BOOK  I.  same  time,  they  represented  to  his  majesty  the  charter 
v-*~v~x»/  privileges,  which  they  had  obtained,  and  the  manner  in 
1689.  v/hich  Sir  Edmund  Andross  had  suppressed  their  govern* 
ment  by  charter  :  That  they  had  never  surrendered  it,  and 
that  there  had  been  no  enrolment  of  any  surrender  of  it,  or 
act,  in  law,  against  it :  And  that,  to  avoid  the  inconven- 
iences of  having  no  government,  and  for  their  defence  a- 
gainst  their  enemies,  they  had,  at  the  desire  of  the  freemen, 
resumed  the  government  according  to  their  ancient  form. 
They  humbly  prayed  for  his  majesty's  directions,  and  his 
gracious  confirmation  of  their  charter  rights.*  The  court 
ordered,  that  Mr.  Whiting  should  present  their  address  to 
his  majesty. 

Revolu-  Meanwhile  a  revolution  had  been  made  at  New- York. 
New*  ^ne  caPtain  Jacob  Leisler  had  assumed  the  government  of 
York.  that  province,  and  kept  the  fort  and  city  in  behalf  of  king 
William.  He  had  written  to  Connecticut  and  solicited  as- 
sistance in  defending  the  province.  The  assembly  ap- 
pointed major  Gould  and  captain  James  Fitch  to  proceed 
to  New- York,  and  confer  with  Leisler  and  his  council  rela- 
tive to  the  defence  of  the  frontiers.  The  committee,  with 
captain  Leisler,  were  authorized  to  determine  the  number 
of  men  to  be  employed  and  the  measures  to  be  adopted  for 
that  purpose.  In  consequence  of  their  determination,  the 
governor  and  council  dispatched  captain  Bull,  with  a  com- 
pany, to  Albany,  for  the  defence  of  that  part  of  the  coun- 
try, and  to  assist  in  a  treaty  with  the  Five  Nations,  with  a 
view  to  secure  their  friendship  and  attachment,  as  far  as 
possible,  to  the  English  colonies.  Connecticut  also  sent  a 
detachment  of  men  to  assist  captain  Leister  in  the  defence 
of  the  fort  and  city  of  New- York. 

While  the  French  and  Indians  were  threatening  the  north- 
ern frontiers,  the  eastern  Indians  were  carrying  on  their 
depredations  in  the  eastern  parts  of  New-England.  In. 
September,  a  special  assembly  was  called  on  that  account. 
Commissioners  were  appointed  to  consult  with  the  commis- 
sioners of  the  other  colonies,  relative  to  the  war  in  those 
parts.  A»  it  was  imagined  the  Indians  there  had  been  in- 
jured, by  governor  Andross  and  his  officers,  the  commis- 
sioners were  instructed  to  enquire  into  the  grounds  of  the 
war  with  them  ;  and  if  it  should  appear  that  they  had  been 
injured,  to  use  their  utmost  influence,  that  justice  might  be 
done  them,  and  the  country  quieted  in  that  way.  But  if 
they  found  the  war  to  be  just  and  necessary,  they  were  au- 
thorized to  engage  the  colony's  full  proportion  of  men,  un- 
less it  should  amount  to  more  than  two  hundred.  Two 
*  Appendix  No.  XXIII. 


CHAP.  XVI.  CONNECTICUT.  379 

companies  were  afterwards  appointed  to  that  service,  im-  BOOK  I, 
der  the  command  of  captains  George  Denison  andEbene-  v-^-v-^/ 
zer  Johnson.  1689. 

At  the  session  in  October,  it  was  resolved,  ihat  by  rea-  Oct- *°- 
.son  of  the  great  expense  of  the  colony,  in  defending  his  ma- 
jesty's subjects,    jn   other  parts,  it  was  necessary  to  with- 
draw the  aid  which  they  had  sent  to  New- York. 

At  this  general  court,  the  law  respecting  the  choice  of 
the  governors  and  magistrates  was  enacted  nearly  in  the 
words  in  which  it  now  stands;  but  it  instituted  a  mode  of 
nomination  different  from  the  present.  This  was  to  be 
made  on  the  third  Tuesday  in  March  annually,  and  the 
votes  were  to  be  carried  to  Hartford  by  the  constables  of 
the  county  towns,  and  on  the  last  Tuesday  in  the  month 
were,  by  them,  to  be  sorted  and  counted  in  the  council 
chamber.  The  nomination  was  then  transmitted  to  the 
several  towns. 

While  the  revolution  delivered  the  nation  from  vassalage 
and  popery,  it  involved  it  in  an  immediate  war  with 
France,  and  the  colonies  in  a  French  and  Indian  war.  A 
large  number  of  troops  and  a  considerable  fleet  were  sent 
from  France,  in  1689,  with  a  special  view  to  the  reduction 
of  New- York.  The  enterprise  was  frustrated  by  the  dis- 
tressed condition  to  which  the  incursions  of  the  Mohawks 
bad  reduced  Canada, 

Count  Frontenac,  to  raise  the  depressed  spirits  of  the 
Canadians,  sent  out  several  parties  of  French  and  Indians 
against  the  settlements  in  New-York  and  New-England. 
A  detachment  of  between  two  and  three  hundred  French 
and  Indians,  under  the  command  of  D'Aillebout,  De  Man- 
tel, and  Le  Moyn,  were  dispatched  from  Montreal  against 
the  frontiers  of  New-York.  They  were  furnished  with  ev- 
ery thing  necessary  for  a  winter's  campaign.  After  a 
march  of  two  and  twenty  days,  in  the  dead  of  winter,  they 
reached  Schenectady,  on  Saturday,  the  8th  of  February, 
1690.  They  had  been  reduced  to  such  straits  that  they 
had  thoughts  of  surrendering  themselves  prisoners  of  war.  J^™" 
But  their  scouts,  who  had  been  a  day  or  two  in  the  village,  Schenec- 
entirely  unsuspected,  returned  with  such  accounts  of  the  *ady,  Feb. 
security  of  the  inhabitants,  as  determined  them  to  make  an  c»  16 
attack  upon  them.  They  found  the  gates  open  and  un- 
guarded. They  entered  them  about  eleven  o'clock,  and 
that  they  might  invest  every  house,  at  the  same  time,  they 
divided  into  small  parties  of  six  or  seven  men.  The  in- 
habitants were  in  a  profound  sleep,  and  unalarmed  until 
the  enemy  had  broken  open  their  doors,  and  they  were  on 
the  verge  of  destruction.  Never  were  a  poor  people  more 


3SO 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XVL 


BOOK  I.  dreadfully  surprised.  Before  they  had  time  to  rise  from 
^^^s-^s  their  beds,  the  enemy  began  the  perpetration  of  the  most 
1690.  inhuman  barbarities.  No  tongue,  says  colonel  Schuyler, 
in  his  letter  to  the  colonies,  can  express  the  cruelties  which 
were  committed.  The  inhabitants  were  instantly  slain, 
and  the  whole  village  was  in  flames.  Pregnant  women 
were  ripped  open,  and  their  infants  cast  into  the  flames  or 
dashed  against  the  posts  of  the  doors.  Sixty  persons  per- 
ished in  the  massacre,  and  twenty  were  captivated.  The 
rest  of  the  inhabitants  escaped  in  their  shirts,  in  a  most 
stormy  and  severe  night,  and  through  a  deep  snow,  which 
fell  at  the  same  time.  Twenty  five  of  the  fugitives  lost 
their  limbs,  in  the  flight,  through  the  sharpness  of  the  frost. 
Captain  Bull's  lieutenant,  one  of  his  sergeants,  and  three 
other  men  were  killed,  and  five  captivated.  The  enemy 
killed  all  the  cattle  and  horses,  which  they  could  find,  ex- 
cept about  fifty  of  the  best  horses,  which  they  carried  off, 
loaded  with  the  p'under  of  the  village. 

When  the  news  of  this  destruction  reached  Albany,  the 
next  morning,  an  universal  fear  and  consternation  seized 
the  inhabitants.  The  country  became  panick  struck,  and 
many  entertained  thoughts  of  destroying  the  town  and  aban- 
doning that  part  of  the  country  to  the  enemy.  Indeed, 
,  the  whole  province  of  New-York  was  in  deplorable  cir- 
cumstances. Leisler,  who  had  assumed  the  government, 
was  a  weak,  imprudent  man,  and  there  was  a  violent  oppo- 
sition both  to  him  and  his  measures,  especially  at  Albany. 
Government  was  nearly  dissolved.  The  people  would  not 
suffer  the  officers,  posted  at  Albany  and  Schenectady,  to 
keep  a  regular  watch,  or  to  maintain  any  kind  of  military 
order.  Captain  Bull  had  remonstrated  against  their  con- 
duct, and  threatened  to  withdraw  his  troops,  unless  they 
would  submit  to  order.  The  bad  weather  only  had  pre- 
vented him  from  withdrawing  the  detachment  from  Sche- 
nectady. The  people  had  been  warned  of  their  danger, 
and  that  an  expedition  had  been  undertaken  by  the  ene- 
my against  that  part  of  the  country;  but  they  imagined, 
that  it  was  impracticable  for  any  men  to  march  hundreds 
of  miles,  with  their  arms  and  provisions,  through  the  snow, 
in  the  depth  of  winter.  This  infatuation  and  disorder  was 
the  occasion  of  their  destruction.* 

A  second  party  of  the  enemy,  which  count  Frontenac 
had  detached  from  the  three  rivers,  under  the  command  of 
the   sieur  Hartel,  an  officer  of  distinguished  character  in 
March  18  Canada,  on  the   18th  of  March,  fell  upon  Salmon  Falls. 
'  This  was  a  plantation  on  the  river  which  divides   New- 
*  Colonel  Schuyler's  and  captain  Bull's  letters  op  file. 


Destruc- 
tion of 
Salmon 
Falls, 


CHAP.  XVI.  CONNECTICUT.  381 

Hampshire  from  the  province  of  Maine.     This  party  con-  BOOK  I. 
sisted  of  about  fifty  men,  nearly  half  Indians.     They  com-  ^*-^s-***s 
menced  the  attack  at  break  of  day,  in  three  different  places.    1690. 
Though  the  people  were  surprised,  yet   they  flew  to  their 
arms,  and  defended  themselves  with  a  bravery  which  even 
their  enemies  applauded.     But  they  were  finally  overpow- 
ered by  numbers,  and  the  whole  settlement  was  pillaged 
and  burned.     Six  and  thirty  men  were  killed,  and  fifty- 
four,  principally  women  and  children,  carried  into  cap- 
tivity.    . 

These  depredations  filled  the  country  with  fear  and 
alarm.  The  most  pressing  letters  were  sent  to  Connecti- 
cut for  immediate  assistance.  A  special  assembly  was  Special  as- 
called  on  the  llth  of  April.  Letters  were  laid  before  the  sembly, 
assembly  from  Massachusetts,  soliciting  that  soldiers  might April  **™1 
be  sent  from  Connecticut,  to  guard  the  upper  towns  upon 
Connecticut  river  ;  and  that  there  might  be  a  general  meet- 
ing of  commissioners  from  the  several  colonies,  at  Rhode- 
Island,  to  consult  the  common  defence.  There  were  also 
letters  from  captain  Leisler,  at  New- York,  and  from  colo- 
nel Schuyler,  and  other  principal  gentlemen  at  Albany, 
urging,  that  captain  Bull  and  the  soldiers  there  might  be 
continued,  and  that  reinforcements  might  be  forwarded  for 
the  defence  of  that  place  and  the  adjacent  country.  It 
was  also  urged,  that  Connecticut  would  unite  with  the  oth- 
er colonies,  in  raising  an  army  for  the  reduction  of  Canada. 

The  assembly  determined,  that  there  was  a  necessity  ofRein- 
their  utmost  exertions  to  prevent  the  settlement  of  the  forcement 
French,  at  Albany.     It  was  resolved,  that  two  companies,  ^  lo  A1~ 
of  a  hundred  men  each,  should  be  raised  and  sent  forward 
for  that  purpose.     The  colony  also  gave  assistance  to  the 
frontier  towns  of  Massachusetts  upon  the  river. 

For  the  defence  of  Connecticut,  it  was  ordered,  that  a  Provision 
constant  watch  should  be  kept  in  the  several  towns,  and  for  the 
that  all  the  males  in  the  colony,  except  the  aged  and  infirm,  !ufet3rj°n 
should  keep  watch  in  their  turns.     If  the  aged  and  infirm 
were  more  than  fifty  pounds  in  the  list,  they  were  obliged 
to  procure  a  man,  in  their  turns,   to  watch  and  guard  in 
Jheir  stead. 

Though  the  colony  had  received  no  instructions  from  Court  of 
king  William,  confirming  their  charter,  or  directing  theelection> 
mode  of  government,  yet  at  the  general  election,  the  free-  Maj 
men  proceeded,  as  had  been  usual,  to  the  choice  of  their 
officers.     Robert  Treat,  Esq.  was  re-chosen  governor,  and 
James  Bishop,  Esq.  deputy-governor.     Samuel  Wyllys, 
Nathan  Gould,  William  Jones,  John  Allen,  Andrew  Leet, 
James  Fitch.  Samuel  Mason,  Samuel  Tajcott,  John  Burr, 


382  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVI. 

BOOK  f.  William  Pitkin,  Nathaniel  Stanley,  and  Daniel  Withcrell, 
***^s***s  Esquires,  were  chosen  magistrates. 

1#9G.  At  this  session  of  the  assembly,  that  part  of  Weathcrs- 
Criasten-  field  which  lay  on  the  east  side  of  Connecticut  river,  was 
bury  made  ma(ie  a  distinct  town,  bv  the  name  of  Glastenbury. 

a  distinct         mi  •  ,.  .  i_    i  i 

town.  *•  ne  proposed  meeting  ot  commissioners,  was  nolclen  at' 

New-  York,  instead  of  Rhode-Island,  on  the  1st  of  May, 
1  690.  The  commissioners  from  Connecticut,  were  Nathan 
Gould  and  William  Pitkin,  Esquires.  It  appears,  that,  at 
this  meeting,  the  commissioners  conceived  the  plan  of  an 
expedition  against  Canada.  They  ordered,  that  eight  hun- 
dred and  fifty  men  should  be  raised  for  that  purpose.  The 
quotas  of  the  several  colonies  were  fixed,  and  general  rules 
adopted  for  the  management  of  the  army.  A  small  vessel 
was  sent  express  to  England,  the  beginning  of  April,  car- 
rying a  representation  of  the  exposed  state  of  the  colonies, 
and  of  the  necessity  of  the  reduction  of  Canada.  A  prayer 
was  also  sent  to  his  majesty,  for  a  supply  of  arms,  ammu- 
nition, and  a  number  of  frigates,  to  attack  the  enemy  by 
water,  while  the  colonial  troops  made  an  invasion  by  land. 
But  the  affairs  of  the  nation  were  such,  at  that  time,  that 
no  assistance  could  be  given  to  the  colonies.  New-  York 
and  the  New-England  colonies,  however,  determined  to 
prosecute  their  original  plan  of  attacking  Canada.  It  was 
proposed,  with  about  eight  or  nine  hundred  Englishmen, 
and  five  or  six  hundred  Indians,  to  make  an  attack  upon 
Montreal  ;*  while  a  fleet  and  army,  of  eighteen  hundred 
or  two  thousand  men,  were  to  proceed  up  the  St.  Lawrence, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  make  an  attack  upon  Quebec.  It 
was  hoped,  by  this  means,  so  to  distract  and  divide  the  en- 
emy, that  the  whole  country  might  be  reduced  to  his  ma- 
jesty's government.  It  was  expected,  that  a  powerful  as- 
sistance would  be  given  by  the  five  nations,  who  had,  but 
a  few  years  before,  so  exceedingly  harassed  and  distressed 
the  whole  French  colony.  Jacob  Milborn,  son  in  law  to 
Leisler,  was  commissary,  and  it  was  expected,  that  New- 
York  would  furnish  provisions,  and  make  preparations  for 
the  army  to  pass  the  waters  to  Montreal. 

General         John  Winthrop,  Esq.  was  appointed  major-general  and 
commander  in  chief  of  the  land  army.     He  arrived,  with 


"ithlle  l^e  tro°Ps  under  his  command,  near  the  falls  at  the  head 
land  amy  °f  Wood  creek,  early  in  the  month  of  August.  About  the 
at  Wood  same  time,  the  fleet  sailed  from  Nantasket  for  Quebec.  It 
creek.  consisted  of  between  thirty  and  forty  vessels,  great  and 
small.  The  largest  carried  forty-four  guns,  and  two  hun- 

*  Determination  of  the  commissioners  at  New-York,  and  colonel  Schuy- 
ter's  letter,  on  file. 


CHAP.  XV.  CONNECTICUT.  383 

dred  men.  Sir  William  Phipps,  governor  of  Massachusetts,  BOOK  I, 
had  the  chief  command.  The  fleet  had  a  long  passage,  V^X-N^-^/ 
and  did  not  arrive  before  Quebec  until  the  5th  of  October.  1690. 

When  the  land  army  arrived  at  the  place  appointed  for 
the  rendezvous  of  the  Indians  from  the  five  nations,  instead 
of  finding  that  powerful  body,  which  they  expected,  and 
•which  the  Indians  had  promised,  there  were  no  more  than 
seventy  warriors  from  the  Mohawks  and  Oneidas.  A  mes- 
senger was  sent  to  the  other  nations,  to  know  what  they 
designed ;  whether  they  would  join  the  army  and  go  for- 
ward,  or  not.  The  messenger  returned,  and  reported  that 
they  wished  for  some  delay ;  and  they  never  came  on  to 
join  the  army.  When  the  general  had  advanced  about  a 
hundred  miles,  he  found  that  there  were  not  canoes  pro- 
vided sufficient  to  transport  one  half  of  the  English  soldiers 
across  the  lake.  Upon  representing  to  the  Indians,  that 
the  army  could  not  pass  into  Canada,  without  a  much  great- 
er number  of  canoes,  they  replied,  that  it  was  then  too  late 
in  the  season  to  make  canoes,  as  the  bark  would  not  peel. 
In  short,  they  artfully  evaded  every  proposal  which  the 
council  of  war  made  for  the  service  ;  and,  finally,  told  the 
general  and  his  officers,  that  they  looked  too  high,  and  ad- 
vised them  only  to  attack  Chambly,  and  the  out  settle- 
ments, on  this  side  of  the  St.  Lawrence.*  There  was  an- 
other insuperable  difficulty  arose.  Milborn,  commissary 
of  the  army,  had  not  made  a  sufficient  provision  for  the 
carrying  on  and  supplying  of  provisions  for  the  army,  so 
that  it  was  necessitated  to  retreat  to  Albany  for  subsist-  Annjobli- 
ence.  This  was  determined  by  a  council  of  war.  At  the  ged  to  re- 
same  time,  about  a  hundred  and  forty  of  the  sprightliest lrcat- 
young  men,  English  and  Indians,  were  dispatched  into 
Canada,  to  make  all  the  diversion  possible  in  favour  of  Means  of 
the  fleet.  However,  the  retreat  of  the  army,  and  the  late  *featin5 
arrival  of  the  armament  before  Quebec,  defeated  the  ex-  ' 
pedition. 

Count  Frontenac,  who  had  advanced  with  all  his  force 
to  Montreal,  to  defend  the  country  against  the  army  ad- 
vancing towards  the  lake,  no  sooner  received  intelligence, 
by  his  scouts,  that  it  was  retreating,  than  he  returned,  with 
all  possible  dispatch,  to  Quebec.  Though  but  two  or  three 
days  before  Sir  William  Phipps  arrived  before  the  town, 
there  were  not  more  than  two  hundred  Frenchmen  in  the 
city,  and,  according  to  their  own  historians,  it  would  have 
surrendered  upon  the  first  summons,  yet,  afterwards,  the 
count  was  able  to  employ  his  whole  force  in  its  defence. 

*  Proposals  made  lo  the  Indians  and  their  answers,  with  colonel  Schuy- 
ier's,  and  the  recorder  of  Albany's  letter,  on  file, 


334  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XV. 

BOOK  I.  On  the  8th  of  October,  the  troops  landed,  and  advanced 
V^-N/-^/  towards  the  town.  The  skips,  the  next  day,  were  drawn 
1690.  up  before  it,  and  cannonaded  it  with  all  their  force  ;  but 
they  were  not  able  to  do  any  great  injury  to  the  town, 
\vhile  they  were  considerably  damaged  by  the  enemy's 
fire  from  their  batteries.  On  the  1 1th,  the  troops  were  re- 
embarked.  Though  they  had  advanced  and  maintained 
their  ground  with,  spirit,  yet  they  received  such  accounts 
of  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  as  very  much  discouraged 
them.  Soon  after,  tempestuous  weather  came  on,  the  ships 
were  driven  from  their  anchors,  and  the  whole  fleet  scat- 
tered. Thus,  for  want  of  a  sufficient  preparation  for  the 
advancing  of  the  land  army,  and  in  consequence  of  the 
too  late  sailing  of  the  fleet,  an  otherwise  well  concerted 
plan  was  defeated. 

Though  general  Winthrop  had  acted  in  perfect  confor- 
mity to  the  agreement  of  the  commissioners,  at  New- York, 
and  to  the  instructions  which  had  been  given  him,  and 
though  he  had  retreated  and  taken  all  his  measures  by  the 
advice  of  his  officers,   in  repeated   councils  of  war,  yet 
Leister's     Leisler,  Milborn,  and  their  party,  were  filled  with  the  ut- 
madness     most  rage  and  madness  at  the  retreat.     It  was  ordained 
of  General  ^y  4^e  commissioners,  that,  in  all  matters  of  great  impor- 
"Winthrop.  tance,  the  general  should  be  governed  by  a  Council  of  war, 
consisting  of  himself  and  his  officers  -r  and  Leisler  was  the 
first  signer  to  the  instructions  and  orders  given.     It  was 
impossible  to  pass  the  lake  without  boats  and  canoes.     It 
would  have  been  madness  to  have  crossed  it,  if  there  had 
been  canoes,  when  they  had  found,  that,  by  all  the  means 
and  exertions  in  their  power,  they  could  not  procure  pro- 
visions for  the  army  on  this  side  of  the  lake.     Leisler, 
however,  took  the  advantage  of  the  general,  after  the  ar- 
my had  crossed  Hudson's  river,  and  lay  encamped  on  this 
side  of  it,  to  arrest  and  confine  him,  that  he  might  try  him 
by  a  court  martial  of  his  own  appointment.     He  was  some 
days  under  the  arrest.     But  when  he  was  brought  upon 
triaJ,  the  Mohawks,  who  were  in  the  camp,   crossed  the 
He  is  res-  rjver  an^  brought  him  off,  with  great  triumph,  and  to  the 

cued  by  .  ,    .        °,,    ,  T     •   t         T»  t  •  1 1  i    i     • 

the  Mo-  universal  joy  of  the  army.  Leisler,  Milborn,  and  tneir 
hawks.  party,  were  so  enraged  with  some  of  the  principal  gentle- 
men in  Albany,  who  were  of  the  general's  council,  that 
they  were  obliged  to  flee  to  Connecticut  for  safety.  Mr. 
Livingston  and  others  resided  some  time  at  Hartford* 
Leisler  confined  the  commissary  of  the  Connecticut  troops, 
so  that  the  army  suffered  for  want  of  his  assistance. 

This  was  viewed,   by  Connecticut,    as  an  entirely  law- 
less proceeding  ;  n<?t  only  highly  injurious  to  general  Win- 


CHAP.  XVI.  CONNECTICUT.  385 

throp  and  the  colony,  but  to  all  New-England.     The  gov-  BOOK  I. 
ernor  and  council  remonstrated  against  his  conduct,  and  v-^-v-^x 
demanded  the  release  of  general  Winthrop  and  their  com-    1690. 
missary.     They  certified  him,  that  it  belonged  not  to  him  Thegov- 
to  judge  of  the  general's  conduct,   but  to  the  colonies  inernor.and 
general ;  that  it  was  inconsistent  with  the  very  instructions  monTtrate" 
•which  he  had  subscribed  with  his  own  hand  ;  and   that,  if  against 
he  proceeded  in  his  unprecedented  and  violent  measures,  Leisler's 
they  would  leave  him  and  New- York  to  themselves,  with-  conduct* 
out  any  further  aid  from  Connecticut,  let  the  consequences 
be  what  they  might.*     They  observed,    that  he  needed 
friends  and  assistance,  but  was  pursuing  measures  not  only 
to   make    the  powerful  friends  of  general  Winthrop,  but 
all  New-England,  his  enemies  ;  and,  that  the  character 
of  the  general  was  too  good,  and  too  well  known,  to  be 
drawn  into  question  or  disrepute  by  his  conduct  towards 
him. 

At  the  general  court,  in  October,  a  narrative  of  the  con-  Oct.  0lh. 
duct  of  the  general  was  exhibited,  attested  by  the  officers 
of  the  army,    and  by   numbers  of  the  principal  gentlemen 
of  Albany.     Attested  answers  of  the  Indians  to  the  seve- 
ral councils  of  war,  with  such  other  evidence  as  the  assem- 
bly judged  proper  to  examine,  were  heard.     Upon  a  full  General 
examination  of  the  affair,  the  assembly  resolved  :    "  That  ^J^"1", 
the   general's  conduct,    in  the  expedition,  had  been  with  conduct 
good  fidelity  to  his  majesty's  interest,  and  that  his  confine-  approved, 
ment,  at  Albany,  on  the  account  thereof,  deserved  a  timely 
vindication,  as  being  very  injurious  and  dishonorable  to 
himself,  and  the  colonies  of  New-England,  at  whose   in- 
stance he  undertook  that  difficult  service."     The  court  ap- 
pointed two  of  the  magistrates  in  their  name,  "  To  thank 
the  general  for  his  good  service  to  their  majesties,  and  to 
this  colony,  and  assure  him,  that,  on  all  seasonable  occa- 
sions, they  would  be  ready  to  manifest  their  good  senti- 
ments of  his  fidelity,  valor,  and  prudence. "t     The  assem- 
bly made  him  a  grant  of  forty  pounds,  as  a  present,  which 
they  desired  him  to  accept,  as  a  further  testimonial  of  their 
entire  approbation  of  his  services. 

Besides  the  troops  employed  in  the  expedition  against 
Canada,  Connecticut  maintained  a  company  upon  the  river, 
for  the  defence  of  the  towns  in  the  county  of  Hampshire. 
Upon  an  alarm  in  the  winter,  the  governor  and  council 
dispatched  a  company  to  Deerfield,  for  the  protection  of 
that  and  the  neighboring  towns. 

At  the  election,  May,  1691,  all  the  former  officers  were  May  14&, 
re-elected.  1691, 

*  Appendix  No,  XXIV.  t  Records  of  the  colony", 

Y  2 


386  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVL 

BOOK  f.      On  the  account  of  the  death  of  the  deputy-governor, 

v^-v-w  James  Bishop,  Esq.*   a  special  assembly  was  convened, 

1691.    on  the  9th  of  July,  1691  5  when  William  Jones,  Esquire, 

was  chosen  deputy-governor,  and  captain  Caleb  Stanley, 

magistrate. 

The  Rev.  Increase  Mather,  of  Boston,  was  a  most  faith- 
ful friend  to  the  liberties  of  his  country  ;  and  though  he 
was  agent  for  the  Massachusetts,  yet  he  was  indefatigable 
in  his  labors,  and,  as  opportunity  presented,  performed  es- 
sential services  for  the  other  colonies.  At  the  accession 
of  William  and  Mary  he  had  prevented  the  bill  for  estab- 
lishing the  former  governors  of  New-England.  He  had 
united  all  his  influence  with  Mr.  Whiting  for  the  benefit  of 
Connecticut.  One  Mr.  James  Porter,  who  was  in  London, 
had  been  very  serviceable  to  the  colony.  The  assembly, 
therefore,  ordered,  that  a  letter  of  thanks  should  be  ad- 
dressed to  those  gentlemen,  for  the  good  services  which 
they  had  rendered  the  colony.  They  were,  also,  desired 
to  use  their  influence  to  obtain,  from  his  majesty,  a  letter 
approving  of  their  administration  of  government,  accord- 
ing to  charter,  as  legal";  and  expressing  his  determination 
to  protect  them  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  civil  and  religious 
privileges. 

The  violation  of  the  charters,  in  England,  had  been  de- 
clared illegal  and  arbitrary.  The  charter  of  the  city  of 
London,  and  those  of  other  corporations,  in  Great  Britain, 
had  been  restored.  The  case  of  Connecticut,  respecting 
their  charter,  had  been  stated,  and  the  opinions  of  gentle- 
men, learned  in  the  law,  had  been  given  relative  to  the  le- 
gality of  the  government  assumed  by  the  colony.  They 
are  thus  expressed. 

Opinions        "  Query,  Whether  the  charter  belonging  to  Connecticut, 

[h'ath  C  t°  ^  New-England,  is  by  means  of  their  involuntary  submis- 

of  Coimcc-  s'on  to  Sir  Edmund  Andross's  government,  void  in  law,  so 

ticut.         as  that  the  king  may  send  a  governor  to  them,  contrary  to 

their  charter  privileges,  when  there  has  been  no  judgment 

entered  against   their  charter,  nor  any  surrender  thereof 

upon  record  ?" 

*  Jamee  Bishop,  Esq.  died  June  22d,  1691.  He  appears  to  have  been  a 
gentleman  of  good  ability  and  distinguished  morals.  The  time  of  his  com- 
ing over  to  America  is  uncertain.  His  first  appearance  upon  the  public 
records,  was  about  the  year  1648.  In  1661,  he  was  chosen  secretary  of 
ihe  colony  of  New-Haven ;  in  which  office  he  continued  until  the  union  of 
<he  colonies  of  Connecticut  and  New-Haven.  In  May,  1668,  he  was  cho- 
ren  one  of  the  magistrates  of  Connecticut,  in  which  office  he  continued  until 
May  10th,  1683,  when  he  was  elected  deputy-governor.  To  this  office  he 
vas  annually  re-elected  until  his  death.  His  family  has  continued  respect- 
able to  the  present  time.  Samuel  Bishop,  Esq.  chief  judge  of  the  court  o: 
common  pleas,  for  the  county  of  New-Haven,  and  mayor  of  the  city,  is  one 
of  his  descendants. 


CHAP.  XVI.  CONNECTICUT.  33?. 

"  I  ain  of  opinion,    that  such    submission,    as  is  put,  in  BOOK   I. 
this  case,    doth  not  invalidate    the  charter,  or  any  of  the  v^v-^» 
powers  therein,  which  were  granted  under  the  great  seal  5    1091. 
and  that  the  charter  not  being  surrendered  under  the  com- 
mon seal,  and  that  surrender  duly  enrolled  of  record,  nor 
any  judgment  of  record  entered  against  it,  the  same  re- 
mains good  and  valid  in  law  ;  and  the  said  corporation  may 
lawfully  execute  the  powers  and  privileges  thereby  grant- 
ed, notwithstanding  such  submission,   and  appointment  of 
a  governor  as  aforesaid. 

"  EDWARD  WARD. 

"  2d  August,  1690. 

"  I  am  of  the  same  opinion.  J.  SOMERS. 

"  I  am  of  the  same  opinion ;  and  as  this  matter  is  sta- 
ked there  is  no  ground  of  doubt. 

"  GEO.  TREBY." 

The  people  at  the  eastward,  in  New-Hampshire   and  Distressed 

.he  province  of  Maine,  had  been  extremely  distressed  bycircum'  , 

41*        ,  .  *  stances  of 

:he  war,  and  a  very  great  proportion  or  them  driven  irom  ^e  ea8tein 

their  settlements.     It  had  also  been  found  exceedingly  dif-  people, 
iicult  to  persuade  men  to  keep  garrison  for  the  defence  of 
that  part  of  the  country.     The  general  court  of  Connecti- 
cut, therefore,  appointed  a  contribution,  through  the  colo-  Contribu- 
ny,  for  the  encouragement  of  the  soldiers,  who  should  keep  *ic 
garrison  there,  and  for  the  relief  of  poor  families,  which  \\eff 
had  kept  their  stations,  or  been  driven  from  them  by  the 
ravages  of  the  enemy.     The  clergy  were  directed  to  ex- 
hort the  people  to  liberal  contributions  for  these  charita- 
ble purposes.* 

At  the  election,  May,   1692,  William  Jones,  Esq.  was  c°urt  of 
chosen  deputy  governor  by  the  freemen.     Mr.  Caleb  Stan-  ^eactlon> 
ley  and  Mr.  Moses  Mansfield  were  chosen   magistrates. 
Governor  Winthrop   and  the  other  magistrates  were  the 
same  they  had  been  the  year  before. 

The  French,  the  last  year,  while  the  troops  were  employ-  The 
ed  in  the  expedition  against  Canada,  made  a  descent  upon  French 
Block-Island,  plundered  the  houses,  and  captivated  most  of  "J^t 
the  inhabitants.     This  greatly  alarmed  the  people  of  New-  upon 
London,  Stonington,  and  Saybrook.     Detachments  of  the  Block-M- 
militia  were  sent  to  the  seaport  towns  for  their  defence.  aa<*' 
The  assembly   therefore,   about  this   time  ordered,  that 
New-London  should  be  fortified ;  and  that  the  fortifica- 
tions at  Saybrook  should  be  repaired. 

The  country  had  been  alarmed  with  reports,  that  a  large 
body  of  French  angl  Indians  were  about  to  cross  the  lakes 

The  number  of  persons,  this,  year,  ratable  in  the  colony  was  3,109. 
and  the  grand  list  £183,159. 


38$  HISTORY  OP  €IIAP.  XVI. 

BOOK  I.  and  come  down  upon  the  frontiers.     Consequently  it  was 
s^»~v-x^  ordered,  that  scouts,  from  the  several  counties  should  range 
1692.     the   country,    and  make  discovery  of  the  enemy  as  they 
made  their  approach.     Officers   were  also  appointed   to 
command  such  parts  of  the  militia  as  it  might  be  necessa- 
ry to  detach,  in  case  of  an  invasion. 

Settle-  Upon  the  29th  of  February,    1675,   Joshua,   sachem  of 

mentof      the  Moheagans,  son  of  Uncas,    by  his  last  will,  gave  unto 
^W^d     caPta'n  J°hn  Mason,  James  Fitch,  and  others,  to  the,  num- 
ham,  May  her  of  fourteen,  commonly  called   Joshua's  legatees,    the 
12, 1692.    tract  containing  the  town  of  Windham.     It  was,  the  next 
year,  surveyed  and  laid  out  into  distinct  lots.     In   May, 
1692,  it  was  vested  with  town  privileges.     By  Joshua's 
will,  the  lands  in  the  town  of  Mansfield,  no  less  than  those 
in  Windham,  were  given.     The  settlements,  at  both  pla- 
ces, commenced  about    1686,    nearly  at  the  same  time. 
Canterbury  originally  belonged  to  the  town  of  Windham, 
though  it  was  some  years  after  made  a  distinct  town.    The 
township  of  Windham  comprises  a  fine  tract  of  land,  near- 
ly ten  miles  square.     Its  situation  is  pleasant,  and  it  is  now 
one  of  the  principal  towns  in  the  state.* 

Enterprise  .Count  Frontenac,  finding  that  he  could  not,  with  all  his 
^a''nst^he  arts,  accomplish  a  peace  with  the  five  nations,  determined 
castles!  9n  tne  destruction  of  the  Mohawks,  who,  of  all  the  In- 
dians, had  been  by  far  the  most  destructive  to  the  settle- 
ments in  Canada.  He  collected  an  army  of  six  or  seven 
hundred  French  and  Indians,  and,  having  supplied  them 
with  every  thing  necessary  for  a  winter  campaign,  sent 
them  against  the  Mohawk  castles.  They  began  their 
inarch  from  Montreal  on  the  15th  of  January,  1693.  Af- 
ter suffering  incredible  hardships,  they  fell  in  with  the  first 
Mohawk  castle,  about  the  6th  of  February.  The  Mo- 
hawks were  entirely  secure,  not  having  the  least  intima- 
tion of  their  approach.  The  enemy  took  four  or  five  men 
at  this  castle,  and  proceeded  to  the  second.  At  this  they 
were  equally  successful.  A  great  part  of  the  inhabitants 
•were  at  Shenec^ady,  and  the  rest  were  perfectly  secure. 
When  they  advanced  to  the  third  castle,  they  found  about 
forty  warriors,  collected  at  a  war  dance,  as  they  designed 
the  next  day  to  go  upon  an  enterprise  against  their  ene- 
mies. A  conflict  ensued,  in  which  the  French,  after  los- 
ing about  thirty  men,  were  victorious,  and  the  third  castle 

*  Mr.  John  Gates,  one  of  the  6rst  planters,  a  gentleman  from  England, 
who  died  July  16th,  1697,  by  his  last  will,  gave  a  generous  legacy,  in 
plate,  to  the  church.  He  also  gave  two  hundred  acres  of  land  for  the  use 
of  a  school,  and  two  hundred  more  for  the  use  of  the  poor  of  the  town  for- 
ever. Windham  was  made  a  county  town  in  May,  1726.  The  grand  list, 
-&  1768.  n-as  about  j£30:00p,  and  the  number  of  inhabitants  3,500, 


CHAP.  XVI.  CONNECTICUT.  383 

was  taken.  The  French,  in  this  descent,  captivated  near-  BOOK  I. 
ly  three  hundred  of  the  allied  Indians,  principally  women  \-*~v~^' 
and  children.  The  brave  colonel  Schuyler,  of  Albany,  at  169$. 
the  head  of  a  party  of  volunteers,  of  about  two  hundred 
English  and  Dutch,  pursued  them.  On  the  lath  of  Feb- 
ruary, he  was  joined  with  about  three  hundred  Indians, 
and,  with  this  force,  he  fell  in  with  the  enemy,  whom  he 
found  in  a  fortified  camp.  They  made  three  successive 
sallies  upon  the  colonel,  and  were  as  often  repulsed.  He 
kept  his  ground,  waiting  for  provisions  and  a  reinforce- 
ment  from  Albany.  Meanwhile,  the  enemy,  taking  ad- 
vantage of  a  severe  snow  storm,  on  the  night  of  the  18th, 
inarched  off  for  Canada.  The  next  day,  captain  Sims, 
with  eighty  regular  troops,  arrived  with  provisions  for  the 
army,  and  the  day  following  the  colonel  resumed  the  pur- 
suit. The  French,  however,  luckily  finding  a  cake  of  ice 
across  the  north  branch  of  Hudson's  river,  made  their  es- 
cape. Nevertheless,  they  were  so  pressed,  that  they  suf- 
fered most  of  their  captives  to  escape.  They  all,  except 
nine  or  ten,  returned.  Colonel  Schuyler  lost  eight  of  his 
party,  four  Christians,  and  four  Indians.  He  had  fourteen 
wounded.  According  to  the  report  of  the  captives,  the  en- 
emy lost  forty  men,  three  of  whom  were  French  officers, 
and  two  were  Indian  leaders  ;  and  they  had  thirty  wound- 
ed. The  Indians  found  about  thirty  corpses  of  the  ene- 
my, whom  they  scalped,  and  afterwards  roasted  and  ate 
them,  as  they  were  exceedingly  pinched  for  want  of  pro- 
visions.* 

While  these  affairs  were  transacting,  dispatches  were 
sent  to  Connecticut,  acquainting  governor  Treat,  that  the 
French  had  invaded  his  majesty's  territories,  and  taken 
the  fortresses  of  his  allies.  A  demand  was  made  of  two 
hundred  men,  complete  in  their  arms,  to  march  forthwith 
to  Albany. 

A  special  assembly  was  called  on  the  21st  of  February,  sPe^al  as* 
1693,  and  it  was  ordered,  that  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  Feb.ai'st. 
should  be  sent  immediately  to  Albany,  or  any  other  place 
where  the  governor  should  judge  to  be  most  for  his  majes- 
ty's interest.     Fifty  of  the  troops  marched  for  Albany  the 
next  day. 

Scarcely  had  the  assembly  dispersed,  before  another  ex- 
press arrived,  from  Sir  William  Phipps,  requiring  a  corps  of 
a  hundred  English  men,  and  fifty  Indians,  to  assist  in  the 
defence  of  the  eastern  settlements,  in  the  province  of  Maine 
and  Massachusetts.  On  the  6th  of  March,  another  spe-  Sy, 
cial  assembly  was  convened,  and  the  legislature  gran  ted  March  6. 

'Governor  Fletcher's  letter,  on$e, 


390  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVI. 

BOOK  I.  a  captain's  company  of  sixty  English  men,  and  about  forty 
y^-v-x^  Indians,  under  the  command  of  captain  William  Whiting. 
1693.        Major  general  Fitz  John  Winthrop  was  chosen  magis- 
Election,    trate  at  the  election,  which  was  the  only  alteration  made 
.May  nth.  among  the  magistrates  this  year. 

The  general  court  ordered  a  letter  to  be  addressed  to 
the  governor  of  Massachusetts,  once  more  desiring  him 
and  that  colony  amicably  to  join  with  Connecticut  in  run- 
ning the  partition  line  between  the  two  colonies.  Will- 
iam Pitkin,  Esq.  Mr.  Samuel  Chester,  and  captain,  William 
Whiting,  were  appointed  a  committee  to  run  the  line. 
They  had  instructions  to  begin,  according  to  the  express 
words  of  the  patent  of  Massachusetts,  three  miles  south  ot 
every  part  of  Charles  river,  and  thence  to  run  to  the  wes- 
ternmost bounds  of  Syrnsbury. 

Colonel  Benjamin  Fletcher,  governor  of  New- York,  who 
Colonel       ,      i         .       ,       J  i  ,  ,  .    c 

Fletcher     na"  arrived  at  the  seat  of  his  government,   August  29th, 

challenges  1692,    had  received  a  commission  entirely   inconsistent 
the  com-    with  the  charter  rights  and  safety  of  the  colonies.     He  was 
veste<^  w'tn  p'enaiT  powers  of  commanding  the  whole  mili- 
tia of  Connecticut  and  the  neighboring  provinces.     He  in- 
sisted on  the  command  of  the  militia  of  Connecticut.     As 
this  was  expressly  given  to  the  colony,  by  charter,  the  leg- 
islature  would  riot  submit  to  his  requisition.     They,  how- 
lature  re-    ever,  judged  it  expedient  to  refer  it  to  the  freemen,  whether 
fuse  to       tney  \vould  address  a  petition  to  his  majesty,  praying  for 
militia  to6  l^e  continuance  of  the  militia  in  the  power  of  the  colony, 
his  com-     according  to  their  charter,  and  for  the  continuance  and 
jnand.        preservation  of  all  their  chartered  rights  and  privileges. 
There  were  2,180  persons,  or  suffrages  for  addressing  his 
majesty,  and  the  freemen  declared,  that  they  would  bear 
their  proportionable  charge  with  the  rest  of  the  colony,  in 
prosecuting  the  affair  to  a  final  issue. 

Petition  his      At  a  special  assembly,  September  1st,  1693,  the  court 
nTa?'     aPP°'nted  a  petition  to  be  drafted,  to  be  presented  to  his 
point  an     majestyi  kirtg  William,  on  the  subject.   Major-general  Fitz 
agent.        John  \Vinthrop  was  appointed  agent  to  present  the  peti- 
tion, and  employ  his  best  endeavours  for  the  confirmation 
of  all  the  chartered  privileges  of  the  colony.     He  was  de- 
sired, as  soon  as  possible,  to  take  his  passage  to  England, 
and,  upon  his  arrival  there,  to  lay  the  business,  as  expedi- 
tiously  as  might  be,  before  his  majesty,  and  prosecute  the 
aflair  to  an  issue,  with  all  convenient  dispatch. 
Instruo          He  was  instructed  to  make  a  full  representation  of  the 
iions  to      great  hardships,  expense,  and  dangers  of  the  inhabitants, 
theageut.  jn  plantmg  antj  defending  the  colony;  and  that  these  had 
been  borne  wholly  by  themselves,  without  any  assistance 


CHAP.  XVI.  CONNECTICUf .  3$i 

from  the  parent  country  :  That  it  would  endanger  and  ruin  BOOK  I. 
the  colony,  if  the  militia  should  be  taken  from  it,  and  com-  v^-v>w 
manded  by  strangers  at  the  distance  of  New- York  and  1693. 
Boston  :  That  it  would  wholly  incapacitate  them  to  defend 
themselves,  their  wives,  and  children :  That  before  they 
could  obtain  instructions,  from  such  a  distance,  upon  any 
sudden  emergency,  the  colony  might  be  depopulated  and 
ruined :  That  a  stranger,  at  a  distance,  might  not  agree 
with  the  governor  and  council  in  employing  the  militia  for 
the  defence  of  the  property,  lives,  and  liberties  of  the  sub- 
jects ;  and  that  the  life  and  support  of  the  laws,  and  the 
very  existence  of  their  civil  constitution  depended  on  the 
militia.  He  was  also  instructed  further  to  represent  the 
state  of  the  militia  of  Connecticut,  with  respect  to  its  dif- 
ference from  that  of  the  militia  of  England:  That,  from  the 
scattered  state  and  small  number  of  the  inhabitants,  it  had 
been  necessary,  that  all  males,  from  sixteen  years  of  age, 
should  belong  to  the  militia,  and  be  made  soldiers,  so  that 
if  the  militia  were  taken  from  the  colony,  there  would  be 
none  left  but  magistrates,  ministers,  physicians,  aged  and 
infirm  people,  to  defend  their  extensive  sea  coasts  and 
frontiers;  and  that  giving  the  command  of  the  militia  to 
the  governor  of  another  colony,  was,  in  effect,  to  put  their 
persons,  interests,  and  liberties  entirely  into  his  power. 
The  agent  was,  also,  directed  to  represent  the  entire  satis- 
faction of  the  colony  with  the  present  government,  and  the 
great  advantages  resulting  from  it :  That  giving  the  com- 
mand of  the  militia  to  the  governor  of  another  province, 
would  exceedingly  endanger,  if  not  entirely  destroy,  that 
general  contentment,  and  all  the  advantages  thence  arising 
to  his  majesty  and  his  subjects :  That  out  of  three  thou- 
sand freemen  in  the  colony,  two  thousand  and  two  hundred 
actually  met,  and  gave  their  suffrages  for  the  present  ad- 
dress ;  and  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  other  eight  hun- 
dred were  for  it,  but  were,  by  their  particular  occasions, 
prevented  from  attending  at  the  respective  meetings,  when 
the  suffrages  were  taken :  That  the  inhabitants  were  uni- 
versally for  the  revolution;  and  that,  in  the  whole  colony, 
there  were  not  more  than  four  or  five  malcontents.  The- 
agent  was  charged  to  assure  his  majesty,  that  the  militia 
should  be  improved  with  the  utmost  prudence  and  faithful- 
ness, for  his  majesty's  service,  in  the  defence  of  the  fron- 
tiers of  Massachusetts  and  New- York;  and  to  lay  before 
him  what  the  colony  had  already  done  ;  especially  for  the 
province  of  New- York,  in  their  late  distressed  condition  : 
That  for  its  defence,  and  the  securing  of  the  five  nations, 
in  his  majesty's  interest,  they  had  expended  more  than 


392  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVI. 

BOOK  I.  three  thousand  pounds,  and  lost  a  number  of  their  men. 

v^-v-%.^  Further,  general  Winthrop  was  directed,  so  far  as  might 

1693.^  be  judged  expedient,  to  plead  the  rights  granted  in  the 

charter,  especially  that  of  commanding  the  militia,  and  the 

common  usage,  ever  since  the  grant  of  the  charter,  for  a 

long  course  of  years. 

Sir  William  Phipps,  governor  of  Massachusetts,  had,  on 
his  appointment  to  that  office,  received  a  commission:  of  the 
same  tenor  of  governor  Fletcher's.  As  the  colony  had  not 
fully  complied  with  his  requisitions,  it  was  expected  that 
the  agent  would  be  interrogated  upon  that  head.  He  was 
instructed,  in  that  case,  to  reply,  that  Sir  William  never 
carne  into  the  colony,  nor  acted  upon  his  commission,  any 
further,  than,  to  give  a  copy  of  it,  and  to  inquire  who  were 
the  officers  of  the  militia  :  That  the  governor  and  company 
had  a  prior  commission,  by  charter,  and  that  they  could  by 
no  means  give  it  up,  until  the  affair  had  been  laid  before 
his  majesty. 

Assembly,  The  colony  wished  to  serve  his  majesty's  interest,  and, 
Oct.  12th.  ag  far  as  possible,  consistently  with  their  chartered  rights, 
to  maintain  a  good  understanding  with  governor  Fletcher. 
William  Pitkin,  Esq.  was,  therefore,  s-*.it  to  New- York,  to 
treat  and  make  terms  with  him  respecting  the  militia,  until 
his  majesty's  pleasure  should  be  further  known.  But  no 
terms  could  be  made  with  him  short  of  an  explicit  submis- 
sion of  the  militia  to  his  command. 

Colonel          On  the  26th  of  October,  he  came  to  Hartford,  while  the 
comesTto    assembly  were  sitting,  and,  in  his  majesty's  name,  demand- 
Hartford,   ecl  their  submission  of  the  militia  to  his  command,  as  they 
andde-      would  answer  it  to  his  majesty;  and  that  they  would  give 
mauds  the  fam  a  Speecjy  answer  in  one  word,  Yes,  or  No.     He  sub- 
of  the  mi-  scribed  himself  his  majesty's  lieutenant,  and  commander  in 
litia,  Oct.   chief  of  the  militia,  and  of  all  the  forces  by  sea  or  land,  and 
26th.          of  a]j  the  forts  and  places  of  strength  in  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut.*    He  ordered  the  militia  of  Hartford  under  arms, 
that  he  might  beat  up  for  volunteers.     It  wa's  judged  expe- 
dient to  call  the  trainbands  in  Hartford  together ;  but  the 
assembly  insisted,  that  the  command  of  the  militia  was  ex- 
pressly vested,  by  charter,  in  the  governor  and  company; 
and  that  they  could,  by  no  means,  consistently  with  their 
just  rights  and  the  common  safety,  resign  it  into  any  other 
hands.     They  insinuated,  that  his  demands  were  an  inva- 
sion of  their  essential  privileges,  and  subversive  of  their 
j.  constitution. 

tion'by  col.      Upton  this,   colonel  Bayard,  by  his  excellency's  corn- 
Bayard,     mand,  sent  a  letter  into  the  assembly,  declaring,  that  his 
*  Governor  Fletcher's  letter,  on  file. 


CHAP.  XVI.  CONNECTICUT.  3.93 

excellency  had  no  design  upon  the  civil  rights  of  the  colo-  BOOK  I. 
ny ;  but  would  leave   them,    in  all  respects,  as  he  found  ^-v-*r' 
them.     In  the  name  of  his  excellency,  he  tendered  a  com-    1693. 
mission  to  governor   Treat,  empowering  him  to  command 
the  militia  of  the  colony.     He  declared,  that  his  excellen- 
cy insisted,  that  they  should  acknowledge  it  an  essential 
right,  inherent  in  his  majesty,  to  command  the  militia  ;  and 
that  he  was   determined  not  to  set  his  foot  out  of  the  colo- 
ny until  *he  had  seen  his  majesty's   commission  obeyed  : 
That  he  would  issue  his  proclamation,  showing  the  means 
he  had  taken  to  give  ease  and  satisfaction  to  his  majes- 
ty's subjects  of  Connecticut,  and  that  he  would  distinguish 
the  disloyal  from  the  rest.* 

The  assembly,  nevertheless,  would  not  give  up  the  com-  The  as- 
mand  of  the  militia;  nor  would  governor  Treat  receive  ase.mb|yde* 
commission  from  colonel  Fletcher.  «-lm^re"th 

The  trainbands  of  Hartford  assembled,  and,  as  the  tra-  militia, 
dition  is,  while  captain  Wads  worth,  the  senior  officer,  was  Militia  of 

walking  in  front  of  the  companies,  and  exercising  the  sol-  H?,rt(ord, 
T  i         i  r<i   ^   i_  i        JL-  •     •  i-  called  out. 

diers.  colonel  r  letcher  ordered  his  commission  and  instruc-  spirited 
tions  to  be  read.  Captain  Wadsworth  instantly  command-  conduct  of. 
ed,  "  Beat  the  drums  ;"  and  there  was  such  a  roaring  of  ca.Ptaia 
them  that  nothing  else  could  be  heard.  Colonel  Fletcher 
commanded  silence.  But  no  sooner  had  Bayard  made  an 
attempt  to  read  again,  than  Wadsworth  commands,  "  Drum, 
drum,  I  say."  The  drummers  understood  their  business, 
and  instantly  beat  up  with  all  the  art  and  life  of  which  they 
were  masters.  "  Silence,  silence,"  says  the  colonel.  No 
sooner  was  there  a  pause,  than  Wadsworth  speaks  with 
great  earnestness,  "  Drum,  drum,  1  say  ;"  and  turning  to 
his  excellency,  said,  "  If  I  am  interrupted  again  I  will  make 
the  sun  shine  through  you  in  a  moment."  He  spoke  with 
such  energy  in  his  voice  and  meaning  in  his  countenance, 
that  no  further  attempts  were  made  to  read  or  enlist  men. 
Such  numbers  of  people  collected  together,  and  their  spir- 
its appeared  so  high,  that  the  governor  and  his  suit  judged 
it  expedient,  soon  to  leave  the  town  and  return  to  New- 
York. 

The  assembly  granted  500  pounds,  to  support  major 
general  Winthrop  in  his  agency  at  the  court  of  Great-Bri- 
tain. 

On  the  7th  of  February,   1694,  a  special  assembly  was  Assembly, 
called,  in  consequence  of  a  letter  from  king  William  rela-      K  7> 
tire  to  the  fortifying  of  Albany.     In   compliance  with  his 
majesty's  requisition,  the  assembly  granted  600  pounds,  to 
be  paid  into  the  hands  of  colonel  Fletcher,  for  the  defence 

*  Colonel  Bayard's  letter  on  61e. 

22 


HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVL 

BOOK-  I.  of  Albany.     A  rate  of  one  penny  on  the  pound  was  levied 
V-X-N/'-X-'  to  raise  the  money.* 

1694.  For  the  defence  of  the  plantations  in  New- York,  and  thf. 
towns  upon  the  river,  in  the  county  of  Hampshire,  the  as- 
sembly ordered,  that  the  commissioned  officers,  who  were 
the  nearest  to  the  places,  which  should,  at  any  time,  be  at- 
tacked, should  dispatch  immediate  succours  to  them.  Pro- 
vision was  also  made  that  the  several  detachments  of  the 
militia  should  be  furnished  with  all  articles  necessary  foi 
their  marching,  in  any  emergency,  upon  the  shortest  notice- 
statement  Major  general  Winthrop  made  a  safe  arrival  in  England., 
of  Connec-  an<^  Presente(^  tn€  petition,  with  which  he  had  been  entrust- 
ticutres-  ed,  to  his  majesty.  A  statement  of  the  case  of  Connecti- 
peciingthe  cut  was  drawn  and  laid  before  the  king.  In  this,  beside? 
ili- the  iacts  stated  •"'  tlie  instructions  of  Mr.  Winthrop,  if 
was  alledged,  that  in  the  charter,  granted  by  king  Charles, 
the  command  of  the  militia  was,  in  the  most  express  and 
ample  manner,  given-  to  the  colony  ;  and  that  the  governor 
had  always  commanded  it  for  the  common  safety  :  That  in 
the  charter  there  was  a  clause  for  the  most  beneficial  con- 
struction of  it  for  the  corporation  ;  and  another  of  non  ob- 
stante  to  all  statutes  repugnant  to  said  grant.  It  was 
stated,  that  whoever  commanded  the  persons  in  a  colony 
would  also  command  iheir  purse,  and  be  the  governor  ot 
the  colony  :  That  there  was  such  a  connection  between  thf 
civil  authority  and  the  command  of  the  militia,  that  one 
could  not  subsist  without  the  other  :  That  it  was  designed 
to  govern  the  colonies,  in  America,  as  nearly  as  might  be. 
in  conformity  to  the  la-ws  of  England.  And  that  the  king 
and  his  lieutenants  could  not  draw  out  all  the  militia  of  a 
county;  but  a  certain  part  only,  in  proportion  to  its  num- 
bers and  wealth.  It  was  therefore  pleaded,  that  governor 
Fletcher's  commission  ought  to  be  construed  with  the  sam^ 
restriction  :  That  were  not  the  command  of  the  king  am' 
IMS  lieutenants  restricted,  by  acts  of  parliament,  the  sub- 
jects could  not  be  free  ;  and  that,  for  the  same  reason,  gov- 
ornor  Fletcher's  command  ought  to  be  restrained,  by  the 
laws  of  Connecticut,  so  far  as  they  were  not  repugnant  to 
the  laws  of  England.  It  was  further  stated,  that  it  was  im- 
possible for  governor  Fletcher  so  well  to  judge  of  the  dis- 
positions and  abilities  of  each  town  and  division  in  Con- 
necticut, or  be  so  much  master  of  the  affections  of  the  peo- 
ple, in  time  of  need,  as  those  who  dwelt  among  them  and 
had  been  chosen  to  command  them  ;  and  therefore  he  could 
not  be  so  well  qualified  for  the  local  and  ordinary  command 

*  The  rateable  polls  in  the  colony  wo r<%  at  this  time,  about  2.347 
the  grand  list  £137,646, 


€HAP.  XVI.  CONNECTICUT. 

of  the  militia  ;  nor  serve  the  interests  of  his  majesty,  or  the  BOOK  L 
colony,  in  that  respect,  so  satisfactorily  and  effectually  as  -^*^~**s 
its  own  officers.*  1694 o 

His  majesty's  attorney  and  solicitor  general,  gave  their 
opinion  in  favor  of  Connecticut's  commanding  the  militia  ; 
and  on  the  19th  of  April,  1694,  his  majesty  in  council  de- 
termined according  to  the  report  which  they  had  made.t 
The  quota  of  Connecticut,  during  the  war,  \va-s  fixed  at 
one  hundred  and  twenty  men,  to  be  at  the  command  of 
governor  Fletcher,  and  the  rest  of  the  militia  to  be  com- 
manded, as  had  -been  usual,  by  the  governor  of  Connecti- 
cut. 

Upon  the  solicitations  of  governor  Fletcher  and  Sir  WJlf-  Agents 
iam  Phipps,  agents  and  a  number  of  troops  were  sent   to-^eYwitt 
attend  a  treaty  with  tire  Five  Nations.     The  expense  of  it  the  Five 
10  the  colony  was  about  400  pounds.  Nations. 

A  committee  was  appointed  again,  in  the  May  session,  to  Commit- 
iun  the  partition  Jjne  between  Connecticut  and  Massachu-  the  line" 
setts.     Massachusetts  was  invited  to  join  with  th&tn,  but  between 
as  the  court  refused,  the  committee  of  Connecticut,   by  the  Connecti- 
direction  of  the  assembly,  ran  the   line  without  them.     In^as^"_ 
October,  1695,  the  general  assembly  renewed  their  appli- chusetts. 
cation  to  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,   in-treating  Apphca- 
them  to  unite  amicably  in  running  the  boundary  line,  or  to  tlgn1e^j 
agree  to  it,  as  it  had  been  run  by  Connecticut.     They  ac- court  of 
quainted  them  how  it  ran,  what   encroachments  they  had  Massa- 
made  upon  the  colony,  and  how  they  injured  it,  by  declin-  ^utse!n' 
ing  a  mutual  and  friendly  settlement  of  the  line.     However  1095.   ; 
they  insisted  upon  the  old  line,  run  by  Woodward  and  Saf- 
fery,  and  would  take  no  measures  to  accommodate  the  dif- 
ierence. 

At  the  court  of  election,  May,    1696,  Eleazar  Kimberly     1696,, 
'.vas  chosen  secretary.     Upon  the  requisition  of  governor 
Fletcher,  a  company  of  sixty  men  were  ordered  to  Alba- 
ny, under  the  command  of  captain  William  Whiting.     For- 
ty dragoons  were  also  forwarded  to  the  county  of  Hamp-  ,    . 
shire,  for  the  security  of  the  inhabitants  in  that  part   of 
Massachusetts. 

About  this  time,  the  town  of  Danbury  was  incorporated. 
The  whole  number  of  families  was  twenty  four. 

At  the  general  court,    May,  1697,   colonel  Hutchinson  General 
and  captain  Byfield  were  sent  from  Boston,  to  solicit  the  court, 
raising  of  such  a  number  of  troops  as  should  enable  Massa- 
chusetts  to  attack  the  eastern  enemy,  at  their  head  quarters. 
The  legislature  judged  themselves  unable  to  furnish  such  a 
cumber,  as  would  be  necessary  for  that  purpose,  in  addi- 
*  Statement  on  file,  t  Appendix  No,  XX(V, 


396  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVI. 

BOOK  I.  tion  to  the  troops  they  must  raise  for  the  defence  of  their 
V>»-V~N^  own  frontiers,  of  New- York,  and  the  county  of  Hampshire. 
1698.     The  court  agreed  to  furnish  a  party  of  about  sixty  Eng- 
lishmen and  forty  Indians,   to  range  the  woods,  near  the 
walk  of  the  enemy,  and  to  defend  the  frontiers  of  the  coun- 
ty of  Hampshire. 

January         At  a  general  assembly,  January  22d,  1698,  an  alteration 

22d,  1698.  was  made  in  the  constitution  of  the  county  court.     It  was 

enacted,  that  it  should  consist  of  one  chief  judge  and  four 

justices  of  the  quorum,  in  each  county,  appointed  by  the 

assembly. 

Major-  Major-general  Fitz   John  Winthrop,   having    returned 

general      from  his  successful  agency  at  the  court  of  Great-Britain, 

on 'his  re-'  vvas  received  with  great  joy,  by  the  legislature  and  the  peo- 

turn,  re-     pie  in  general.     The  assembly  presented   him  with  their 

ceivesthe   thanks  for  the  good  services  he  had  rendered  to  the  gov- 

toe  i    '«lf-ernment»  anc^  as  a  further  testimonial  of  the  high  sense 

lure.          which  they  entertained  of  his  merit,  fidelity,  and   labours 

for  the  public,  they  voted  him  a  gratuity  of  three  hundred 

pounds. 

Earl  of          On  the  18th  of  June,  1697,  Richard,  earl  of  Bellomont, 
Bellomont  received  his  commission  to  be  governor  of  New- York  and 

governor  of  ^assackuset's'  an<^  was'  at  l^s  ^me'  every  day  expected 
Massachu-  at  New- York.     The  general  court  of  Connecticut  were 
settsand     desirous  of  honouring  his  majesty,  by  an  exhibition  of  all 
proper  respect  and  complaisance  to  his  governor ;  and,  at 
the  same  time,  they  wished  to  conciliate  the  good  graces 
of  so  important  a  character.     They,  therefore,  appointed 
general  Winthrop,  major  Jonathan  Sillick,  and  the  Rev. 
Gurdon  Saltonstall,  upon  the  first  notice  of  his  arrival  at 
New- York,  to  wait  upon  him,  and,  in  the  name  of  the  gene- 
ral assembly  of  Connecticut,  to  congratulate  his  excellency 
upon  hjs  safe  arrival  at  the  seat  of  government.     The  earl 
Conjjratu-  arrived  at  New- York  the  2d  of  April,  1698.     The  commit- 

lated  by     tee  appointed  to  wait  on  him,  were  gentlemen  of  a  good 
Conaecti-  i    i  i    i     • 

^  appearance  and  elegant  manners ;  and  they  presented  then- 

congratulations  with  such  dignity  and  address,  as  not  only 
did  honour  to  themselves  and  the  colony,  but  highly  plea- 
sed his  excellency.  Mr.  Saltonstall  was  particularly  no- 
ticed by  the  earl,  as  appearing  the  most  like  a  nobleman  of 
any  person  he  had  ever  seen  before  in  America. 

Notwithstanding  the  determination  of  lieutenant-gover- 
nor Cranfield,  and  his  majesty's  commissioners,  and  the 
report  to  his  majesty  concerning  the  right  of  Connecticut 
to  the  Narraganset  country,  the  controversy  between  Con- 
necticut and  Rhode-Island  still  continued.  It  was  not  the 
king's  pleasure  to  confirm  the  judgment  and  report  of  his 


CHAP.  XVI.  CONNECTICUT.  397 

commissioners.     The  Rhode-Islanders,  though  they  had  BOOK  I. 
violated  every  article  of  the  agreement  between  Mr.  Win-  *^~^~+*s 
throp  and  Mr.  Clark,  yet  were  ready  to  plead  it  against    1698. 
Connecticut,  whenever  it  would  suit  their  turn.     A  letter 
from  the  lords  of  trade  and  plantations  was  laid  before  the 
assembly,  advising  Connecticut  to  a  settlement  of  bounda- 
ries with  that  colony.     Upon  this  recommendation,  the  Commit- 
general  court  appointed  major  James  Fitch,  captain  Daniel  tee  ap- 
Witherell,  and  the  Rev.  James  Noyes,  commissioners  to  P°l"ted  to 
treat  with  Rhode-Island,  and,  by  all  means  in  their  power,  bounda- 
to  attempt  an  amicable  settlement.  ries. 

The  peace  of  Riswick,  September  llth,  1697,  once  more  Peace, 
delivered  Great-Britain  and  her  colonies  from  the  calami- 
ties of  war.  The  Americans  rejoiced  at  the  return  of  peace. 
Connecticut  had  been  happy  in  the  preservation  of  her 
frontiers,  in  the  loss  of  few  men,  and  in  the  effectual  aid 
which  she  had  given  to  her  sister  colonies.     Nevertheless,  Expense 
the  war  had  been  very  expensive,  and  exceedingly  vexa-  a.nd  vexa~ 
tious.     The  whole  amount  of  taxes,  during  the  war,  was^,°"sof 
about  twenty  pence  on  the  pound.     By  the  close  of  the 
year  1695,  the  colony  had  expended  7,000l.  in  the  defence 
of  Albany,  and  the  frontiers  of  the  county  of  Hampshire,  in 
Massachusetts  ;  exclusive  of  the  expedition  against  Cana- 
da, under  major-general  Winthrop.     This  cost  the  colony 
more  than  3,0001.     The  expense  of  the  troops  sent  to  the 
eastward,  to  the  defence  of  that  part  of  New-England,  is 
also  excluded.     It  is  probable  that  the  remaining  years  of 
the  war  cost  about  2,0001.     The  whole  expense  of  the  war 
probably  considerably  exceeded  12,0001.* 

The  expense  of  Mr.  Winthrop's  agency,  and  the  trouble 
respecting  the  militia,  were  very  considerable. 

Governor  Fletcher  made  the  colony  much  unnecessary 
trouble  and  expense.  Upon  almost  every  rumour  of  dan- 
ger, he  would  send  on  his  expresses  to  Connecticut ;  and 
the  governor  and  council,  and  sometimes  the  assembly, 
were  obliged  to  meet,  and  dispatch  troops  to  one  place  and 
another.  Often,  by  the  time  they  had  marched,  orders 
•would  come  to  recal  them.  By  the  time  they  were  return- 
ed, some  new  and  groundless  alarm  would  be  made,  and 
pressing  orders  sent  on  for  them  forthwith  to  march  again. 
In  this  manner,  he  almost  wore  out  the  governor  and  coun- 
cil with  meetings,  and  beyond  measure  harassed  the  militia, 
and  occasioned  great  trouble,  and  expense  of  time  and 
money,  both  to  the  soldiers  and  officers.  The  whole  colo- 
ny was  so  troubled  with  his  vexatious  management,  that  the 

*  The  accounts,  to  the  close  of  the  year  '95,  are  particularly  seated 
After  that  time,  they  do  not  appear  to  be  ascertained. 


398 


CHAP.  XVII. 


BOOK  I.  governor  wrote  to  Mr.  Winthrop,  while  he  was  in  England, 
~~^-v^s  desiring  him  to  represent  his  conduct  to  his  majesty,  and 
1698.    pray  for  relief. 

But  the  clouds  were  now  dissipated.  The  successful 
agency  of  general  Winthrop,  his  safe  return  to  the  arms  of 
his  country,  the  blessings  of  peace,  and  the  appointment 
and  arrival  of  the  earl  of  Bellomont  to  the  government  of 
the  neighbouring  provinces,  united  their  influence  to  diffuse 
universal  joy.  The  legislature  appointed  a  day  of  public 
thanksgiving,  and  the  people,  with  glad  hearts  and  voices, 
celebrated  the  beneficence  and  glories  of  their  coamov 
BENEFACTOR. 


Court  of 
election, 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

General  Winthrop  w  elected  governor.  Tke  assembly  divide. 
and  form  into  two  houses.  Purchase  and  settlement  of 
several  towns.  The  boundary  line  between  Connecticut 
and  New-York  surveyed  and  fixed.  Attempts  for  running 
and  establishing  the  line  between  Massachusetts  and  Con- 
necticut. Owaneco  and  the  Moheagans  claim  Colchester 
and  other  tracts  in  the  colony.  Attempts  to  compose  all 
differences  with  them.  Grant  to  the  volunteers.  Tne  as- 
sembly enacts,  that  the  session  in  October,  shall,  for  the 
future,  be  in  New-Haven.  An  act  enlarging  the  bounda- 
ries of  New-London,  and  acts  relative  to  towns  and  pat- 
ents. Measures  adopted  for  the  defence  of  the  colony. 
Appointment  of  king's  attorneys.  Attempts  to  despoil 
Connecticut  of  its  charter.  Bill  for  re-uniting  the  char- 
ter governments  to  the  crown.  Sir  Henry  Ashurst  pe- 
titions against,  and  prevents  the  passing  of  the  bill.  Gov- 
ernor Dudley,  Lord  Cornbury,  and  other  enemies  conspirf 
against  the  colony.  They  exhibit  grievous  complaint? 
against  it.  Sir  Henry  Ashurst  defends  the  colony,  and 
defeats  their  attempts.  Quakers  petition.  Moheagan  case. 
Survey  and  bounds  of  the  pretended  Moheagan  country. 
Dudley'' s  court  at  Stonington.  The  colony  protest  against 
it.  Dudley^s  treatment  of  the  colony.  Judgment  against 
it.  Petition  to  her  majesty  on  the  subject.  New  commis- 
sions are  granted.  Act  in  favour  of  the  clergy.  State 
of  the  colony. 


May  12th,    A  ^  tne  election  in  1698,  there  was  a  considerable  al- 
1698.       '  _/\,  teration  in  the  legislature.     Major-general  Fitz  John 


CHAP.  XVII.  CONNECTICUT.  399 

Winthrop,  by  his  address,  and  the  success  of  his  agency  in  BOOK   I. 
England,   had  rendered  himself  so  popular,  that  he  was  *^~^***s 
elected  governor.     The  former  governor,  Treat,  who  had,     1698. 
for  many  years,  presided,  and  who  had  grown  old  in  the 
service  of  the  colony,  was  elected  deputy-governor  ;  Wil- 
liam Jones,  Esq.  who,  for  a  number  of  years,  had  been  dep- 
uty-governor, was  left  out  of  the  council.*     Mr.  Joseph 
Curtis  was  chosen  magistrate,  to  fill  the  vacancy  made  by 
the  preferment  of  general  Winthrop. 

Until  the  session  in  October,  1698,  the  assembly  con-  Oct  13th 
sisted  of  but  one  house,  and  the  magistrates  and  deputies  1698,  the 
appear  to  have  acted  together.     But,  at  this  time,  it  was  assembly 
enacted,  that  the  General  Assembly  should  consist  of  two  ™0^,Se3tw* 
houses  :  That  the  governor,  or,  in  his  absence,  the  deputy- 
governor  and  magistrates,  should  compose  the  first,  which 
should  be  called  the  upper  house :  That  the  other  should 
consist  of  the  deputies,  regularly  returned  from  the  sever- 
al towns  in  the   colony,  which  should  be  called  the  lower 
house.     This  house  was  authorised  to  choose  a  speaker  to 
preside,  and  when  formed,  to  make  such  officers  and  rules 
as  they  should  judge  necessary  for  their  own  regulation. 
It  was  also  enacted,  that  no  act  should  be  passed  into  a  law 
of  this  colony,  nor  any  law,  already  enacted,  be  repealed, 
nor  any  other  act,   proper  to  this  General  Assembly,    be 
passed,  except  by  the  consent  of  both  houses. 

At  the  general  court,  in  October,  an  act  passed,  regulat- 
ing the  county  court.  It  ordained,  that  it  should  consist  of 
one  chief  judge,  and  two  justices  of  the  quorum. 

In  1699,  the  governor  and  deputy-governor  were  re-elec-  May  llth, 
ted.     Richard  Christopher  was  chosen  into  the  magistra- 16"* 
cy,  and  captain  Joseph  Whiting,  treasurer. 

At  (his  session,  the  lower  house,  for  the  first  time,  form- 
ed separately,  and  chose  Mr.  John  Chester  speaker,  and  . 
captain  William  Whiting  clerk.     This  assembly  passed 

*  Deputy-governor  Joues  was  son  in  law  to  governor  Eaton.  He  brought 
over  a  good  estate  from  England,  and  made  a  settlement  at  New-Haven , 
He  was.  for  the  term  of  about  sis  and  thirty  years,  either  magistrate  or 
deputy-governor  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven  or  Connecticut.  In  1662, 
he  was  chosen  magistrate  for  the  colony  of  New-Haven  Two  years  af- 
ter, he  was  elected  deputy-governor.  Upon  the  union,  in  1665,  he  was 
chosen  one  of  the  magistrates  of  Connecticut,  in  which  office  he  served  un- 
til July  9th,  1691,  when  the  assembly  elected  him  deputy-governor.  la 
May,  1692,  he  was  chosen  to  the  same  office  by  the  freemen.  He  was  aii- 
nually  re-chosen,  until  May  12th,  1698.  At  that  period  he  was  about  74 
years  of  age,  and  retired  from  public  business.  He  died  October  17th, 
1706,  aged  82  years.  The  General  Assembly  was  sitting  at  New-Haven, 
at  the  time  of  his  decease,  and  voted,  u  That  in  consideration  of  the  many 
geod  services,  for  many  years  done  by  that  honored  and  religious  gentle- 
man, Mr.  William  Jones,  then  deceased,  a  sum  should  be  paid  out  of  thfc 
treasury  towards  defraying  the  charges  of  his  funeral." 


400  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVII. 

BOOK  I.  an  act  exempting  the  clergy  from  taxation.     Several  acts 
s^-v-x^  were  also  passed,  relative  to  the  settlement  of  new  town- 

1698.    ships. 

Purchase  In  June,  1659,  governor  Winthrop  obtained  liberty  of 
mentSoftle"  tne  assembly,  l°  purchase  a  large  tract  at  Quinibaug. 
PJainfield.  Soon  after  he  made  a  purchase  of  Allups,  alias  Hyemps, 
and  Mashaushawit,  the  native  proprietors,  of  the  lands 
comprised  in  the  townships  of  Plainfield  and  Canterbury, 
lying  on  both  sides  of  Quinibaug  river.  There  were  a 
small  number  of  families  on  the  lands,  at  the  time  of  the 
purchase  ;  but  the  planters  were  few,  until  the  year  1689, 
when  a  number  of  people,  chiefly  from  Massachusetts, 
made  a  purchase  of  the  heirs  of  governor  Winthrop,  and 
began  settlements  in  the  northern  part  of  the  tract.  At 
their  session,  in  May,  1699,  the  General  Assembly  vested 
the  inhabitants  with  town  privileges.  The  next  year,  it 
was  named  Plainfield. 

Grant  and  The  legislature,  in  the  October  session,  1698,  enacted, 
settlement  that  a  new  plantation  should  be  made  at  Jeremy's  farm, 
of  Colches-  It  was  determined,  that  it  should  be  bounded  southerly  on 
ter*  Lyme,  westerly  on  Middletown,  and  easterly  on  Norwich 

and  Lebanon.  This  was  most  commonly  termed  the  plan- 
tation at  twenty  mile  river.  The  settlement  began  about 
1701.  In  1703,  the  assembly  gave  the  planters  a  patent, 
confirming  to  them  the  whole  tract.  Some  of  the  princi- 
pal planters,  were  the  Rev.  John  Bulkley,  Samuel  Gilbert, 
Michael  Tainter,  Samuel  Northam,  John  Adams,  Joseph 
Pomeroy,  and  John  Loorais. 

Conn"-          At  the  same  session,  a  plantation  was  granted,  upon  the 
chads'       petition  of  the  inhabitants  of  Guilford,  at  a  place  called 
Durham     Cogingchaug.     It  was  bounded  northerly  on  Middletown, 
and"set-      easterly  on  Haddam,  westerly  on  Wallingford,  and  south- 
tied,          fi'ly  on  Guilford.     The  petitioners  were  thirty-one,  but 
few  of  them  moved  on  to  the  lands.     For  this  reason,  the 
settlement  went  on  very  slowly.     The  two  first  planters, 
were  Caleb  Seward  and  David  Robinson,  from  Guilford. 
Some  others  afterward  removed  from  the  same  town,  and 
made  settlements  there.     May  llth,  1704,    it  was  named 
Durham.     But  the  whole  number  of  inhabitants  was  very 
small.     In  1707,  the  number  of  families  was  no  more  than 
fifteen.     The  inhabitants  held  meetings,  and  acted  as  a 
town,  but  were  not  incorporated  with  town  privileges,  un- 
til May,  1708.      After  this  time,  the  plantation  increased 
rapidly.      There  was  a  great  accession  of  inhabitants  from 
Northampton,  Stratford,  Milford,  and  other  towns. 

Committees  were  again  appointed,  at  the  session  in  Oc- 
tober, to  attempt  a  settlement  of  the  boundaries  between 


CHAP.  XVlf.  CONNECTICUT.  401 

Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  and  between  this  colony  BOOK  I. 
and  Rhode-Island.  However,  like  all  former  ones,  they  \~*~^^s 
were  unsuccessful.  1700. 

March  28th,  1700,  his  majesty,  king  William,  in  coun-King  Wii- 
cil,  was  pleased  to  confirm  the  agreement  made  between  J!a™estab" 
Connecticut  and  New-York,  in  1683,  respecting  the  boun-  agreement 
dary  line  between  the  two  colonies.      New- York  neglect- in  1683. 
ed,   however,  to  run  the  line.      Connecticut,   therefore, 
about  twelve  years  after,  applied  to  governor  Hunter,  to 
appoint  commissioners  to  complete  the  running  of  the  line, 
and  mark  it  with  proper  bounds.      He  laid  the  affair  be- 
fore the  legislature  of  New- York  :    but,  as  they  would 
adopt  no  measures  for  that  purpose,  and,  as  there  was  no 
appearance  that  they  designed  it,  Connecticut  presented  a 
petition  to  his  majesty  king  George  the  first,  praying  that 
he  would  issue  his  royal  commands  to  his  government  of 
New- York,  that  they  should  forthwith  appoint  commission- 
ers, in  concert  with  Connecticut,  to  complete  the  running 
of  the  line,  and  the  erecting  of  proper  monuments.      In 
consequence   of  this,    the    legislature   of  New- York,    in 
1719,  passed  an  act  empowering  their  governor  to  appoint 
commissioners  to  run  the  line  parallel  to  Hudson's  river,  to 
re-survey  the  former  lines,  and  to  distinguish  the  bounda- 
ry.    In  May,  1725,  the  commissioners  and  surveyors  of 
the  two  colonies,  met  at  Greenwich,  and,  having  agreed  Tlie  line 
upon  the  manner  in  which  the  work  should  be  accomplish-  ^etwee" 

i  .  1-1  i      Oonnecti- 

ed,  the  survey  was  executed,  in  part,  immediately,  and  a  cut  and 
report  of  what  they  had  done,  was  made  to  the  respective  New- York 
legislatures  of  Connecticut  and  New- York.      On  the  14th  ™n  f1"1 
of  May,  1731,  a  complete  settlement  was  made.      By  the 
partition  line,  finally   established,  Connecticut   ceded  to 
New- York  a  tract  of  60,000  acres,  as  an  equivalent  for 
lands  which  New- York  had  surrendered  to  Connecticut, 
lying  upon  the  sound.      This  tract,  from  its  figure,  has 
been  called  the  Oblong. 

In  1700,  the  governor  and  council  were  all  re-elected.  Court  of 
Many  acts  of  violence,  since  the  last  session  of  the  as- 
sembly,  had  been  committed  against  the  inhabitants  of 
Windsor  and  Simsbury,  by  the  people  of  Enfield  and  Suf- 
field.  They  had  made  encroachments  two  miles  upon  the 
land  of  those  towns,  beyond  all  former  instances.  Great 
animosities  subsisted  between  those  towns  on  the  account 
of  the  encroachments  and  damages,  which  the  inhabitants 
of  Connecticut  suffered  by  them. 

To  compose  these  difficulties,  if  possible,  the  assembly  Attempts 
appointed  William  Pitkin,  Esq.   Mr.  John  Chester,  an 
Mr.  William  Whiting,  a  committee,  with  plenary  powers, 

A  3 


403  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVlf, 

BOOK  I.  to  address  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts,  and  to  repre- 
V-X-N^X^  sent  to  them  the  readiness  of  the  legislature  of  Connecti- 
1700.  cut,  to  join  with  them  in  any  just  measures,  for  an  arnica- 
Massachu-  ble  settlement  of  the  boundary  line.  The  court  of  Massa- 
CoutecU-  cnusetts  appointed  colonel  Hutchinson,  Mr.  Taylor,  Mr. 
cut.  Anthrum,  and  Mr.  Prout,  a  committee,  but  with  limited 

powers,  to  find  the  southernmost  line  of  Massachusetts, 
run  by  Nathaniel  Woodward  and  Solomon  Saffery.  The 
general  court,  alsoy  on  the  5th  of  June,  passed  an  act,  in 
answer  to  the  proposal  made  by  Connecticut,  irv  which 
they  insisted  on  the  line  run  by  Woodward  and  Saffery. 
These  were  termed  skilful  and  approved  artists.  The 
court  also,  in  their  act,  insisted,  that  all  grants,  made  by 
them  to  the  inhabitants  of  Woodstock,  or  of  any  other 
place,  should  remain  good  and  valid  to  the  grantees, 
though  the  places  should  be  found  south  of  the  line  of  Mas- 
sachusetts. To  these  hard  terms  the  committee  conceded, 
upon  the  condition,  that  att  the  grants  made  by  Connecti- 
cut, to  the  inhabitants  of  Windsor  and  SimsburyT  should  be- 
acknowledged  as  valid,  and  the  land  granted  be  reserved 
to  the  proprietors.  But  the  court  of  Massachusetts  would 
not  concede  even  this.  No  accommodation  could  there- 
fore be  effected. 

The  general  court  of  Massachusetts  determined  to  rely 
upon,  and  maintain  the  line  run  by  their  sailors,  in  1642. 
They  insisted  that  it  had  been  the  boundary  between  the 
colonies,  for  nearly  sixty  years  :  that  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut was  bounded  on  the  south  line  of  Massachusetts, 
which  they  said  was  not  an  imaginary,  but  well  known  line. 
They  pleaded,  that  Mr.  Winthrop,  when  he  procured  the 
charter,  knew  that  to  be  the  line,  and  that  no  other  could 
be  intended* 

Connecticut,  on  the  other  hand,  maintained,  that  the 
south  line  of  Massachusetts,  according  to  the  express  words 
of  their  charter,  was  a  line  running  due  west  from  a  point. 
or  station,  three  miles  south  of  every  part  of  Charles  river ; 
and  that  the  station  fixed  by  Woodward  and  Saffery  was 
too  far  south.  It  was  also  insisted,  that,  even  allowing 
Woodward's  and  Saffery's  station  to  be  right,  a  due  west 
line  from  it  would  run  far  north  of  Bissell's  ferry  house  at 
Windsor.  The  committee,  appointed  by  the  court  of 
Massachusetts,  reported,  that  the  line  would  run  north  of 
Bissell's  house  ;  yet  the  court  of  Massachusetts  would  not 
run  the  line,  nor  come  to  any  accommodation  ;  but  insisted 
on  the  line  as  it  had  been  run  by  them,  in  1642,  and  on 
Connecticut's  ceding  their  rights  to  all  the  lands  which 


CHAP.  XVII.  CONNECTICUT.  403 

they  had  granted,  whether  they  lay  north  or  south  of  said  BOOK  I. 

Though  Colchester  held  their  lands  from  the  colony,  1700. 
tvhich  claimed  by  virtue  of  Uncas's  deed  in  1640,  major 
Mason's  purchase,  in  behalf  of  the  colony,  and  surrender 
of  the  lands  in  the  presence  of  the  general  assembly,  and 
by  virtue  of  Joshua's  will ;  and  though  the  inhabitants  had 
deeds  from  Owaneco,  and  the  Moheagan  sachems,  cover- 
ing the  whole  tract,  yet  they  met  with  great  difficulties,  in 
the  settlement  of  the  town,  from  Owaneco  and  the  Mohea- 
gans,  who  were  made  uneasy,  and  stirred  up  to  mischief, 
by  designing  men.  The  Masons,  Daniel  Clark,  Nicholas 
Hallam,  major  Palms,  major  Fitch,  and  others,  about  this 
time,  conceived  the  plan  of  obtaining  a  large  tract  of  land, 
comprising  Colchester,  part' of  Lyme,  and  New-London, 
Plainfield,  Canterbury,  and  Windham,  for  themselves. 
They  imagined,  that  the  surrender  of  major  Mason,  in  the 
general  assembly,  was  not  legal,  and  that  the  circum- 
stances of  those  early  transactions  were  so  far  obliterated 
from  the  memory  of  the  living,  that  they  should  be  able  to 
^recover,  in  law,  all  the  lands  made  over,  by  Uncas,  to  ma- 
jor Mason,  acting  as  agent  of  the  colony  in  1659. 

The  legislature,  though  they  viewed  their  title  to  the 
lands  in  the  colony  legal  and  indubitable,  yet  judged  it  ex- 
pedient, rather  than  to  have  any  difficulty  with  the  In- 
dians, to  treat  with  them,  and  make  them  easy. 

The  governor  and  council  were  appointed  a  committee 
for  these  purposes.  They  were  instructed  to  obtain  a  quit 
claim  of  the  Indians  upon  reasonable  terms,  and  to  advise 
the  inhabitants,  with  respect  to  their  settlements.  Captain 
Samuel  Mason,  who  was  one  of  the  magistrates,  was  par- 
ticularly desired  to  use  his  influence  with  the  Indians  to 
promote  the  design,  and  quiet  the  planters. 

From  the  first  settlement  of  the  colony,  it  had  been  cus- 
tomary to  make  grants  of  land  to  officers,  soldiers,  and  otn- 
ers,  who  had  been  specially  serviceable  to  the  colony. 
Grants  had  been  made  to  major  Mason,  to  his  officers  and 
soldiers,  in  the  Pequot  war.  This  encouraged  the  volun- 
teers, who  had  performed  such  signal  feats  in  the  Narra- 
ganset  war,  to  make  application  to  the  assembly,  for  the 
grant  of  a  new  township,  as  an  acknowledgment  of  their 
good  services.  Upon  the  petition  of  captain  Thomas  Lef- 
fingwell,  of  Norwich,  and  Mr.  John  Frink,  of  Stonington, 
in  behalf  of  themselves  and  other  volunteers,  the  general  Qrant  of 
assembly,  in  October,  1696,  granted  them  a  township  of  Voluntown 
six  miles  square,  to  be  taken  up  in  the  conquered  lands.  A  Oct.  10th. 

*  Records  of  Counecticut,  acts  and  letters  on  file* 


404 


HISTORY  OF 


.  XVIT, 


Court  of 
election, 
Alay&th, 
1701. 


May  14th, 
1702. 

Mansfield 
made  a 
tov/fl. 


Danbury 
jnnde  a 
town. 


committee  having  surveyed  the  lands  and  made  their  re- 
port to  the  assembly,  four  years  after,  a  township  was 
confirmed  to  the  petitioners,  by  the  name  of  Voluntown. 
It  was  bounded  by  a  due  north  line,  from  the  pond  at  the 
head  of  Pawcatuck  river,  to  Greenwich  path,  thence  west 
to  the  bounds  of  Preston,  thence  bounded  by  Preston  and 
Stonington  to  Pawcatuck  river,  and  thence  by  the  river  to 
the  pond,  the  first  mentioned  bounds.  Nineteen  years  af- 
ter, the  assembly  granted  an  addition  of  a  considerable 
tract  on  the  north  part  of  the  township. 

In  1701,  governor  Winthrop  and  deputy  governor  Treat 
were  re-chosen.  The  magistrates  were  Andrew  Leet, 
James  Fitch,  Samuel  Mason,  Daniel  Witherel,  Nathaniel 
Stanley,  Moses  Mansfield,  John  Hamlin,  Nathan  Gould> 
William  Pitkin,  Joseph  Curtis,  John  Chester,  and  Josiah 
Rossiter,  Esquires.  Joseph  Whiting,  Esq.  was  re-elected 
treasurer,  and  Eleazar  Kimberly,  secretary. 

Ever  since  the  union  of  the  colonies,  the  assembly  had 
convened  at  Hartford,  both  in  May  and  October  ;  but,  at 
this  session,  an  act  passed,  that  the  assembly,  in  October, 
should  be  holden,  at  the  usual  time,  in  New-Haven.  It 
was  also  enacted,  that  the  court  of  magistrates,  which  had 
been  commonly  holden  at  Hartford,  in  October,  should,  for 
the  future,  be  holden  at  New-Haven,  on  the  first  Tuesday 
of  the  same  month.  A  respectable  committee  was  ap- 
pointed again,  this  year,  to  make  a  settlement  of  the  boun- 
dary line  with  Rhode-Island,  and  committees  were  ap- 
pointed, from  year  to  year,  for  the  same  purpose,  but  all 
attempts,  for  a  long  time,  were  unsuccessful. 

The  election  in  1702,  made  no  alteration  in  the  legisla- 
ture. 

The  inhabitants  of  Windham  having  agreed  upon  a  di- 
vision of  that  town,  on  the  30th  of  January,  1700,  the  as- 
sembly, at  this  session,  confirmed  the  agreement,  and  en- 
acted that  Windham  should  be  divided  into  two  towns,  and 
that  the  town  at  the  north  end  should  be  called  Mansfield. 
The  next  May,  the  assembly  vested  them  with  distinct  town 
privileges.  Patents  were  granted,  at  the  same  time,  to 
both  townships.  The  Indian  name  of  Mansfield,  was  Naw- 
besetuck.  Settlements  were  made  here  soon  after  they 
commenced  at  Windham. 

Danbury  had  been  surveyed  fora  town  in  1693,  soon 
after  a  plantation  was  made  upon  the  lauds.  Some  of  the 
principal  planters  were  James  Beebe,  Thomas  Taylor, 
Samuel  and  James  Benedict,  John  Hoit,  and  Josiah  Starr. 
The  general  court  at  this  session,  gave  them  a  patent, 
granting  them  a  township  extending  eight  miles  in  length; 


CHAP.  XVIT.  CONNECTICUT.  403 

north  and  south,  and  six  miles  in  breadth,  according  to  the  BOOK  I. 
original  survey.  v-x~v-%^ 

In  October,  the  general  assembly    was  holden  at  New-    1702. 
Haven.  Oct.  m. 

The  colony  having  received  intelligence  of  the  demise 
of  king  William,  and  £  gracious  letter  from  queen  Anne, 
voted,  that  a  letter  should  be  addressed  to  her  majesty,  con- 
gratulating her  upon  her  happy  accession  to  the  throne  of 
her  ancestors,  and  expressing  their  thanks  for  the  favorable 
notice  she  had  taken  of  the  colony. 

The  only  alteration  made,  by  the  election,  in  May,  1703,  Election, 
was  the  choice  of  Peter  Burr,  Esq.  into  the  magistracy.       May  13tlli 

At  this  assembly,  an  addition  was  made  to  the  town  of 1703' 
New-London  of  all  that  tract,  lying  north  of  the  former 
bounds,  included  in  a  line  drawn  from  the  northeastern 
corner  of  Lyme,  to  the  southwestern  corner  of  Norwich, 
as  it  goes  down  to  trading  cove.  A  patent  was,  at  the 
same  time,  given  to  the  inhabitants,  confirming  this  and  all 
other  parts  of  the  town  to  them  forever. 

At  the  same  session,  it  was  enacted,  that  all  the  town-  Act  rela- 
ships  in  this  colony,  to  which  the  assembly  had  given  pa- tlve 
tents,  should  remain  a  full  and  clear  estate,    with  all  the 
privileges  and  immunities  therein  granted,  in  fee  simple  to 
the  proprietors,   their    heirs  and  assigns   forever.     It  was 
also  enacted,  that  all  lands  sequestered,  and  given  to  pub- 
lic or  private  uses,  should  remain  forever,  for  the  ends  for 
•which  they  had  been  given. 

Queen  Anne,  the  emperor  of  Germany,  and  ihe  States 
General,  in  May,  1702,  declared  war  against  France  and 
Spain.  Consequently  the  American  colonies  were  again 
involved  in  a  French  and  Indian  war.  The  legislature,  at 
the  session  in  October,  found  it  necessary  to  adopt  mea-  95*-  14tlj5 
sures  for  the  safety  of  the  country.  A  requisition  was 
made,  by  governor  Dudley,  and  the  general  court  of  Mas- 
sachusetts, of  a  detachment  of  a  hundred  men,  to  assist 
them  in  the  war  against  the  eastern  Indians.  Soldiers 
were  detached  and  sent  forth  for  the  defence  of  the  west- 
ern towns  in  Connecticut.  A  committee  of  war  was  ap- 
pointed to  send  troops  into  the  county  of  Hampshire,  in 
Massachusetts,  and  to  the  frontier  towns  in  this  colony,  as 
emergencies  should  require. 

At  this  assembly,  it  was  enacted,  that  the  town  of  Plain- 
field  should  be  divided,  and  that  the  inhabitants  on  the 
west  side  of  the  river  should  be  a  distinct  town,  by  the  Canterbo- 
name  of  Canterbury.     It  seems,  that  the  settlement  of  this  ry  made?i 
tract  commenced  about  the  year  1690.     The  principal  set- town> 
•jers,  from  Connecticut,  were  major  Barnes  Fitch  and  Mr, 


406  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVII. 

BOOK  I.  Solomon  Tracy,  from  Norwich,  Mr.  Tixhall  Ellsworth  and 

\^~v-x^  Mr.  Samuel  Ashley,  from    Hartford  ;  but  much  the  great- 

1703.     est  number  was    from   Newtown,    Woburn,  Dorchester, 

Barnstable,  and  Medfield,  in  Massachusetts.     Among  these 

were  John,    Richard,   and  Joseph  Woodward,  William, 

Obadiah,  and  Joseph  Johnson,  Josiah  and  Samuel  Cleave- 

land,  Elisha  Paine,  Paul  Davenport,  and  Henry  Adams. 

Special  On  the  15th  of  March,  1704,   a  special  assembly  was 

assembly,   convened  to  provide  for  the  common  safety.     To  prevent 

March       mischief  from  the  friendly  Indians,  and  preserve  them  from 

15   ' 1     '  being  corrupted  and  drawn  away  by  the  enemy,  both  the 

civil  and  military  officers,   in  the  respective  towns,   were 

directed  to  take  special  care  of  them  ;  to  keep  them  within 

their  own  limits,  and  not  to  suffer  them,  upon  their  peril,  to 

remove  from  the  places  which   should  be  assigned  them, 

Sedcom°r  "or  to  hold  any  correspondence  with  the  enemy,  or  any 

mon  safe-   foreign  Indians,  nor  by  any  means  to  harbor  them.     A  pre- 

*j-  mium  of  ten  pounds  was  proposed,  as  an  encouragement  to 

every  friendly  Jndian,  who  should  bring  in  and  deliver  up 

one  who  was  an  enemy. 

Orders  were  given,  requiring  every  particular  town,  in 
the  colony,  to  convene  and  determine  upon  the  manner  of 
fortifying  and  defending  themselves.  In  case  of  any  sud- 
den attack  or  invasion,  the  commissioned  officers,  in  the 
several  towns,  were  authorised  to  detach  and  send  forth 
any  number  of  soldiers,  not  exceeding  half  the  militia,  to 
repel  and  pursue  the  enemy.  It  was  resolved,  that  a  grand 
scout  should  be  employed  by  the  committee  of  war,  upon 
the  frontiers,  for  the  discovery  and  annoyance  of  the  ene- 
my. Until  this  could  be  sent  forth,  it  was  determined, 
that  small  scouts,  from  the  frontier  towns,  should  be  con- 
stantly kept  out,  to  discover  and  give  notice  of  the  motions 
of  the  enemy.  It  was  ordered,  that  the  huhdred  men,  so- 
licited by  the  Massachusetts,  should  be  raised  forthwith, 
to  act  against  the  eastern  Indians,  and  that  governor  Dud- 
ley should  be  requested  to  call  them  out  immediately.  A 
detachment  of  sixty  men  was  ordered  for  the  public  service, 
principally  with  a  view  to  the  defence  of  the  county  of 
Hampshire.  These  were  to  be  under  the  command  of  the 
committee  of  war  in  Connecticut,  and  the  commanding  of- 
ficer in  that  county.  , 

At  the  court  of  election,  May,  1704,  the  former  governors 
Election  .  •"  s, 

May  nth,  and  magistrates  were  re-chosen.     John  Allen,  ksq.    was 

1704.         chosen  magistrate,  to  fill  the  vacancy  made  by  the  death  of 
Moses  Mansfield,  Esq. 

Committees  were  appointed  in  the  several  counties  to 
meet  together,  to  consult  and  determine  upon  the  best 
measures  for  the  general  defence  and  safety. 


€HAP.  XVII.  CONNECTICUT.  407 

As  the  deserting  or  giving  up  of  any  place,   would  en-  BOOK   I. 
courage  the  enemy,  disserve  her  majesty's  interests,  and  v^-v^s^ 
the  welfare  of  the  colony,  it  was  enacted,  that  if  any  per-    1704. 
sons  or  families,  in  any  of  the  frontier  towns,  should  desert 
their  habitations  or  places  of  residence,  without  leave  from 
the  assembly,  they  should  forfeit  their  freehold  of  lands  and 
tenements  in  that  place.     It  was  further  enacted,   that  if 
any  male  person,  of  the  age  of  sixteen  years,  should  so  re- 
move from  any  frontier  town,  he  should  pay  a  fine  of  ten 
pounds,  and  that  the  fine  should  be  applied  to  the  defence 
of  the  town  from  which  he  had  removed. 

Good  policy  required,  that  as  great  a  number  of  the 
friendly  Indians  as  possible,  should  be  employed  in  the 
public  service.  Gentlemen  were,  therefore,  appointed  to 
enlist  them  as  volunteers.  Good  encouragements  were 
given  for  this  purpose.  Indians  were  the  best  troops  to 
scout  and  range  the  woods ;  and  in  proportion  as  they  of- 
fered themselves,  Englishmen,  whose  labours  were  much 
more  useful,  were  kept  at  home. 

Besides  the  hundred  mqn  dispatched  to  the  eastward, 
four  hundred  were  raised  for  the  defence  of  this  colony, 
and  of  the  county  of  Hampshire.  They  were  required  to 
be  always  ready.  That  they  might  be  completely  ready, 
both  in  summer  and  winter,  to  march  immediately,  upon 
any  emergency,  it  was  ordered,  that  they  should  be  fur- 
nished with  snow  shoes,  that  they  might  travel  and  run  up- 
on the  -snow.  A  number  of  men  in  every  town  were  obli- 
ged to  prepare  themselves  in  this  manner.* 

For  the  maintenance  of  good  morals,  the  suppression 


vicious  and  disorderly  practices,  and  the  preservation  of  ment  of 
the  common  peace,  the  assembly  ordered,  that  a  sober,  re-  |"n§'s  at' 
ligious  man,  be  appointed  by  the  county  court,  in  each  of 
the  counties,  to  be  an  attorney  for  her  majesty,  to  prose- 
cute all  criminal  offenders. 

The  colony,  at'  this  time,  was  in  the  most  critical  situa-  Critical 
•kion.     It  was  not  only  in  danger,  and  put  to  great  expense,  state  of 
by  reason  of  the  war,  to  defend  itself,  but  to  still  greater, lhe  co!onl> 
to  defend  the  neighbouring  colonies  of  Massachusetts  and 
New- York.     It  was  continually  harassed  by  the  demands 
of  Joseph  Dudley,  Esq.  governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  of 
lord  Cornbury,   governor  of  New- York  and  the  Jerseys, 
for  men  and  money,  as  they  pretended  for  the  defence  of 
their  respective  governments. 

At  the  same  time,  the  colony  had  a  number  of  powerful  Arts  of  its 
enemies,  who,  by  misrepresentation  and  every  other  arti-  ^ie°J'esj 
ike  in  their  power,  were  seeking  to  deprive  them  both  ofandCorn- 
*  Records  of  the  colonv,  bury. 


408  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVII. 

BOOK  I.  their  lands  and  all  their  chartered  rights  and  privileges. 
•v-x-v~x^  Governor  Dudley,  lord  Cornbury,  and  their  instruments, 
1701.  combined  together  to  despoil  the  colony  of  its  charter,  and 
subject  it  entirely  to  their  government.  It  appears,  from 
the  letters  and  acts  on  file,  that  Dudley  wished  to  unite  aH 
New-England  under  his  own  government.  At  the  same 
time,  it  seems,  he  flattered  lord  Cornbury,  that,  if  they 
could  effect  the  re-union  of  all  the  charter  governments  to 
the  crown,  he  should  not  only  have  the  government  of  the 
southern  colonies,  but  of  Connecticut.  Dudley  was  a  man 
of  great  intrigue  and  duplicity,  well  versed  in  court  affairs, 
and  had  powerful  connections  in  England.  He  had  been 
connected  with  Sir  Edmund  Andross  in  the  government  of 
New-England,  and  was  an  enemy  to  all  the  chartered 
rights  of  the  colonies.  While  he  was  soliciting  the  govern- 
ment of  Massachusetts,  he  had  a  view  to  the  government  of 
all  New-England.  As  he  had  conceived  this  plan  as  ear- 
ly as  the  latter«part  of  the  reign  of  king  William,  he  oppo- 
sed whatever  he  suspected  would  operate  against  it,  and 
prevent  the  suspension  of  all  government  by  charter.  When 
he  found,  therefore,  that  Sir  Henry  Ashurst  was  appointed 
agent  for  Connecticut,  about  the  beginning  of  the  present 
century,  he  opposed  his  undertaking  the  agency  with  al! 
his  influence,  because  he  knew  his  friendship  to  the  colo- 

Attempfs    nies,  arid  that  he  was  a  powerful  man.     He  united  all  his 

to  vacate    jnfluence  wjtn  the  court  party,  and  the  enemies  to  the  lib- 

the  char-  •          /•   i  i      • 

ter-  erties  01  the  colonies,  to  vacate  all  the  charters  in  America. 

He  so  far  succeeded,  that,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of 
Bl!1/°J.^e"  king  William,  a  bill  was  prepared  for  re-uniting  all  the 
to  the3  charter  governments  to  the  crown.  Early  iri  the  reign  ot 
crown.  queen  Anne,  it  was  brought  into  parliament.  It  imported, 
that  the  charters  given  to  the  several  colonies  in  New- 
England,  to  East  and  West  New-Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  Carolina,  the  Bahama  and  Lucay  islands,  were 
prejudicial  and  repugnant  to  the  trade  of  the  kingdom,  and 
the  welfare  of  his  majesty's  subjects  in  the  other  planta- 
tions, and  to  his  majesty's  revenue  arising  from  the  cus- 
toms. It  also  further  alledged,  that  irregularities,  piracies, 
and  unlawful  trade,  were  countenanced  and  encouraged  by 
the  a^Khorily  in  the  chartered  colonies.  It  therefore  enact- 
ed, "  That  all  and  singular,  the  clauses,  matters,  and  things, 
contained  in  any  charters,  or  letters  patents,  granted  by 
the  great  seal  of  England,  by  any  of  his  royal  predeces- 
sors, by  his  present  majesty,  or  the  late  queen,  to  any  of 
the  said  plantations,  or  to  any  persons  in  them,  should  be 
utterly  void,  and  of  none  effect.  It  further  enacted,  that 
all  such  power,  authority,  privileges,  and  jurisdictions, 


CHAP.  XVII.  CONNECTICUT.  409 

should  be,  and  were  re-united^  annexed  to,  and  vested  in  BOOK  I. 
his  majesty,  his  heirs  and  successors,  in  right  of  the  crown  v^^v-x*' 
of  England,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  though  no  such    1704. 
charters  or  letters  patent  had  been  had  or  made.* 

Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  viewing  the  act  as  unjust,  and  sab-  Petition 
versive  of  the  civil  and  religious  rights  of  the  colony,  pre-  a?aio»t  the 
ferred  a  petition  to  the  lords  spiritual  and  temporal  in  par-  l 
liament  assembled,  representing  that  said  bill  would  do 
great  injustice  to  the  inhabitants  of  Connecticut :  That  it 
Would  make  void  the  charter  granted  to  the  colony  by  king 
Charles  the  second :  That  the  government  was,  by  said 
charter,  granted  to  them,  and  was  so  interwoven  with  their 
property,  that  it  could  not  be  taken  away,  without  expo- 
sing them  to  the  utmost  confusion,  if  not  to  utter  ruin : 
That  the  inhabitants  had  never  been  accused  of  mal-ad- 
ministration,  piratical  or  unlawful  trade;  and  that  their 
case  was  different  from  his  majesty's  other  plantations  in, 
America.  He,  therefore,  humbly  prayed  to  be  heard,  by 
his  council,  at  the  bar  of  the  house,  in  their  behalf.t  In 
consequence  of  this,  it  .was  granted,  May  3d,  1701,  that  the 
petitioner  should  be  heard  against  the  bill. 

Sir  Henry  was  a  faithful  man,  had  honourable  connec- 
tions, and  his  influence  at  court  was  very  considerable. 
He  raised  all  the  opposition  to  the  passing  of  the  bill  in 
his  power.  Representations  were  made,  not  only  of  the  Reasons 
ample  rights  and  privileges  granted  to  Connecticut,  by  against  its 
charter,  but  that  they  were  granted  for  important  conside- 
rations,  and  particular  services  performed :  That  the  in- 
habitants, at  great  expense  and  danger,  had  purchased, 
subdued, and  planted  an  extensive  country;  had  defended 
it  against  the  Dutch,  French,  and  Other  enemies  of  the  na- 
tion; had  enlarged  his  majesty's  dominions,  and  increased 
commerce:  That  the  charter  not  only  gave  the  inhabitants 
powers  of  government,  but  secured  the  title  of  their  lands 
•and  tenements ;  and  that,  in  these  views,  the  passing  of 
the  bill  would  be  an  act  of  great  injustice  ;  would  be  ruin- 
ous to  the  colony,  and  prejudicial  to  the  general  interest. 
It  was  insisted,  that  it  would  be  still  more  arbitrary  and 
unjust,  as  the  colony  had  not  been  even  accused  of  mal- 
administration, piratical  or  illegal  practices,  or  so  much  as 
heard  on  the  subject.  It  was  pleaded,  that  the  colony  had 
ever  been  loyal  and  obedient,  and  if  any  irregularities,  or 
inadvertencies  should  finally  be  found  in  the  government, 
it  would,  on  the  first  notice  of  it,  undoubtedly  be  reformed. 
At  the  same  time,  the  taking  away  of  so  many  charters, 
«was,  at  once,  calculated  to  destroy  all  confidence  in  the 

*  Copy  of  the  bill  on  file.  t  Petition  on  file. 

B3 


410 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XVIL 


not  dis- 
couraged 


They  are 
powerful. 


BOOK  I.  erovrn,  in  royal  patents  and  promises ;  to  discourage  all 
-^vx^  further  enterprise,  in  settling  and  defending  the  country  \ 
*1704.    to  create  universal  discontent  and  disaffection  in  the  colo- 
nies ;  and  to  produce  effects  much  more  prejudicial  to  the 
nation,  than  any  of  those  which  were  then  matter  of  com- 
plaint.    It  would,  also,  afford  a  precedent  most  alarming 
to  all  the  chartered  corporations  in  England.     These  van- 
It  raiscar-  ous  considerations  operated  so  powerfully  against  the  bill, 
ries.          that  it  could  not  be  carried  through  the  houses* 
Enemies  of     Governor  Dudley  and  lord  Cornbury,  however,  were 
the  colony  not  discouraged.     They  determined  to  make  a  more  open 
and  powerful  opposition  to  the  charter  rights  of  Connecti- 
cut.    Arid  they  determined,  as  much  had   been  made  of 
this  argument,   that  Connecticut  had  never  been  accused 
of  mal-administration,  piracy,  or  any  illegal  trade,  to  re- 
move it  out  of  the  way,  by  a  direct  impeachment  of  the 
colony  of  high  misdemeanors.     They  were  both  powerful 
enemies.     Governor  Dudley  was  not  only  a  man  of  great 
intrigue,  but  had  a  party  at  court,  who  were  men  of  art 
and  influence.     Lord  Cornbury  was  nearly  related  to  her 
majesty,  queen  Anne,  and  had  many  noble  connections, 
whose  weight  with  her  royal  person  and  the  court,  was  not 
inconsiderable.     Exclusive  of  these,  the  colony  had  ene- 
mies among  themselves.     Nicholas  Hallam?  major  Palms, 
captain  Mason,  Daniel  Clark,  and  others,  had  either  ap- 
pealed to  England  against  the  colony,  or  were  scheming 
to  possess  themselves  of  large  tracts  of  land,  and,  for  that 
purpose,  were  encouraging  the  Moheagan   controversy. 
Hallain  had  appealed  to  England  against  the  colony,   and 
lost  his  case.     The  king,   in  council,   had  established  the 
judgment  given  against  him  in  the  courts  of  Connecticut. 
Major  Palms,  who  had  married  the  daughter  of  John  Win- 
Un-op,.  Esq.   the  first  governor  of  Connecticut,  under  the 
charter,  had  imagined  himself  injured  by  tire  administrators 
on  the  governor's  estate,  and  had  brought  ar>  action  against 
them.     Losing  his  case  before  the  courts  in  this  colony, 
he  had  appealed  to  England.     He  was  particularly  irrita- 
ted against  the  colony,  and  against  his  brother  in  law,  Fitz 
tTnite  their  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  then  governor  of  the  colony.     These 
influence     malcontents  all  united  their  influence,  by  the  grossest  mis- 
representations, and  all  other  means  in  their  power,  to  in- 
jure the  colony  in  its  most  essential  interests. 

Lord  Cornbury  was  poor,  and  not  unwilling,  by  any 
means,  to  get  money.  He  had  made  a  demand  of  four 
hundred  and  fifty  pounds  upon  the  colony,  for  the  defence 
of  New-York.  Connecticut  judged,  that  it  was  not  their 
duty  to  comply  with  his  demand,  as  their  expenses  already 
were  as  great  as  the  colony  was  able  to  bear. 


against  the 
colony. 


CHAP.  XVII.  CONNECTICUT.  4H 

Dudley  and  Cornbury,  therefore,  proceeded  to  draw  up  BOOK  I. 
articles  of  complaint  against  the  colony.     Dudley  employ-  v^~-/-«w 
ed  one  Bulkley  to  write  againstihe  government.    He  drew    1704, 
up  a  large  Iblis  book,  which  he  termed  the  DOOM  orMisE- 
KIES    of  Connecticut.     In  this,    he  not  only  exceedingly 
misrepresented  and  criminated  the  colony,  but  expatiated 
on  the  advantages  of  a  general  governor  of  New-England, 
and  highly  recommended  the  government  of  Sir  Edmund 
Andross.* 

Among  other  complaints,  the  principal  articles  particu-Com- 
larly  charged,  were,  summarily,  these:  That  the  governor Platnls 
did  not  observe  the  acts  of  trade  and  navigation,  but  en-  Coionv, 
couraged  illegal  commerce  and  piracy  :  That  the  colony 
was  a  receptacle  of  pirates,  encouraged  and  harboured  by 
the  government:  That  the  government  harboured  and  pro- 
tected soldiers,  seamen,  servants,  and  malefactors,  who 
made  their  escape  from  other  parts,  and  would  not  deliver 
them  up,  when  demanded.  It  was,  also,  charged  against 
the  colony,  that  it  harboured  great  numbers  of  young  men, 
from  Massachusetts  and  New-York,  where  they  were  obli- 
ged to  pay  taxes  for  the  expenses  of  the  war,  and  induced 
them  to  settle  there,  principally,  because  it  imposed  no 
taxes  for  that  purpose  :  That  the  colony  would  not  furnish 
their  quota  for  the  fortification  of  Albany  and  New- York, 
and  the  assistance  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  against  the  French 
and  Indians  :  And  that,  if  3ny  of  her  majesty's  subjects,  of 
the  other  colonies,  sued  for  debt,  in  any  of  the  courts  of  the 
colony,  no  justice  could  be  done  them,  if  the  debt  were; 
against  any  of  its  inhabitants.  It  was  also  charged,  that 
Connecticut,  under  the  colour  of  their  charter,  made  capi- 
tal laws ;  tried  murders,  robberies,  and  other  crimes,  and 
punished  with  death,  and  banishment;  and  that  their  courts 
of  judicature  were  arbitrary  and  unjust :  That  the  legisla- 
ture would  not  suffer  the  laws  of  England  to  be  pleaded  in 
their  courts,  unless  it  were  to  serve  a  turn  for  themselves  : 
That  they  had  refused  to  grant  appeals  to  her  majesty,  in 
council,  and  had  given  great  v  exaliou  to  those  who  had  de 
manded  them :  That  the  government  had  refused  to  sub- 
mit to  her  majesty,  and  to  his  royal  highness's  commission 
of  vice  admiralty,  and  for  commanding  its  militia  ;  and 
had  defeated  the  powers  which  had  been  given  to  the  gov- 
ernors of  her  majesty's  neighbouring  oelonies,  for  that  pur-» 
pose.  Finally,  it  was  charged,  that  the  legislature  ha<3 
made  a  law,  that  Christians,  who  were  not  of  their  com; 
munion,  should  not  meet  to  worship  God,  without  license 
>roni  their  assembly,  which  law  extended  even  to  ?.he 
*  Letter  of  Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  on  file. 


412  HISTORY  OF  GHAP.  XVII. 

BOOK  I,  church  of  England,  as  well  as  to  Christians  of  other  deno- 

v^-v-x*'  minations  iolerated  in  England. 

1704t  While  governor  Dudley  was  thus  attempting  the  ruin  of 
the  colony,  in  the  court  of  England,  he  kept  up  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  most  entire  friendship  towards  it,  in  this 
country  ;  and  in  a  letter,  of  about  the  same  date  with  his 
complaints,  thanked  the  legislature  for  the  great  supplies 
which  they  had  given  him  and  the  colony. 

Moheagan  The  general  assembly  had  appointed  the  most  respectaT 
ble  committees,  and  taken  great  pains  to  compromise  all 
difficulties  with  Owaneco  and  the  Moheagans  ;  and  though 
they  had  made  repeated  purchases  and  obtained  ample 
deeds  of  their  lands,  yet,  rather  than  have  any  uneasiness 
among  the  Indians,  they  offered  Owaneco  such  a  sum  of 
money,  to  make  him  easy,  as  was  entirely  satisfactory  to 
him  ;  but  Mason  and  the  other  malcontents,  who  wished 
to  possess  the  Indian  lands,  would  not  suffer  him  to  accept 
it,  and  frustrated  all  attempts  for  an  accommodation. 

While  Mason  and  other  enemies  were  practising  their 
arts,  in  Connecticut,  Hallam,  assisted  by  Dudley  and  his 
party,  with  other  malcontents,  on  both  sides  of  the  water, 
•was  making  grievous  complaints,  in  England,  of  the  injus- 
tice and  cruelty  of  the  colony  towards  Owaneco,  in  driv- 
ing him  from  his  lands,  and  depriving  the  Moheagans  even 
of  their  planting  grounds.  It  was  pretended,,  that,  in  the 
late  grant  and  patent  to  the  town  of  New-London,  the  le- 
gislature had  conveyed  away  all  his  lands  in  that  quarter, 
whereas  particular  care  was  taken,  both  in  the  grant  and 

Eatent,  to  secure  all  the  property  and  privileges  of  the  Mo- 
eagans.  The  assembly  ha,d  taken  the  most  faithful  and 
tender  care  of  them,  from  the  first  settlement  of  the  colony 
to  that  time.  According  to  their  agreement  with  major 
Mason,  then  deputy  governor  of  the  colony,  when  he  re- 
signed the  Moheagan  land  to  the  assembly,  they  granted 
him  a  farm  of  five^hundred  acres,  and  it  was  laid  out  to 
him  at  a  place  called,  by  the  Indians,  Pomakuk.  They 
had  also  reserved  a  fine  tract  of  land,  of  between  four  and 
five  thousand  acres,  to  the  Moheagans  to  plant  on,  which 
was  much  more  than  sufficient  for  that  purpose.  But  the 
representations,  which  these,  evil  minded  men  were  con- 
stantly making  to  Owaneco  and  his  people,  at  some  times, 
made  them  uneasy,  and  some  of  them  probably  imagined, 
that  they  were  really  injured.  At  the  same  time,  the  af- 
fair was  so  represented  in  England,  as  made  impressions 

on  the  minds  of  many  very  unfavorable  to  the  colony. 
Petition  to        T      ,  .  .  r    jr  •        TV  n  -.11 

her  ma-          In  this  situation  ol  anairs,  nallam,  assisted  by  the  mal- 
jesty  in  fa-  contents  in  England  an,d  America,   preferred  a  complaint 


CHAP.  XVII.  CONNECTICUT.  418 

and  petition  to  her  majesty,  queen  Anne,  representing,  that  BOOK   I. 
the   sachems  of  the  Moheagan  tribe  of  Indians  were  the  --^-V-N^ 
original  and  chief  proprietors  of  all  the  lands  in  the  colo-     1704. 
ny  :  That  they  were  a  great  people,  and  had  received  and  vor  of  the 
treated  the  first  planters  in  a  peaceable  and  friendly  man- ' L 
ner  :  That,  for  an   inconsiderable  value,  they  had  granted 
their  lands  to  them,  reserving  to  themselves  a  small  parcel 
only  for  planting  ground ;  and  that  the  general  assembly 
of  Connecticut   had  passed  an  act  by  which  they  had  ta- 
ken that  from  them,  which,   until  that  time,   they  had  al- 
ways enjoyed.     For  these  reasons,  it  was  prayed,  that  her 
majesty  would  appoint  commissioners  to  examine  into  all 
these  matters,  and  into  all  the  other  injuries  and  violences 
which  had  been  done  to  the  Moheagans,  and  to  determine 
respecting  them  according  to  equity. 

Her  majesty,  imposed  upon  and  deceived  by  these  rep-  Herma- 
resentations,  and  not  waiting  to  give  the  colony  an  oppor- Jesty  aP~ 
tunity  to  be  heard,  on  the   1 9th  of  July,   1704.   granted  a  ^Jjis. 
commission  to  Joseph  Dudley,  Esq.  the  great  enemy  of  the  sioners  to 
colony,  Thomas  Povey,  Esq.  lieutenant  governor  of  Mas-  hear  the 
sachusetts,  major  Edward  Palms,  and  other?,  to  the  num-  case< 
ber  of  twelve,  authorizing  them  to  hear  and  determine  the 
whole  affair,  reserving  liberty  to  either  to  appeal  to  her 
majesty  in  council. 

At  the  session  in  May,  a  respectable  committee  was  ap- 
pointed, with  ample  powers,  to  examine  into  all  the  com- 
plaints of  Ovvaneco  and  the  Moheagan  Indians,  and  to  re- 
port to  the  assembly  in  October.  The  committee  appoint- 
ed time  and  place,  and  attempted  to  accomplish  the  busi- 
ness, for  which  they  had  been  appointed  ;  but  captain  Ma- 
son, whom  Owaneco  had  chosen  for  his  guardian,  had  art 
enough  to  frustrate  the  design.  He  made  a  journey  to 
Boston,  at  the  very  time,  and  Owaneco  would  do  nothing 
without  him.  In  the  mean  time,  the  commission  was  grant- 
pd  by  the  queen,  and  the  colony  were  unhappily  drawn  in- 
to a  long  and  expensive  controversy. 

The  Masons  claimed  the  lands  purchased  by  their  an- 
cestor, deputy  governor  John  Mason,  by  virtue  of  a  deed 
given  to  him  by  Uncas,  in  1659,  while  he  acted  as  agent 
of  the  colony,  and  denied  the  legality  of  the  surrender 
which  he  had  made  of  them,  in  the  general  assembly,  the 
next  year.  They  insisted,  that  it  respected  nothing  more 
than  the  jurisdiction  right,  and  that  the  title  to  the  soil  was 
vested  in  their  family,  as  guardians  or  overseers  of  the  In- 
dians. While  they  pretended  great  concern  for  the  In- 
dians, their  sole  object  was  to  hold  all  those  lands,  included 
in  said  deed,  for  themselres  and  others,  who  had  united 
ivith  theinin  prosecution  of  the  affair  against  the  colony. 


414  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVII. 

BOOK  I.      Sir  Henry  Ashurst,   wishing  to  preserve  the  important 
\^~v^-s  privileges  of  the  colony,  had  taken  pains  to  postpone  the 
1705.    hearing  of  the  complaints  against  it,  as  far  as  possible, 
that  the  governor  and  company  might  have  intelligence 
concerning  them,  and  send  their  answer  ;  but,  on  the  12th 
Hearing  of  of  February  ^  1705,    the  hearing  came  on,  before  her  ma- 
the  com-    jesty  in  council.     Governor  Dudley  and  Lord  Cornhury 
ea1r!stSa     had  spared  no  pains  to  carry  their  point  before  her  majes^ 
Connecti-    ty.     Dudley  had  been  careful   to  procure  and  lay  before 
cut  before  her  an  opinion  of  the  attorney  general,  inking  William's 
ker™Q->es~  reign,  "that  he  might  send  a  governor  to  Connecticut." 
Further,  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  decision  which  he  wish- 
ed, he  procured   another  opinion  of  the  attorney  and  so- 
licitor general,  respecting  the   case  of  Connecticut,   as  it 
then  appeared,  "  that  if  it  were  as  governor  Dudley  had 
represented^,  there  was  a  defect  in  the  government:  That 
the  colony  was  not  able  to  defend  itself,  and  in  imminent 
danger  of  being  possessed  by  the  queen's  enemies :  And 
that,  in  such  case,  the  queen  might  send  a  governor,  for 
civil  and  military  government  ;  but  not  to  alter  the  laws 
and  customs." 

Her  majesty  had  directed  Sir  Henry  to  appear  and  show 
reasons,  if  any  he  had,  why  she  should  not  appoint  a  gov- 
ernor over  the  colony.  He  considered  every  thing  dear  to 
it  at  stake,  and  therefore  made  exertions  in  some  measure 
proportionate  to  the  magnitude  of  the  cause.  Lord  Paget, 
a  man  of  great  influence,  was  his  brother  by  marriage,  and 
he  was  related  to,  or  intimately  connected  with  other  prin- 
cipal characters  at  court.  He  made  all  the  interest,  and 
obtained  all  the  influence  which  he  possibly  could,  either 
by  himself  or  his  connections,  in  favor  of  the  colony.  He 
obtained  two  of  the  best  council  in  England  ;  both  parlia- 
ment men,  possessing  an  estate  of  a  thousand  pounds  a 
year.  He  stood  firm  against  all  the  charges  of  Dudley, 
lord  Cornbury,  Congreve,  and  others,  against  the  colony, 
and  by  his  counsel,  for  an  hour  and  an  half,  defended  it  a- 
gainst  all  the  art  and  intrigue  of  its  adversaries,  and  all  the 
law  learning  and  eloquence  of  the  attorney  and  solicitor 
general.* 

Pleadings       ^  Connecticut  was  entirely   ignorant  of  the  charges 
tionof trTe  brought  against  it,  and  no  information  or  evidence  could 
colony.       be  thence  obtained,  Sir  Henry  and  his  council  were  neces- 
sitated  to  employ  such  means   as  were   in  their  power. 
They  amply  stated  the  rights  and  privileges  granted  by  the 
royal  charter,   the  territory  it  conveyed,  and  the  powers 
with  which  it  vested  the  governor  and  company.     TUey 
*  Letter  of  Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  February  15th.  1705.  on  file. 


CHAP.  XVII.  CONNECTICUT.  415 

showed,  lhat  these  patents  were  confirmed  by  a  non  ob-  BOOK  I. 
stante,  and  always  to  be  construed  in  the  most  favorable  ^*^/^+*' 
light  for  the  grantees.  It  was  demonstrated,  that  the  leg-  1705. 
islature  were  vested  with  ample  powers  to  make  laws, 
criminal  aud  capital,  as  well  as  civil ;  to  inflict  banishment, 
death,  and  all  other  capital  punishments,  in  all  capital  ca- 
ses, no  less  than  in  others.  It  was  also  represented,  that 
the  governors,  or  commanders  in  chief,  were,  by  charter, 
vested  with  plenary  powers  to  assemble  in  martial  array, 
and  put  in  warlike  posture  the  inhabitants  of  the  colony, 
for  their  defence,  and  to  commission  others,  for  the  like 
purposes.  It  was  also  clearly  shown,  that,  by  charter,  they 
had  the  same  right  to  fish,  trade,  and  do  all  other  business, 
arid  enjoy  all  other  privileges,  by  land  and  sea,  which  any 
other  of  her  majesty's  subjects  had  aright  to  do,  or  enjoy. 
It  was,  therefore,  urged,  that  all  those  matters,  charged 
against  the  colony,  respecting  their  making  capital  laws, 
and  inflicting  capital  punishments,  whether  death  or  ban- 
ishment, were  no  crimes  ;  but  things  which  the  legislature 
not  only  had  a  right,  but  were  bound  in  faithfulness  to  do, 
as  circumstances  might  require.  For  the  same  reason,  it 
was  also  insisted,  that  the  colonies  claiming  a  right  to  com- 
mand their  own  militia,  and  defeating  the  designs  of  the 
governors  of  the  other  colonies,  who  wished  to  command 
it,  were  no  crimes.  It  was  insisted,  that  doing  them  was 
no  more  than  defending  themselves  in  the  enjoyment  of  their 
legal  rights. 

With  respect  to  the  irregularity  and  injustice  of  the  courts 
in  Connecticut,  it  was  observed,  that  general  charges  de- 
served no  reply  :  That  it  did  not  appear,  that  what  was 
charged  was  any  thing  more  than  mere  hearsay  and  clam- 
or. But  it  was  pleaded,  that,  on  the  contrary,  they  had 
substantial  evidence  of  the  justice  of  the  courts  in  Con- 
necticut. That  several  appeals  had  been  made,  to  her 
majesty,  from  the  judgment  of  those  courts  :  That  these 
had  been  different  cases,  and  in  every  instance,  the  judg- 
ments given  by  the  courts  in  Connecticut,  had  been  ap- 
proved by  her  majesty,  and  the  lords  committee  of  council. 
This,  it  was  said,  was  a  notable  evidence  of  their  justice  ;  • 
and  that,  so  far  as  appeared,  there  had  been  no  injustice 
or  irregularity  in  any  one  court  in  the  colony. 

With  respect  to  governor  Dudley's  complaint,  that  Con- 
necticut did  not  furnish  the  men  which  he  demanded,  and 
that  of  lord  Cornbury,  that  it  did  not  comply  with  his  de- 
mands for  money,  it  was  answered,  that  it  did  not  appear, 
from  the  charter,  that  the  colony  was  obliged  to  comply 
with  those  requisition? :  That  the  governors  of  other  co!o- 


416  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVII. 

BOOK  I.  nies  had  no  right  to  command  the  legislature  and  people  of 
v^x-v->^  Connecticut:  and  that  they  were  under  no  obligations  to 
1705.  obey  them,  any  further  than  it  should  be  required  by  her 
majesty.  It  was  further  observed,  with  respect  to  the  mo- 
ney, that  it  appeared  from  his  lordship's  letter,  that  the 
general  assembly  of  Connecticut  had  taken  the  requisition 
into  their  consideration,  and  had  determined  to  know  her 
majesty's  pleasure,  before  they  gave  away  their  money. 
It  was  affirmed,  that  there  was  nothing  disloyal  in  such  a 
determination  :  That  the  colony  had  a  right  to  grant,  or 
not  to  grant  their  money,  as  they  judged  it  expedient  or 
not :  That  they  had  a  right  to  know  the  purpose  for  which 
they  granted  it ;  and  that  their  referring  it  to  her  majesty's 
pleasure,  was  an  implication  of  their  obedience  to  it,  when- 
ever it  should  be  known. 

With  reference  to  Connecticut's  harboring  deserters, 
malefactors,  pirates,  and  the  like,  it  was  observed,  that  it 
was  a  general  charge  of  little  weight,  and  deserved  no  an- 
swer. It  was  affirmed  to  be  a  common  thing,  even  in  En- 
gland, for  soldiers  and  others  to  go  from  one  country  into 
another,  and  not  to  be  found  ;  yet  it  might  not  be  any  crime 
or  fault  in  the  country  where  they  secreted  themselves. 
As  to  captain  Matthews  finding  two  soldiers  at  Stamford, 
and  sending  for  major  Silleck  to  secure  them,  it  did  not  ap- 
pear that  there  was  the  least  fault  in  the  major*  It  was  ev- 
ident, from  his  lordship's  letter,  that  he  went  to  Stamford^ 
that  the  soldiers  were  brought,  and  that,  while  the  major 
and  Matthews  were  conversing  together,  in  a  private  room, 
they  made  their  escape.  It  was  Said,  it  might  be  more  the 
fault  of  Matthews  than  of  Silleck  ;  for  it  did  not  appear 
that  Matthews  was  kept  there  by  any  force  or  constraint, 
but  was  examining  into  the  affair,  or  talking  generally  up- 
on the  subject. 

With  relation  to  the  complaint  of  lord  Cornbury,  in  his 
letter  of  June,  1703,  "that  he  labored  under  great  misfor- 
tunes, in  relation  to  the  neighboring  provinces  :  That  the 
coast  of  Connecticut  is  opposite  to  two  thirds  of  Long-Isl- 
and ;  by  which  means  they  filled  all  that  part  of  the  island 
.with  European  goods,  cheaper  than  their  merchants  could, 
because  they  paid  duties,  and  those  of  Connecticut  paid 
none  ;  nor  would  they  be  subject  to  the  acts  of  navigation  ; 
by  which  means  there  had  been  no  trade  between  the  city 
of  New- York  and  the  east  end  of  Long-Island,  from  whence 
the  greatest  part  of  the  whale  oil  came  ;  and  that  it  was 
difficult  to  persuade  those  people  that  they  belonged  to  that 
province/'  it  was  replied,  that  there  appeared  to  be  no 
fault  in  Connecticut  in  this  respect.  It  \vas  maintained. 


CHAP.  XVII.  CONNECTICUT.  417 

that  the  inhabitants  had  a  right  to  trade  where  they  pleas-  BOOK  I. 
ed,  if  it  were  not  repugnant  to  the  laws  of  England.     It  al-  s^-v~^/ 
so  was  pleaded,  that  there  was  no  evidence,  that  they  had    1705* 
been  guilty  of  any  illegal  trade  or  practices;  and  that  they 
were  a  poor  people,  and  carried  on  little  trade. 

In  a  letter  of  the  same  date  with  the  former,  his  lordship 
had  observed,  "  that  he  was  satisfied  this  vast  continent, 
which  might  be  made  very  useful  to  England,  if  right  mea- 
sures were  taken,  would  never  be  so,  till  all  the  propriety 
and  charter  governments  were  brought  under  the  crown." 
To  this  it  was  replied,  that  this  might,  or  it  might  not  be 
the  case  :  that  the  same,  as  circumstances  might  be,  might 
be  said  of  all  the  charters  in  England.  It  was  however  in- 
sisted, that  the  words  sounded  harsh,  and  had  an  ill  relish. 

It  was,  however,  much  insisted  on,  that  the  attorney  and 
solicitor  general  had  reported,  "  that  her  majesty  might  ap- 
point a  governor  for  Connecticut."  To  this,  the  council 
for  the  colony  answered,  that  the  report  was  hypothetical, 
founded  on  the  supposition  that  the  colony  was  not  able  to 
defend  itself,  and  was  in  danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of 
her  majesty's  enemies ;  but  that  there  was  no  evidence  of 
these  facts.  It  did  not  appear,  they  said,  that  Connecticut 
was  in  a  more  defenceless  state,  or  in  greater  danger  of 
becoming  a  prey  to  her  majesty's  enemies,  than  any  of  the 
other  colonies.  It  was  pleaded,  that  the  attorney  and  so- 
licitor general  had  not  reported,  that  either  of  these  was  the 
case,  and  therefore  their  opinion  could  not  be  made  a  plea 
for  sending  a  governor  to  Connecticut. 

Further,  it  was  strenuously  maintained,  that  it  was  an. 
essential  right  of  every  individual  and  corporation,  to  be 
heard  before  they  were  condemned  ;  and  that  the  governor 
and  company  of  Connecticut  ought  to  be  heard  upon  the 
articles  exhibited  against  them,  before  any  judgment  be 
formed  respecting  them.  It  was  observed,  that  governors, 
who,  by  enlarging  their  own  territories,  might  increase 
their  honors  and  profits,  were  apt  to  complain  :  that  they 
were  under  peculiar  temptations,  especially  at  such  a  dis- 
tance, where  it  was  so  difficult  to  make  enquiry  and  obtain, 
the  truth :  that  there  was  more  reason  to  suspect  the  gover- 
nors complaining,  than  the  governor  of  Connecticut,  who 
acted  with  a  council  and  an  assembly.  It  was  therefore  af- 
firmed, that  there  was  every  reason,  that  the  colony  should 
be  heard  in  its  own  defence.  If  either  the  governor  of 
New-England  or  New- York  were  impeached,  and  the 
same  complaints  made  against  them,  said  the  counsel,  which 
they  have  brought  against  Connecticut,  her  majesty  would 
do  nothing  with  respect  to  them,  until  they  had  been  hea,rd. 

C  3 


418-  HISTORY  OF  CHAP*.  XVIL 

BOOK  I.  Jt  would  be  contrary  to  all  law  and  reason  ;  much  more 
v-^v~x^  so,  to  treat  a  whole  colony  in  this  manner,  in  a  case  in 
1705.  which  their  charter  might  be  forfeited,  and  their  fortunes 
ruined.  It  was  observed,  that  governors  appointed  during 
pleasure,  often  committed  barbarous  acts  to  enrich  them- 
selves ;  and  that  they  had  nothing  to  lose  but  their  office  -7 
whereas  the  colony  of  Connecticut  was  of  great  substance, 
and  had  every  thing  to  lose  :  that  even  in  ordinary  cases, 
in  which  the  character  and  property  of  one  man  only  were 
concerned,  nothing  was  determined,  but  upon  sufficient  ev- 
idence, given  upon  oath,  and  that  it  could  never  be  reason- 
able to  condemn  a  colony  upon  mere  suggestions  :  that  it 
might  appear,  upon  a  full  examination,  that  the  governor  of 
Connecticut  was  much  better  qualified  to  govern,  than  the 
governor  of* New- York  or  Massachusetts.  It  was  there- 
fore pleaded,  that  the  articles  of  complaint  might  be  sent 
to  the  governor  and  company  of  Connecticut,  and  that  they 
might  have  an  opportunity  to  answer  for  themselves  :  that 
there  could  be  no  danger  in  this  ;  and  if  any  irregularities 
should  be  found,  in  the  management  of  their  government,, 
they  would  most  certainly  reform  and  obey  her  majesty's 
commands.* 

Hermajes-  Upon  this  full  hearing,  it  was  determined,  that  the  fords 
ty's  deter-  of  trade  should  draw  out  the  principal  articles  of  complaint, 
mination  ant]  sen(j  a  COpy  of  tnem  ^o  tne  governor  of  Connecticut, 
respecting  ,  '•'..,  ,  ?  „  -,, 

Connect!-  and  to  the  two  principal  complainants,  governor  Dudley. 

cut,  Feb.  and  lordCornbury,  and  that  Connecticut  should  send  their 
12,  1705.  answer,  with  evidence  respecting  the  several  articles,  legal- 
ly taken,  and  sealed  with  the  public  seal  of  the  colony. 
Governor  Dudley  andlofrl  Cornbury  were  also  directed  to 
transmit  their  evidence  of  the  articles  charged,  publicly 
and  legally  taken. 

Frustrates      gy  tnjs  means,  Dudley,  Cornbury,  and  their  abettors- 
ofl)ud!evS  were  caught  in  their  own  snare,  their  selfishness  and  dupli- 
and  Cora-  city  were  made  to  appear,  in  a  strong  point  of  light,  and 
bl"7-         their  whole  scheme  at  once  totally  ruined.      They  were 
totally  unable   to  support  the   charges    which    they   had 
brought  against  the  colony.     At  the  same  time,  the  legis- 
lature of  Connecticut  could  produce  the  most  substantial 
evidence,  that  the  very  reverse  of  what  had  been  pretend- 
Facts  res-  cd,  was  true.     They  had  the  last,  and  this  year  between 
pecting  the  flve  ancj  gjx  hundred  men  in  actual  service.     Four  hundred 
of  this  number  had  been  employed,  principally  in  the  de- 
fence of  Massachusetts  and  New-York.      The  committee 
of  war,  consisting  of  the  governor,  most  of  the  council,  and 

*  Case  of  Connecticut  stated,  and  pleadings  before  her  majesty,  Febru- 
ary 12th,  1705,  on  file. 


CHAP,  XVII.  CONNECTICUT.  419 

other  principal  men  in  the  colony,  had  met,  with  officers  BOOK  I. 
and  commissioners  fro;n  Massachusetts,  and  most  harmoni-  s-x^v-v-' 
ously  united  with  them  in  opinion,  and  measures  for  the  J  7C5, 
common  defence.  The  legislature  were  not  only  able  to 
prove  these  facts  from  the  records  of  the  colony,  and  from 
the  resolutions  of  the  committee  of  war,  but,  what  was  still 
more  confounding  to  governor  Dudley,  to  produce  a  letter 
of  his,  under  his  own  hand  and  signature,  acknowledging 
their  generous  and  prompt  assistance  in  the  war,  and  thank- 
ing them  for  the  aid  which  they  had  given  him.*  They 
produced  substantial  evidence,  that  when  they  had  scarce- 
ly two  thousand  pounds,  in  circulating  medium,  in  the 
whole  colony,  they  had,  in  three  years,  expended  more 
than  that  sum,  in  the  defence  of  her  majesty's  provinces  of 
Massachusetts  and  New-York.  They  were  able  to 
evince,  that  they  had  shewn  the  utmost  loyalty  and  attach- 
ment to  the  queen  ;  been  punctual  in  their  observance  of 
the  acts  of  trade  and  navigation  ;  had  not  been  pirates 
themselves,  nor  at  any  time  harboured  pirates,  deserters, 
servants,  or  criminals  among  them. 

With  respect  to  appeals  to  her  majesty,  the  legislature 
affirmed,  that  they  had  not  refused  to  admit  them,  only  in 
cases  in  which  proper  security,  or  sufficient  bondsmen  had 
not  been  offered.  In  the  appeals  of  major  Palms,  which 
seem  to  have  been  the  only  instances  of  which  complaint 
had  been  made,  the  court  judged,  that  the  security  offered 
was  insufficient.  The  men,  who  offered  themselves  to  be 
bound,  appeared  to  have  little  or  no  property.  As  to  thr 
vexations  complained  of,  these  respected  the  obtaining  ot 
copies  of  the  judgments  of  the  courts  in  his  case.  It  seems 
he  applied  to  the  assembly  for  them,  but  the  assembly  de- 
clined giving  them,  insisting,  that  it  was  not  their  province 
to  give  copies  of  the  doings  of  other  courts.  He  was  there- 
fore referred  to  the  courts  in  which  the  judgments  had  been 
given. 

In  the  appeals  of  major  Palms,  and  in  all  other  instanc- 
es, the  judgments  of  the  courts  in  Connecticut  were  finally 
established.  Upon  a  full  examination  of  the  complaints, 
they  appeared  not  only  groundless,  but  invidious.  The 
loyalty,  justice,  and  honor  of  the  colony  appeared  more 
conspicuous  than  they  had  done  before  :  but  it  was  some 
lime  before  the  evidence  of  the  true  state  of  the  case  could 
be  collected  and  transmitted  to  England. 

Meanwhile  Dudley  and  Cornbury  never   lost  sight   of 

*  They  were  able  to  produce  letters  of  thanks,  from  the  commanding  of- 
ncers,  ministers,  and  principal  gentlemen  in  the  county  of  Hampshire^  for 
the  assistance  which  they  had  given  them,  Those  letters  are  BOW  on.  §le. 


420 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XVII. 


Quakers 


BOOK  I.  their  object,  but  vigorously  prosecuted  the  design  of  sub- 
•>^-v~^/  verting  the  government.  There  had  been,  nearly  fifty 
1705.  years  before,  a  law  enacted  against  the  quakers,  but  it 
f!<»es  not  appear,  that  it  had  ever  been  acted  upon,  in  Con- 
necticut, and  was,  at  that  time,  become  obsolete.  It  ap- 
pears, by  a  letter  of  the  governor's,  to  Sir  Henry  Ashurst, 
that  he  did  not  know  of  one  person,  then  in  the  colony,  who 
was  acknowledged  to  be  a  quaker.  But  governor  Dudley, 
by  some  means,  obtained  a.  copy  of  the  law,  and  procured 
a  publication  of  it  in  Boston.  The  knowledge  of  it  was 
communicated  to  the  quakers  in  England,  and  they  were 
spirited  up  to  petition  for  a  repeal  of  the  law  of  Connecti- 
cut  against  the  quakers.  A  petition,  about  the  beginning 
of  April,  was  preferred  to  her  majesty,  on  the  subject,  re- 
citing  said  law,  and  representing,  that  it  was  calculated  to 
extirpate  their  friends  from  that  part  of  her  majesty's  do- 
minion, and  praying  that  she  would  disallow  the  said  law. 
Sir  Henry  Ashurst  presented  a  petition  to  the  lords  of 
trade  and  plantation,  to  whom  the  petition  of  the  quakers 
had  been  referred,  praying  them  to  advise  her  majesty  to 
come  to  no  determination  on  the  subject,  until  the  colony 
should  have  notice  of  the  petition,  and  have  time  to  send 
their  answer.  He  represented,  that  the  law  was  made  a^ 
gainst  Adamites  and  Ranters  :  That  it  was  become  obso- 
lete, and  quakers  lived  as  peaceably  in  Connecticut,  as  in 
any  of  her  majesty's  plantations.  He  represented  to  their 
lordships,  that  there  had  been  more  complaints  exhibited 
against  this  poor  colony,  in  three  or  four  years,  without 
any  crime  proved,  than  had  been  before  from  the  time  of 
its  first  settlement,  which  made  him  believe,  that  there  were 
disaffected  persons,  who  were  attempting,  by  all  means, 
to  make  them  weary  of  their  charter  government  :  That  be- 
fore the  appointment  of  a  certain  governor  for  New-Eng- 
land, the  colony  had  enjoyed  uninterrupted  peace,  for  ma- 
ny years,  and  would  have  done  to  that  time,  had  it  not 
been  for  his  misrepresentations.  He  assured  them,  that  he 
had  been  informed,  that  governor  Dudley  had,  about  two 
years  before,  ordered  the  act  against  the  quakers  to  be 

Erinted,  in  Boston,  on  purpose,  that  the  quakers,  in  Eng- 
ind,  might  join  with  his  other  instruments  in  clamors  a- 
gainst  Connecticut,  to  deprive  it  of  its  charter  privileges.* 
£here-  Her  majesty,   upon  the  advice   of  the  lords  of  trade  and 

vokesthe   plantations,  declared  the  act  against  the  quakers  null  and 
^d,  without  giving  the  colony  a  hearing. 

•  Sir  Henry   Ashurst,  writing  to  the  colony   soon  after, 
says,  "  You  see  how  you  are  every  way  attacked." 

*  Petition  on  file. 


CHAP.  XVII.  CONNECTICUT.  421 

The  enemies   of  the  colony  in  Connecticut  and  New-  BOOK  I. 
England  were  no  less  active  than  those  on  the  other  side  of  ^-x~v~x-> 
the  water.     As  they  had  obtained  a  commission  for  the  tri-     1705. 
al  of  the  case  between  Connecticut  and  the  Moheagans, 
they  spared  no  pains  to  carry  their  point.     On  the  5th  of  survey  of 
July,  1705,  captain  John  Chandler,  in  behalf  of  Owaneco,  the  Mo- 
captain  Samuel  Mason,  Hallam,  and  others,  who  interested  heas;an 
themselves  in  recovering  the  lands  from  the  colony,  began  co 
the  survey  of  the  Moheagan  country,  and  having  accom- 
plished the  work,  drew  a  map  of  it,  with  a  view  to  the  trial, 
before  Dudley's  court,    which  was  approaching.      The 
governor  sent  an  officer  and  prohibited  his  entering  upon 
the  survey  ;  but  the  party  gave  large  bonds  to  indemnify 
him,  and  he  proceeded  notwithstanding.     The  boundaries, 
as  surveyed  and  reported  by  Chandler,  captain  John  Parke, 
Edward  Culver,   and  Samuel   Sterry,    who  assisted  him, 
were,  on  the  south  from  a  large  rock,  in  Connecticut  river,  Bounda- 
near  eight  mile   island  in  the  bounds  of  Lyme,  eastward, nes< 
through  Lyme,  New-London,   and  Groton,  to  Ah-yo-sup- 
suck,  a  pond  in  the  northeastern  part  of  Stonington  ;  on  the 
east,  from  this  pond  northward,  to  Mah-man-suck.  another 
pond,  thence  to  Egunk-sank-a-poug,  whetstone  hills  ;  from 
thence  to  Man-hum-squeeg,  the  whetstone  country.    From 
this  boundary,  the  line  ran  southwest,  a  few  miles,   to  Ac- 
quiunk,  the  upper  falls  in   Quinibaug  river.     Thence  the 
line  ran,  a  little  north  of  west,  through   Pomfret,    Ashford, 
Willington,  and  Tolland,  to  Mo-she-nup-suck,  the  notch  of 
the  mountain,  now  known  to  be  the  notch  in  Bolton  moun- 
tain.    From  thence  the  line  ran  southerly,  through  Bolton, 
Hebron,  and  East-Haddam,  to  the  first  mentioned  bounds. 
This,  it  appears,  was  the  Pequot  country,  to  the  whole  of 
which  the  Moheagans  laid  claim,  after  the  conquest  of  the 
Pequot  nation,  except  some  part  of  New-London,  Groton, 
•and  Stonington,  which  had  been  the  chief  seat  of  that  war- 
like tribe.     The  Moheagans  claimed  this  tract  as  their  he- 
reditary country,   and  the  Wabbequasset  territory,  which 
lay  north  of  it,  they  claimed  by  virtue  of  conquest. 

On  the  23d  of  August,  1 705,  the  court  of  commission-  Dudley's 
ers,  appointed  by  her  majesty,  to  examine  into  the  affair  of court' 
the  Moheagan  lands,  convened  at  Stonington.     Writs  had  "' 
been  previously  issued,  summoning  the  governor  and  com- 
pany, with  the  claimers  of  lands  in  controversy,   and  all 
parties  concerned,  to  attend  at  time  and  place.     The  court 
consisted   of  Joseph    Dudley,  Esq.    president,    Edward 
Palms,   Giles  Sylvester,  Jahleel  Brenton,  Nathaniel  By- 
field,  Thomas  Hooker,  James  Avery,  John  Avery,  John 
Morgan,  and  Thomas  Leffingwell. 


422  HISTORY  OF  GHAP.  XVII. 

BOOK  I.      It  seems  that  the  governor  and  general  assembly  of  Con- 
v^-v~>-'  necticut  had  not  been  served  with  a  copy  of  the  commis- 
1705.     sion,  by  which  the  court  was  instituted,  and  viewed  it  as  a 
court  of  enquiry  only,  to  examine  and  make  report  to  her 
majesty,  and  not  to  try  and  determine  the  title  of  the  lands 
in  dispute.     The  committee,  appointed  by  the  assembly, 
Instruc-      to  appear  before  the  court,  were  conditionally  instructed, 
tions  to  the  Provided  the  court  was  instituted  for  enquiry   only,  they 
commit-     were  to  answer  and  show  the  unreasonableness  of  the  Mo- 
tee,  heagan  claims,  and  the  false  light  in  which  the  affair  had 
been  represented  ;  but  if  the  design  was  to  determine  with 
respect  to  the  title  of  the  colony,  they  were  directpd  to  en- 
ter their  protest  Against  the  court,  and  withdraw.     All  in- 
habitants of  the  colony,  personally  interested  in  any  of  the 
lands  in  controversy,  were  forbidden  to  plead  or  make  any 
answer  before  the  court. 

Governor  Winthrop  addressed  the  following  letter  to  the 
president. 

Goremor  "  New-London,  August  2 1st,  1705. 

Win-  "  SIR, 

ihrop'slet-          "  I  understand,   by  your  excellency's  letter  of  July 

court  Uie  30t^'  y°ur  intenti°ns  to  De  at  Stonington,  on  the  23d  inst. 
to  hear  the  complaints  of  Owaneco  against  this  govern- 
ment. I  have,  therefore,  in  obedience  to  her  majesty's 
commands,  directed  and  empowered  William  Pitkin,  John 
Chester,  Eleazar  Kimberly,  Esquires,  major  William  Whi- 
ting, Mr.  John  Elliot,  and  Mr.  Richard  Lord,  to  wait  on 
your  excellency,  and  show  the  unreasonableness  of  those 
complaints,  and  the  unpardonable  affront  put  upon  her  ma- 
jesty, by  that  false  representation,  and  the  great  trouble- 
to  yourself  thereby  ;  and  I  conclude,  in  a  short  hearing, 
your  excellency  will  be  able  to  represent  to  her  majesty, 
that  those  complaints  are  altogether  groundless.  The 
gentlemen  shall  assist  your  excellency's  enquiry,  in  .sum- 
moning such  persons  as  you  shall  please  to  desire,  and  all 
things  else,  reserving  the  honor  and  privileges  of  the  gov- 
ernment." 

When  the  committee  came  before  the  court,  they  per- 
ceived that  they  determined  to  try  the  title  of  the  colony 
to  the  lands,  and  judicially  to  decide  the  whole  controver- 
sy. They  resolved,  therefore,  not  to  make  any  answer  or 
plea  before  them,  but  to  protest  against  their  proceeding?. 
The  protest  is  entered  as  followetfa  : 

"  To  his  Excellency,  Joseph  Dudley,  Esquire,  captain- 
general  and  governor  in  chief  of  her  majesty's  colony 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  &c. 

"We,  the  commissioners  of  her  majesty's  colony  c't 


CHAP.  XVIL  CONNECTICUT.  423 

Connecticut,    are  obliged,  by  our  instructions  from  this  BOOK  I. 
government,  to  certify  your  excellency,  that,  in  obedience  v^^^s^/ 
to  her  majesty's  commands  to  this  colony,  we  are  ready  to    1705. 
show  the  injustice  of  those  complaints  against  the  govern-  Protest 
ment,  made  by  Owaneco,  to  her  majesty,  in  council,  if  your  a§ains* •  ^ 
excellency  sees  good  that  the  complaints  be  produced,  -na.8  Of  $#. 
(provided  the  commissioners,  mentioned  in  her  majesty's  court, 
commission,  with  your  excellency,   be  qualified  to  act  as 
members  of  the  court  of  inquiry  constituted  thereby,)  that 
so  your  excellency  and  commissioners  may,  upon  inquiry, 
be  enabled  to  make  such  a  true  and  just  report  of  the  mat- 
ters of  fact,  mentioned  in  said  complaints  to  her  majesty, 
as  you  shall  see  meet.   But  if  your  excellency,  (as  appears 
to  us,)  does  construe  any  expressions  in  the  said  commis- 
sion, so  as  to  empower  the  said  commissioners,  by  them- 
selves, to  inquire  and  judicially  determine  concerning  the 
matter  in  controversy,   mentioned  in   the  said  complaint, 
concerning  the  title  of  land  or  trespass,  and  do  resolve  to 
proceed  accordingly,  as  we  cannot  but  judge  it  to  be  con- 
trary to  her  majesty's  most  just  and  legal  intentions,  in- 
said  commission  ;  so  we  must  declare  against  and  prohibit 
ail  such  proceedings,  as  contrary  to  kw  and  to  the  letters 
patent  under  the  great  seal  of  England,  granted  to  this  her 
majesty's  colony,  and  contrary  to  her  majesty's  order  to 
this  government,  concerning  the  said  commission  and  com- 
plaint, as  well  as  to  the  known  rights  of  her  majesty's  sub- 
jects, throughout  all  her  dominions,  and  such  as  we  cannot 
allow  of.     We  only  add,  that  it  seems  strange  to  us,   that 
your  excellency  should  proceed  in  such  a  manner,  without 
first  communicating  your  commission  to  the  general  assem- 
bly of  this  her  majesty's  colony. 

"  WILLIAM  PITKIN,  &c. 

"August  24th,  1705." 

The  inhabitants  who  had  deeds  of  the  lands  in  contro- 
versy, made  default,  as  well  as  the  colony ;  but  the  court 
proceeded  to  an  ex  parte  hearing.     Owaneco,  Mason,  Hal- 
Jam,  and  their  council,  produced  such  papers  and  evidence, 
and  made  such  representations  as  they  pleased,  without 
any  person  to  confront  them.     After  such  a  partial  hear-  Judgment 
ing,  of  one  day  only,  the  court  determined  against  the  colo-  and  pro- 
ny,  and  adjudged  to  Owaneco  and  the  Moheagans  a  tract  ceedmgs  of 
of  land  called  Massapeag,  lying  in  the  town  of  New-Lon- 
don ;  and  another  tract,  of  about  eleven  hundred  acres,  in 
the  northern  part  of  the  town,  which  the  assembly  had 
granted  as  an  addition  to  that  township,  in  1703.     The 
court,  also,  adjudged  to  them  a  tract  in  the  town  of  Lyme. 
iv/n  miles  in  breadth,  and  nine  miles  in  length,  with  the 


424  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVII. 

BOOK  I.  whole  tract  contained  in  the  town  of  Colchester.  The 
V^N/^W  court  ordered  Connecticut  immediately  to  restore  all  those 
1705.  lands  to  Owaneco,  and  filed  a  bill  of  cost  against  the  colony 
of  5731.  12s.  8d.*  Thus  a  cause  of  such  magnitude,  in 
which  the  essential  interests  of  a  whole  colony,  and  the 
fortunes  of  hundreds  of  individuals,  were  concerned,  was 
carried  wholly  by  intrigue  and  the  grossest  misrepresenta- 
tions. The  commission  was  granted  by  her  majesty,  whol- 
ly upon  an  ex  part e  hearing,  upon  the  representation  of  the 
enemies  of  the  colony;  and  the  men  who  carried  on  the  in- 
trigue, were  appointed  judges  in  their  own  case.  Without 
hearing  the  case,  contrary  to  all  reason  and  justice,  they 
gave  judgment  against  the  colony,  and  hundreds  of  indi- 
viduals. They  gave  away  lands  holden  by  conquest,  pur- 
chase, ancient  deeds  from  the  original  proprietors,  well 
executed  and  recorded,  by  charter,  acts,  and  patents  fronj 
the  assembly,  and  by  long  possession.  The  chief  judge 
had  been  using  all  his  art  and  influence  to  ruin  the  colony, 
and  was  now  supposed  to  be  scheming  for  a  portion  of  its 
lands,  as  well  as  for  the  government.  Major  Palms  had 
been  a  long  time  in  controversy  with  the  colony,  was  ex- 
ceedingly embittered  against  it,  and  against  the  governor, 
his  brother  in  law.  Others  of  the  commissioners  were 
supposed  to  be  confederate  with  Mason  and  Clarke,  and 
interested  in  the  lands  in  controversy.  Hallam,  Clarke, 
and  several  of  the  commissioners  were  witnesses  in  the 
case.  They  were  witnesses  and  judges  in  their  own  cause, 
heard  themselves,  and  no  others.  Owaneco  was  placed, 
in  state,  on  the  right  hand  of  the  president,  and  the  colony 
were  treated  worse  than  criminals,  with  dishonour  and 
contempt.! 

After  the  court  had  given  judgment  against  the  colony, 
on  the  24th  of  August,  they  spent  three  days  in  hearing, 
such  complaints  as  Owaneco,  Mason,  and  other  persons 
interested  in  the  lands,  or  inimical  to  the  colony,  were 
pleased  to  make.  When  they  had  heard  all  the  complaints 
and  misrepresentations  which  they  had  to  make,  they  re- 
presented to  her  majesty,  that  Owaneco  complained  he 
was  disseised  of  a  tract  of  land,  containing  about  seven 
thousand  acres,  called  Mamaquaog,  lying  northward  of 
Windham;  of  another  tract  called  Plainfield,  and  consider- 
able skirts  and  parcels  of  land,  encroached  upon  and  taken, 
in,  by  the  towns  of  Lebanon,  Windham,  and  Canterbury. 
The  court  prohibited  all  her  majesty's  subjects  from  enter- 
ing upon,  or  improving  any  of  those  lands,  until  a  further 

*  Moheaejan  case,  in  print. 

t  Petition  to  her  majesty,  printed  in  Moheagan  trial- 


CHAP.  XV1T.  CONNECTfCUT.  425 

hearing  and  determination  of  the  case.     Further,  in  the  BOOK  I. 
pleniiude  of  their  power,  they  appointed  captain  John  Ma-  ^^^-^^ 
son  to  be  trustee,  or  guardian,  to  Owaneco  and  his  people,    1705. 
and  to  manage  all  their  affairs.     They  represented,  from 
the  evidence  of  major  James  Fitch  and  captain  John  Ma- 
son,  that  the  colony  had  left  the  Indians  no  land  to  plant 
on,  and  that  they  consisted  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  warriors, 
one  hundred  of  whom  had  been  in  the  actual  service  of  the 
country  that  very  year.* 

These  Indians  were  enlisted  and  sent  out  by  the  colony 
of  Connecticut,  and  went  as  cheerfully  into  service  this 
year,  as  they  had  done  at  any  time  before.  This  gave 
demonstrative  evidence,  that  there  was  no  general  uneasi- 
ness among  the  Moheagans.  Had  there  been,  two  thirds 
of  their  warriors  would  not  have  enlisted  into  the  service 
of  the  government.  Indeed,  Owaneco  himself  was  not  un- 
easy only  at  turns,  when  the  Masons,  Clarke,  Fitch,  Hal- 
lam,  and  others,  made  him  so;  who  were  scheming  to  de- 
prive him  and  the  Moheagans  of  their  lands. 

So  far  was  it  from  being  true,  that  Connecticut  had 
injured  them,  or  taken  their  lands  from  them,  they  had 
treated  them  with  great  kindness,  defended  them  by  their 
arms,  and  at  their  own  expense,  and  prevented  their  being 
swallowed  up  by  their  enemies.  They  had  left  them  a 
fine  tract  of  land,  of  between  four  and  five  thousand  acres, 
between  New-London  and  Norwich  ;  and  both  in  the  grant 
and  patent  to  New- London,  there  was  an  express  reserva- 
tion of  all  the  rights  and  property  of  the  Indians.T  The 
colony  had  not  only  reserved  lands  for  the  Moheagans,  but 
for  all  other  Indians  in  it,  to  plant  upon.  They  suffered 
them  to  hunt,  fish,  and  fowl,  in  all  parts  of  it,  and  even  to 
build  their  wigwams,  and  cut  such  wood  and  timber  as 
they  needed,  in  any  of  their  uninclosed  lands. 

Dudley's  court,  having  finished  such  business  as  was 
agreeable  to  its  wishes,  adjourned  until  the  next  May ;  but 
it  never  met  again.  Before  that  time,  the  intrigue  and 
duplicity  of  governor  Dudley  and  the  malcontents,  be- 
came so  evident,  that  all  their  designs  were  frustrated. 

The  assembly,  at  their  session  in  October,  appointed  a  Theas- 
committee  to  examine  into  all  matters  respecting  the  In-  sembiy  ap- 
dians,  and  the  complaints  which  had  been  made  against  committee 
the  colony,  and,  as  soon  as  possible,  to  transmit  a  particu-  to  repre- 
larand  full  answer  to  their  agent.     They  were  instructed  sent  the  af- 
fully  to  acquaint  him  with  a  true  statement  of  the  Mohea- 

*  Proceedings  and  judgment  of  the  court  in  print,  Moheagan  case,  p.  26 
to  67. 

t  Records  of  the  colony,  and  Moheagan  case,  in  print, 


426  HISTORY  OB'  CHAP,  XVII 

BOOK  I.  gan  case,  and  of  the  whole  management  of  Dudley  and  his 

v^x-v-x-'  court.     They  were  to  represent,  that  Dudley,  Palms,  and 

1  705.    others  of  the  commissioners,  were  interested,  and  parties 

in  the  cause,  and  to  insist,  that  the  manner  in  which  the 

commission   was   procured,    to  governor  Dudley,   major 

Palms,  and  others,  was  matter  of  intrigue,  and  the  whole 

process  arbitrary  and  illegal. 

Sir  Henry       Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  on  receiving  the  papers  relative  to 
Ashurst      the  case,  presented  a  petition  to  her  majesty,  representing 
petitions     fae  tjtie  of  tne  colony  to  all  the  lands  in  controversy,  by 
her  majes-  conquest?  purchase,  royal  charter,  long  possession  and  im- 
provement:  That  Uncas,  when  the  English  became  first 
acquainted  with  him,  was  a  revolted  Pequot,  expelled  his 
country,  and  had  not  a  sufficient  number  of  men  to  make  a 
hunt;  and  that  the  lands  reserved  to  him,  were  not  reserved 
to  him  in  consequence  of  any  right  of  his.  but  was  a  matter 
of  mere  permission:  That  Joseph  Dudley,   Esq.    Hallam7 
Palms,   the  Averys,  Morgan,  and  Leffingwell,  had   grants 
of  several  parts  of  the  controverted  lands,  arid,   in  their 
own  names,  or  in  the  name  of  John  Mason,  were  attempt- 
ing to  set  up  their  titles  to  them  :  That  Dudley  and  Hal- 
lam,  by  misrepresentation,  had  obtained  a  commission  from 
her  majesty,  by  surprise,  under  the  great  seal  of  England, 
directed  to  the  said  Dudley,  Palms,  the  two  Averys,  Mor- 
gan, Leffingwell,  and  others,  most  of  whom  were  of  Dud- 
Jey's  and  Hallaoi's  denomination,  and  under  his  influence  ; 
and  that  in  the  court,  thus  instituted,  they  were  the  accu- 
sers, parties,  and  judges  •-  That  they  had  assumed  to  them- 
selves jurisdiction  in  a  summary  way,  to  try  her  majesty'.^ 
petitioners'  titles  to  their  lands,  and  to  evict  and  disseise 
them  of  their  freeholds,  prop(Ttiesr  and  ancient  posses- 
sions, without  any  legal  process,  or  so  much  as  the  form  of 
a  trial.     This,  it  was  represented,  tended  to  the  destruction 
of  all  the  rights  of  the  colony,  and  was  directly  contrary  to 
divers  acts  of  parliament,  made  and  provided  in  such  ca- 
ses.   The  agent,  therefore,  in  behalf  of  the  colony,  appeal- 
ed from  the  judgment  of  said  court  to  her  majesty,  in  coun- 
cil, and  prayed  that  the  case  might  be  heard  before  her.*' 
Connect!-       In  consequence  of  this  petitionf  her  majesty,  some  time 
cut  always  after,  appointed  a  commission  of  review.     The  affair  was 
gets  her     Jjept  jn  agitation  nearly  seventy  years.     It  was  always, 
upon  a  legal  hearing,  determined  in  favour  of  the  colony. 
The  final  decision  was  by  king  George  the  third,  in  council. 
Adjudica-       The  commissioners  of  review,  in  1743,  not  only  deter- 
tion  of  the  mined  the  title  of  the  lands  to  be  in  the  colony  of  Connecti- 
Tiewt0frC" cut'  kut  "  ^iat  l*ie  g°vernor  and  company  had  treated  the 

1743.  *  Petition  in  print,  Mobeagan  case,  p.  153 — 1  "7 


CKAF.  XVIL  CONNECTICUT.     .  427 

said  Indians  with  much  humanity,  at  all  times ;  and  had,  Boaic  L 
at  all  times,   provided  them  with  a  sufficiency,  at  least,  of  ^*r~^/~+**> 
Sands  to  ]>larvt  on ;  and  that   no  act,  or  thing,  appeared,    1 705.* 
either  before   the  judgment  of  Joseph   Dudley,   Esq.  or 
since,  by  which  they,  the  said  governor  and  company,  had 
faken  from  the  Indians,  or  from  their  sachem,  any  tracts  of 
Jand,  to  which  the  Indians  or  their  sachem  had  any  right, 
by  reservation,   or  otherwise,  either  in   law  or. equity."* 
The  proceedings  of  the  several  courts  of  review,  and  the 
pleadings  before  them  and   his   majesty,   in   council,   will 
most  properly  be  noticed  in  the  tioie  of  them,  and  will  not 
be  anticipated  in  this  volume* 

The  agent  of  the  colony  petitioned  her  majesty,  in  its 
behalf,  to  hear  the  complaints  exhibited  by  governor  Dud- 
Jey  and  his  accomplices,  that  it  might  have  an  opportunity 
of  demonstrating  how  false  and  groundless  they  were.  He 
also  prayed,  that  as  Dudley  had  surprised  her,  to  grant  a 
xjomraission  of  high  powers  to  the  subversion  of  the  rights 
of  her  loyal  subjects,  and  contrary  to  her  gracious  inten- 
tions towards  them,  and  had  abused  her  name  and  authori- 
ty to  serve  his  own  dark  designs,  that  her  majesty  would, 
in  some  exemplary  manner,  discountenance  the  said  Dud- 
ley and  his  abettors. 

However,  it  does  not  appear,  that  Dudley,  or  lord  Corn- 
bury,  were  ever  obliged  to  bring  forward  any  evidence  in 
support  of  the  charges  which  they  had  exhibited,  or  that 
her  majesty,  by  any  public  act,  discountenanced  their  in- 
trigue and  falsehood.  They  had  such  powerful  friends  at: 
court,  that  they  seem  to  have  palliated,  and  kept  the  affair, 
as  far  as  possible,  out  of  public  view  ;  and  it  seems  to  have 
been  passed  by  without  any  further  examination. 

There  was  no  alteration  made  in  the  legislature,  at  the  May, 
election  in  1706.  1706: 

The  assembly  adopted  the  same  measures,  for  the  de- 
fence of  Connecticut  and  the  neighbouring  colonies,  which 
they  had  done  the  year  preceding.  The  same  officers 
were  appointed,  and  the  same  number  of  men  sent  into 
the  field. 

The  colony  had  assurances  from  their  agent,  Sir  Henry 
Ashurst,  that  they  had  a  clear  right  to  command  their  own 
militia ;  that  the  governors  of  the  neighbouring  colonies 
had  no  right  to  command  their  men,  or  money  ;  and  that 
this  was  the  opinion  of  the  best  council  in  the  nation.  He 
assured  them,  that  they  were  under  no  obligations  to  them, 
to  do  any  thing  more,  than  to  furnish  such  quotas  as  her 
inajesty  should  require. 

*  Judgment,  in  print,  Moheagancuse,  p.  140, 


428  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVII. 

BOOK  I.  Connecticut  had  done  much  more  than  this,  both  in  the 
^*-v-v^  reign  of  king  William  and  queen  Anne.  Nevertheless, 
1 706,  notwithstanding  the  abusive  treatment  of  governor  Dudley, 
lord  Cornbury,  and  their  associates  in  mischief,  and  the 
great  expense  which  had  been  brought  upon  them,  not  on- 
ly by  the  war,  but  in  consequence  of  the  defence  which 
their  agent  had  been  obliged  to  make  for  them,  in  England, 
such  was  their  zeal  for  her  majesty's  service,  and  their 
concern  and  good  will  for  their  sister  colonies,  that  they 
exerted  themselves  no  less  for  their  defence,  than  if  they 
had  been  under  the  command  of  their  respective  govern- 
ors. It  was  declared  to  her  majesty,  that  had  this  been  the 
case  they- could  have  done  no  more. 

Act  for           At  the  session  in  October,  the  assembly  passed  the  fol- 
cturaee-    l°wmg  act  *n  favor  of  the  clergy,  "  That  all  the  ministers 
mentof      of  the  gospel  that  now  are,  or  hereafter  shall  be  settled  in 
theclergy,  this  colony,  during  the  continuance  of  their  public  service 
Oct.  1706.  jn  tjje  gOSpe}  ministry,  shall  have  their  estates,  lying  in  the 
same  town  where  they  dwell,  and  all  the  polls  belonging  to 
their  several  familes  exempted,  and  they  are  hereby  ex- 
empted and  freed  from  being  entered  in  the  public  lists 
and  payment  of  rates."     By  virtue  of  this  act,  for  the  en- 
couragement of  the  clergy  of  this  colony,   they  have  al- 
ways, from  that  to  the  present  time,  been  exempted  from 
taxation.* 

The  colony,  at  this  period,  was  in  very  low  circumstan- 
ces. Its  whole  circulating  cash  amounted  only  to  about 
two  thousand  pounds.  Such  had  been  its  expense  in  the 
•war,  and  in  defending  itself  against  the  attempts  of  its  en- 
emies, in  England  and  America,  that  the  legislature  had 
been  obliged  to  levy  a  tax,  in  about  three  years,  of  more 
than  two  shillings  on  the  pound,  on  the  whole  list  of  the 
colony.  The  taxes  were  laid  and  collected  in  grain,  pork, 
beef,  and  other  articles  of  country  produce.  These  com- 
modities were  transported  to  Boston  and  the  West-Indies, 
and  by  this  means  money  and  bills  of  exchange  were  ob- 
tained, to  pay  the  bills  drawn  upon  the  colony,  in  Eng- 
land, and  to  discharge  its  debts  at  home.  These  low  cir- 
cumstances, these  misrepresentations,  abuse,  and  dangers, 
from  their  enemies,  our  venerable  ancestors  endured  with 
an  exemplary  patience  and  magnanimity.  Under  the 
pressure  of  all  this  expense  and  danger,  they  cheerfully 
supported  the  gospel  ministry  and  ordinances,  in  their  res- 
pective towns  and  parishes.  They  contemplated  their 
dangers  and  deliverances  with  wonder  and  thanksgiving, 

*  The  legislature  had  before  released  their  persons  from  taxation,  but 
uot  their  families  and  estates , 


CHAP.  XVIII.  CONNECTICUT.  429 

rejoiced  in  the  enjoyment  of  their  privileges,    and  in   the  BOOK   I. 
divine  care  and  beneficence.  ^^^^^>^ 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

The  country  is  alarmed.  Means  of  defence.  The  assembly 
decline  the  affording  of  any  assistance  in  the  expedition  a- 
gainst  Port  Royal.  Grant  assistance  to  the  frontier  towns. 
New  townships  granted  and  settled.  The  Rev.  Gurdon 
Saltonstall  chosen  governor.  Act  empowering  the  free- 
men to  choose  the  governor  from  among  themselves  at 
large.  Acts  relative  to  the  settlement  of  the  boundary 
line  with  Massachusetts.  Garrisons  erected  in  the  towns 
on  the  frontiers.  Expedition  against  Canada.  First 
emission  of  paper  money.  Address  to  her  majesty.  Loss 
of  the  colony  at  Wood  Creek.  Expedition  against  Port 
Royal.  Expedition  against  Canada  under  the  command 
of  admiral  Walker  and  general  Nicholson.  Fleet  cast 
away  and  the  enterprise  defeated.  The  colony  petition 
her  majesty,  and  send  the  only  pilot  from  Connecticut,  to 
England,  to  represent  to  her  majesty  the  loss  of  the  Jleet 
truly  as  it  was.  Acts  respecting  the  superior  court.  Set- 
tlement of  the  boundary  line  between  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut.  Reasons  why  the  colony  consented  to  such 
a  settlement.  Return  of  peace.  The  colony  happy  in 
the  preservation  of  their  frontiers.  Towns  settled  under 
Massachusetts.  State  of  the  colony.  Observations. 

UCH  reports  of  the  preparations  of  the  French  and  In-  Reports  of 
dians,  to  make  a   descent  upon  some  part  of  New-  an  expedi- 

England,  were  spread  abroad,  about  the  beginning:  of  the  ^onfr°m 
,  „  '  .1  .       /•»,     Canada  a 

year  1 707,  as  gave  a  general  alarm  to  the  country.     On  larm  the 

the  6th  of  February,  1707,  a  council  of  war,  consisting  of  country, 
the  governor,  most  of  the  council,  and  a  considerable 
number  of  the  chief  <nilitary  officers  in  the  colony,  con- 
vened at  Hartford.  A  letter  was  received  from  deputy 
governor  Treat,  and  another  from  major  Schuyler  at  Al- 
bany, giving  intelligence,  that  the  French,  and  Indians  in 
their  interest,  were  about  to  make  a  descent  upon  New- 
England.  Information  was  also  communicated,  that  sus- 
picions were  entertained,  that  the  Pohtatuck  and  Owian- 
tuck  Indians  designed  to  join  the  French  and  Indians  from 
Canada. 


430 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XV Hi, 


BOOK  I, 


1707. 

Measures 
adopted 
for  the 
common 

safety. 


Special  as> 
sembly, 
April  2d. 


The  as- 
sembly 
will  not 
join  in  the 
expedi- 
tion to 
L'Acadia. 


Court  of 
election, 
May  8, 
1707. 

Hebron 
made  a 
town. 


The  committee  resolved,  that  the  western  frontier  towns, 
Simsbury,  Waterbury,  Woodbury,  and  Dan  bury,  should 
be  fortified  with  all  possible  dispatch.  As  Waterbury  had 
sustained  great  losses,  by  inundations,  it  was  resolved, 
for  their  encouragement  to  fortify  their  houses  well,  that 
the  governor  and  council  would  use  their  influence  with  the 
assembly,  that  their  country  rates  should  be  abated.  It 
was  resolved,  that  each  of  these  four  towns  should  keep  a 
scout  of  two  faithful  men,  to  be  sent  out  every  day,  to  dis- 
cover the  designs  of  the  enemy,  and  give  intelligence 
should  they  make  their  appearance  near  the  frontier  towns. 

To  prevent  damages  from  the  Pohtatuck  arid  Owiantuck 
Indians,  captain  John  Minor  and  Mr.  John  Sherman  were 
appointed  to  remove  them  to  Stratford  and  -Fail-field.  If 
by  reason  of  sickness  or  any  other  cause  they  could  not  be 
removed,  it  was  ordered,  that  a  number  of  their  chief  men 
should  be  carried  down  to  those  towns,  and  kept  as  host- 
ages to  secure  the  fidelity  of  the  rest. 

On  the  second  of  April,  a  special  assembly  was  conven- 
ed in  consequence  of  letters  from  governor  Dudley.  He 
had  proposed  to  send  an  array  of  a  thousand  men  against 
L'Acadia,  and  requested  Connecticut  to  join  with  Massa- 
chusetts in  the  expedition. 

After  the  affair  had  been  maturely  considered,  the  as- 
sembly determined  not  to  comply  with  the  proposal.  The 
reasons  given  were,  that  they  had  not  b,een  consulted,  nor 
had  opportunity  to  consent  to  the  expedition  :  That  they 
did  not  understand  that  the  neighbouring  colonies,  who 
were  equally  interested  in  the  expedition,  with  themselves, 
were  called  upon,  or  had  consented  to  do  any  thing  •,  and, 
that  the  vast  expense  of  defending  the  county  of  Hampshire 
and  their  own  frontiers,  incapacitated  them  to  join  in  the 
enterprise. 

At  the  general  election  this  year,  the.  governor  and  coun- 
cil were  all  re-elected. 

Upon  the  petition  of  John  Pratt,  Robert  Chapman,  John 
Clark,  and  Stephen  Post,  appointed  a  committee  in  behali 
of  the  legatees  of  Joshua  Uncas,*  the  assembly  granted  a 
township  which  they  named  Hebron.  The  settlement  of 
the  town  began  in  June,  1704.  The  first  people  who 
made  settlements  in  the  town  were  William  Shipman, 
Timothy  Phelps,  Samuel  Filer,  Caleb  Jones,  Stephen 

*  By  the  last  will  of  said  Uncas,  all  the  lands  in  Hebron  were  bequeath- 
ed to  Thomas  Buckingham,  Esq.  William  Shipman  and  others,  called  the 
Saybrook  legatees,  except  about  2,600  acres  at  the  northeast  corner,  ancj 
about  4,000  acres  at  the  south  end  of  the  town.  There  were  also  about 
700  within  the  parish  of  Marlborough.  These  lands  were  claimed  by- 
Mason. 


CHAP.  XVIII.  CONNECTICUT.  431 

Post,  Jacob  Root,  Samuel  Curtis,    Edward   Sawyer,  Jo-  BOOK  I. 
seph    Youngs,  and  Benoni  Trumbull.     They    were  from  v^-v^/ 
Windsor,  Saybrook.  Long-Island,  and  Northampton.     The     1707. 
settlement,  at  first,  went  on  but  slowly ;  partly,  by  reason 
of  opposition  made  by  Mason  and  the  Moheagans,  and 
partly,  by  reason  of  the  extensive  tracts  claimed  by  pro- 
prietors,   who  made  no  settlements.     Several  acts  of  the 
assembly  were  made,  and  committees  appointed  to  encou- 
rage and  assist  the  planters.     By  these  means  they  so  in- 
creased in  numbers  and  wealth  that  in  about  six  or  seven 
years  ihey  were  enabled  to  erect  a  meeting-house  and  set- 
tle a  minister  among  them. 

At  the  session  in  October,  the  assembly  granted  a  town-  Oct.  9ft. 
ship  to  Nathan  Gould,  Peter  Burr,  captain  John  Wake- 
man,  Jonathan  Sturges,  and  other  inhabitants  of  the  town, 
of  Fairfield,  bounded  southerly  on  Danbury,  easterly  on 
New-Milford,  and  westerly  upon  the  colony  line.  It  ex- 
tended fourteen  miles  northward  from  Danbury.  It  was 
afterwards  named  New-Fa irfield.  The  war,  for  several 
years,  prevented  all  attempts  for  the  settlement  of  this 
tract. 

As  the  frontier  towns  had  exhibited  much  zeal  in  fortify- 
ing themselves  agreeably  to  the  directions  of  the  governor 
and  council,  the  assembly  made  them  a  liberal  compensa- 
tion. 

About  this  time  the  colony  sustained  a  great  loss  in  the  Special  as- 
death  of  the  honorable  Fitz  John  Winthrop,  Esq.t  and  a    mbl 
special  assembly  was  convoked  on  the  17th  of  December, 
by  deputy  governor  Treat,   at  New-Haven,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  electing  another  governor.     The  assembly  order- 
ed, that  the  votes  of  both  houses  should   be  mixed  before 
they  were   sorted  and  counted,    ami  that  the  majority  of 
votes  should  determine  the  choice.     Upon  counting  the  ^^1" 
votes,   the  Reverend  Gurdon  Saltonstall  was  declared  to  chosen 
be  chosen  governor.  governor. 

Four  of  the  magistrates,  the  speaker  of  the  house,  with 
three  of  the  other  deputies,  were  appointed  a  committee  to 
acquaint  him  with  the  choice,  and  solicit  his  acceptance  of 

t  He  was  the  son  of  the  honorable  John  Winthrop,  Esq  the  first  gor- 
'-•vnor  of  Connecticut,  under  (he  charter.  His  birth  was  at  Ipswich,  in 
Massachusetts,  163S.  Upon  the  assumption  of  the  charter,  May,  1689, 
be  was  chosen  into  the  magistracy.  In  1690,  he  was  appointed  major 
general  of  the  land  army  designed  against  Canada.  On  the  dispute  rela- 
tive to  the  command  of  the  militia,  he  was  sent  agent,  for  the  colony,  to  the 
British  court,  1694.  After  his  return,  May,  1698,  he  was  chosen  govern- 
or, and  was  annually  re-chosen  during  his  life.  Ha  died  November  27th, 
1707,  in  the  69lhyear  of  his  age. 

He  appears  to  have  been  a  popular  gentleman,  and  to  have  sustained  a 
character  without  blemish, 


432  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVIII. 

BOOK  I.  the  important  trust  to  which  he  had  been  chosen.     A  letter 

•^r-~v~>^  was  addressed  to  him  by  the  assembly,  desiring  him  to  ac- 

1707.    cept  of  the  choice  which  they  had  made,  and,  with  the 

committee  appointed  to  wait  on  him,  to  answer  the  letters 

of  their  agent,  and  transact  whatever  the  exigencies  of  the 

government  might  require.     A  letter  was  also  addressed  to 

his  church  and  congregation  at  New-London,  acquainting 

them  with  the  call,  which  the  assembly  imagined  Mr.  Sal- 

tonstall  had  to  leave  the  ministry,  and  to  dispose  them  to 

submit  to  such  a  dispensation. 

The  magistrates,  upon  Mr.  Saltonstall's  acceptance  of 
the  trust  to  which  he  had  been  chosen,  were  directed  to 
administer  to  him  the  oath  of  the  governor,  and  the  oath 
respecting  trade  and  navigation. 

l^e  ^rst  °^  Januarv5  1708,  governor  Saltonstall  ac- 
cepted of  his  office,  and  took  the  oaths  appointed  by  law. 
This  assembly  repealed  the  law  which  required,  that  the 
governor  should  always  be  chosen  from  among  the  magis- 
trates in  nomination,  and  gave  liberty  for  the  freemen  to 
elect  him  from  among  themselves  at  large. 

Election,  ^t  the  election,  May  13th,  1708,  governor  Saltonstall 
1708  '  was  cnosen  governor  by  the  freemen.  Nathan  Gould, 
Esq.  was  elected  deputy-governor.*  The  former  magis- 
trates were  re-chosen,  and  Mr.  John  Haynes,  for  the  first 
time,  was  elected  one  of  the  council.  The  former  treasur- 
er and  secretary  were  re-chosen. 

.  A  township  was  granted,  in  the  course  of  this  session,  at 
Pohtatuck,  afterwards  named  Newtown. 

Act  for  Connecticut,  fora   long  course  of  years,   had  been  at 

quieting     great  trouble  and  expense,  in  attempting  the  settlement  of 

the  inhab-  »  .  ,.  ro  ,,, 

itantsof  the   boundary  line  betweeen  this  colony  and  Massacnu- 

"Wiudsor  setts.    The  inhabitants  of  Windsor  and  Simsbury  had  been 

fnijSufj  often  exceedingly  injured,  in  their  persons  and  property, 

fixin^the  by  tne  people  of  Suffield  and  Enfield,  especially  by  the 

line  be-  former.     They  had  not  only  encroached  upon  their  lands 

tween  ancj  cut  f]own  their  timber,  but  often  seized  upon  their  tar 

Massachu-  - 

*  The  honorable  Robert  Treat.  Esq.  being,  at  this  period,  eighty-sis 
years  of  age,  retired  from  the  scene  of  public  action.  He  had  been  three 
years  a  magistrate,  and  thirty-two  years  govefnor,  or  deputy-governor  of 
the  colony.  He  was  elected  magistrate.  May,  1673,  deputy-governor, 
1676,  and  governor,  in  1633.  To  this  office  he  was  annually  elected,  fifteen 
years,  until  1698  :  he  was  then  chosen  deputy-governor  until  the  year  1708. 
He  died  about  two  years  after,  July  12th,  1710,  in  the  S5th  year  of  his 
age.  Few  men  have  sustained  a  fairer  character,  or  rendered  the  public 
more  important  services.  He  was  an  excellent  military  officer  ;  a  man  of 
singular  courage  and  resolution,  tempered  with  caution  and  prudence.  His 
administration  of  government  was  with  wisdom,  firmness  and  integrity.  He 
was  esteemed  courageous,  wise,  and  pious.  He  was  exceedingly  beloved 
and  venerated  by  tlie  people  in  general,  and  especially  by  his  neighbours,  at 
Milford,  where  be  resided. 


CHAP.  XVIII.  CONNECTICUT.  433 

and  turpentine,  and  even  upon  their  persons,  and  forcibly  BOOK  I, 
carried  them  off  to  Sutfield.     In  consequence  of  these  out-  *^-v~>*s 
rages,  great  animosities  had  arisen   between  the  inhabit-    1708. 
ants  of  those  towns,  and  many  lawsuits  had  been  commenc-  setts  and 
ed.     The  assembly,  as  far  as  possible,  to  prevent  and  ter-  c°nn]^ctl" 
minate  these  evils,  enacted,  that  commissioners  should  be  isth,  1708, 
appointed,  with  full  powers  to  run  the  line,  with  such  com- 
missioners as  Massachusetts  should  appoint  for  that  pur- 
pose.     They   were  directed  to  take   care  that   the  line 
should  be  run  by  skilful  artists,  with  good  instruments  ;  and 
to  take  their  station  three  miles  south  of  every  part  of 
Charles  river,  whence  Mr.  James  Taylor  and  the  commis- 
sioners of  this  colony  ran  the  line  in  1702.      They  were 
instructed  to  run  a  due  west  line  from  that  station,  and  to 
make  and  set  up  fair  marks  and  monuments  in  the  line  be- 
tween the  colonies.     And  to  prevent  all  further  conten- 
tion, it  was  enacted,  that  the  inhabitants  of  Windsor,  Sims- 
bury,  Suflield,  and  Enficld,  should  not  make  any  improve- 
ment on  the  contested  lands,  until  the  line  should  be  run 
and  settled.     It  was  also  enacted,  that  all  suits  should  con- 
tinue and  rest,  until  the  county  court  at  Hartford,  in  Octo- 
ber, and  then  to  cease.     It  was  provided,   nevertheless, 
that  the  court  of  Massachusetts   should  give  the  same  or- 
ders to  the  people  of  that  province,  who  claimed  upon  the 
line,  and  should  immediately  unite  with' Connecticut  in  set- 
tling the  boundary  between  the  colonies.  Otherwise,  it  was 
determined,  that  all  causes,  bonds,  and  the  like  should  be, 
and  remain  as  though  this  act  never  had  been  passed. 

Further,  it  was  enacted,  that,  upon  running  the  line,  all 
the  most  ancient  grants,  made  to  the  proprietors,  by  either 
government,  should  give  title  and  property  to  the  settlers 
on  either  side  of  the  line.  It  was  determined,  that  unless 
the  court  of  Massachusetts  would  agree  to  the  running  of 
the  line  in  this  manner,  a  petition  should  be  addressed  to 
her  majesty,  praying  her  to  give  orders,  that  the  division- 
al line  might  be  run. 

The  assembly,  at  this  session,  ordered  that  a  township  Killing!}- 
should  be  laid  out  east  of  Woodstock,  eight  miles  in  length,  made  a 
and  six  in  breadth.      The  inhabitants  were  vested  with town- 
the  privileges  of  a  distinct  town,  by  the  name  of  Killingly.* 

The  affairs  of  the  war  were  conducted  this  year  in  the 
same  manner  as  they  had  been  the  preceding.  Colonel 
William  Whiting  commanded  a  body  of  horse  and  infantry 

*  At  this  session,  the  assembly  ordered,  "  that  the  ministers  of  the  gos- 
»  2!  preach  a  sermon  to  the  freemen,  on  the  day  appointed  by  law  to 
choose  their  civil  rulers,  in  the  towns  where  they  meet,  proper  for  their  di- 
rection in  the  work  before  them."  This  seems  to  have  been  the  origin  of 
preaching  freemen's  meeting  sermons  in  Connecticut. 

E  3 


454  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVIIf 

BOOR  I.  in  the  county  of  Hampshire,  and  scouting  parties  and  gar- 
^^-^~**s  risons  were  maintained  on  the  frontiers  of  the  colony. 
1709.        At  the  session  in  October,  it  was  enacted,  that  two  gar- 
risons  should  be  maintained,  at  the  public  expense,  at 
Simsbury,  and  two  at  Waterbury.     Garrisons  were  to  br 
kept  at  Woodbury  and  Danbary,   as  the  council  of  war 
should  judge  expedient. 

Court  of        At  the  election  in  1709,  Mr.  Saltonstall  was  re-chosen 
election,     governor,  and  ^athan  Gould,  deputy-governor.     The  ma- 
rlS  12th'  Sistrate8  were  Daniel  Witherel,  Nathaniel  Stanley,  John 
Hamlin,  William  Pitkin,  John   Chester,  Joseph  Curtis; 
Josiah  Rossiter,.  Richard  Christopher,  Peter  Burr,  John 
Allen,  John  Haynes,  and  Samuel  Eells,  Esquires.     Cap- 
tain Joseph  Whiting  was  treasurer,  and  Caleb  Stanley  sec- 
retary. 

Expedi-  A  letter  was  laid  before  this  assembly  from  her  majesty, 
^"inst  t&e  relative  to  an  expedition  against  the  enemy.  The  design 
French,  was  the  reduction  of  the  French  in  Canada,  Acadia,  and 
Newfoundland.  The  letters  from  the  earl  of  Sunderland, 
advising  that  her  majesty  would  dispatch  a  squadron  of 
ships  to  Boston,  by  the  middle  of  May,  with  five  regiments 
of  regular  troops,  required  Connecticut  to  raise  350  men. 
The  governments  eastward  of  Connecticut,  were  required 
to  raise  1200  men,  a«d  furnish  them  with  transports,  flat 
bottomed  boats,  pilots,  and  provisions  for  three  months  ser- 
vice. With  this  force,  it  was  designed  to  make  an  attack 
upon  Quebec.  At  the  same  time,  it  was  proposed  to  raise 
1500  men  in  the  governments  of  Connecticut,  New- York. 
New- Jersey,  and.  the  southern  colonies.  This  corps  was 
to  proceed  by  the  way  of  the  lakes,  and  make  a  descent 
upon  the  island  of  Montreal.. 

The  legislature  of  Connecticut  voted  and  raised  theip 
quota,  with  cheerfulness  and  expedition.  Colonel  AVhi- 
ting  was  appointed  to  command  them.  The  assembly  also 
voted  an  address  of  thanks  to  her  majesty  for  her  royal  care 
and  favor  to  the  colonies,  in  devising  means  for  the  remo- 
val of  an  enemy,  by  whom  the  colonies  had  been  so  great 
and  repeated  sufferers. 

'  All  the  colonies  except  Pennsylvania  furnished  their 
quotas.  The  troops,  with  provisions,  transports,  and  ar- 
ticles necessary  for  the  enterprise,  were  ready  in  season. 
The  provincials,  from  the  eastern  colonies,  were  ready  to- 
sail  for  Quebec  by  the  20th  of  May.  Francis  Nicholson, 
who  had  been,  lieutenant-governor  of  New- York,  under 
Andross,  and  afterwards  lieutenant-governor  of  Virginia, 
was  appointed  to  command  the  troops  by  land,  and  march 
3s  far  as  Wood  Creek.  There  he  was  to  wait  uatil  the  ar 


CHAP.  XVIII.  CONNECTICUT.  434- 

rival  of  the  fleet  expected  at  Boston,  and  then  to  advance,  BOOK  J. 
so  that  the  attack  upon  Quebec  and  Montreal  might  be  made  -»x~v-v/ 
at  the  same -time.  The  colonies  made  great  exertions  for  1709, 
the  public  service.  Besides  their  quotas,  independent 
companies  were  raised  and  sent  on  to  the  army.  More 
than  a  hundred  batteaux,  and  an  equal  number  of  birch  ca- 
noes, were  constructed  for  crossing  the  lake.  Three  forts, 
several  block  houses,  and  stores  for  provisions  were  erect- 
ed. But  the  armament  expected  from  England  did  not  ar- 
rive. The  defeat  of  the  Portuguese,  and  the  straits  to 
.which  the  allies  were  reduced,  occasioned  the  sailing  of 
the  fleet,  designed  for  America,  to  Portugal,  and  the  expe- 
dition was  defeated.  No  intelligence  arriving  from  Eng- 
land, and  a  great  mortality  prevailing  among  the  troops, 
general  Nicholson,  early  in  the  fall,  returned  to  Albany. 
This  fruitless  undertaking  was  a  capital  loss  and  expense 
to  the  colonies.  One  quarter  or  more  of  the  troops  died. 
Connecticut  only  sustained  the  loss  of  ninety  men. 

This  expedition  occasioned  the  first  emission  of  paper 
money  in  Connecticut. 

At  a  special  assembly,  on  the  8th  of  June,  it  was  enact-  First  emis- 
ed,   "  That  to  assist  in  the  expedition,  for  want  of  money  S1°n  °{J»tt* 

'  .  ,    .          .         ,  »  of  credit, 

otherwise  to  carry  it  on,  there  be  fortnwith  imprinted  a  cer-  june.1709, 
tain  number  of  bills  of  credit  on  the  colony,  in  suitable 
sums,  from  two  shillings  to  five  pounds,  which,  in  the  whole, 
shall  amount  to  the  sum  of  80001,  and  no  moFe."  It  was 
enacted,  that  the  bills  should  be  issued  from  the  treasury 
as  money,  but  should  be  received  in  payments  at  one  shil- 
ling on  the  pound  better  than  money.  One  half  only  was 
to  be  signed  and  issued  at  first,  and  the  other  was  to  re- 
main unsigned,  until  it  should  be  found  necessary  to  put  it 
into  circulation.  Taxes  were  imposed  for  the  calling  in 
ef  one  half  of  it  within  the  term  of  one  year,  and  the  other 
at  the  expiration  of  two  years. 

The  expectations  of  the  people,  in  the  spring,  had  been  Expecta- 
wrought  up  to  a  high  degree  of  assurance,  that  Canada  tl(M1at°f  ^ 
would  be  reduced  before  the  close  of  the  campaign.  Joy 
brightened  in  every  countenance,  with  the  pleasing  pros- 
pect, that  a  period  would  immediately  be  put  to  all  the  en- 
croachments and  ravages  of  a  merciless  enemy.  Every 
heart  was  gladdened  at  the  prospect  of  the  enlargement  of 
the  British  empire,  and  the  augmentation  of  the  national 
commerce.  When,  therefore,  from  such  harmonious  and 
general  exertion,  and  such  uncommon  expense,  they  expe- 
rienced nothing  but  loss  and  disappointment,  the  chagrin, 
and  depression  were  proportionably  great. 

However,  the  importance  of  driving  the  French  from, 


43S  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVIII. 

BOOK  I.  Canada,  and  the  necessity  of  immediate  exertions  to  pre- 
v^-v-^/  serve  the  friendship  and  keep  up  the  spirit  of  the  five  na- 
1709.     tions,  without  which,  the  frontiers  would  become  a  field  of 
blood,  induced  the  colonies  to  keep  the  object  still  in  view, 
Conven-     ^  congress  of  governors  was  appointed  and  met  at  Reho- 
e1r°"^ss°v"  both,  the  beginning  of  October,  to  deliberate  on  the  sub- 
ject.    General  Nicholson,  colonel  Vetch,  and  others,  met 
with  them.     An  address  was  agreed  upon  to  her  majesty, 
representing  the  great  harmony  and  exertions  of  the  colo- 
nies in  her  majesty's  service;  the  importance  of  reducing 
the  French  in  North-America  to  her  majesty's  obedience  ; 
praying  her  majesty  to  grant  the  colonies  an  armament, 
with  their  assistance,  adequate  to  the  design. 

Assembly,  When,  the  general  assembly  convened  in  October,  gov- 
rH)Q13th'  ernor  Saltonstall  communicated  the  transactions  of  the  gov- 
ernors of  the  several  colonies,  and  the  address,  which  they 
Jiad  prepared,  to  her  majesty.  The  assembly  approved 
the  address,  and  determined  on  a  similar  one  themselves. 
Governor  Saltonstall  was  appointed  agent  to  make  a  voy- 
age to  England,  and  present  it  in  person  to  her  majesty. 
Provision  was  also  made  for  the  expense  of  his  agency. 

Notwithstanding  the  war,  the  colony  made  progress  in 
settlement.     In  1708,  John  Belden,  Samuel  Keeler,  Mat- 
thew Seymour,  Matthias  St.  John,  and  other  inhabitants  of 
Norwalk,  to  the  number  of  twenty-five,  purchased  a  large 
tract,  between  that  town  .and   Danbury,  bounded  west  on 
the  partition  line  between  Connecticut  and  New- York. 
Ridgefield  The  purchase  was  made  of  Catoonah,  the  chief  sachem, 
purcha-      ^n(]  other  Indians,  who  were  the  proprietors  of  that  part  of 
SadeT     tlie  Countl7'     The  deed  bears  date  September  30th,  1 703. 
town.         At  this  session,  it  was  ordained  that  it  should  be  a  distinct 

township,  by  the  name  of  Ridgefield. 

Election,        The  only  alteration  made,  by  the  election,  in  1710,  was 
1710  llth' ^e  ch°ice  °f  Matthew  Allen,  Esq.  in  the  place  of  Daniel 
Witherell,  Esq. 

New- York,  as  well  as  Connecticut  and  the  other  New- 
England  colonies,  had  made  great  exertions,  the  last  cam- 
paign, for  the  reduction  ot  Canada.     New- York,  by  means 
of  the  great  influence  of  colonel  Schuyler,  had  been  able  to 
bring  six  hundred  of  the  Indians  of  the  five  nations  into  the 
Measures   field.     The  colonel  was  extremely  discontented  at  the  late 
adopted  to  disappointment.     No  man  had  more  extensive  views  of  the 
armament  importance  of  expelling  the  French  from  this  northern  con- 
from  Log-  tinent,  and  more  zeal  in  the  cause  than  he.     So  powerful 
land.         was  tne  influence  which  the  affair  had  upon  his  mind,  that 
he  determined  to  make  a  voyage  to  England,  at  his  own 

private  expense,  and  to  carry  with  him  five  sachems  of  the 

• 


CHAP.  XVIII.  CONNECTICUT.  43? 

five  nations,  that  by  their  representations,  the  more  sen-  BOOK  I. 
sible  impressions  might  be  made  upon  her  majesty  and  the  >^-N/~^/ 
British  court.     The  assembly  of  New- York  had  determined     1710, 
to  address  her  majesty  on  the  subject;  and  no  sooner  was 
the  house  apprised  of  his  design,   than  they  unanimously 
resolved,  that  he  should  present  their  address  to  her  sacred 
majesty.     Accordingly,  colonel  Schuyler  went  to  England, 
and  presented  the  address.     The   Indian   sachems  were, 
also,   introduced  to  the  queen.     They  represented  their  Address  of 
long  war,  in  conjunction  with  her  children,  against  herene-  ll!e  Indian 
mies,  the  French  :  That  they  had  been  a  strong  wall  of  de-    ™^ to 
fence  to  her  colonies,   to  the  loss  of  their  best  warriors ;  Anne. 
and   that  they  mightily  rejoiced,  when  they  heard   their 
great  queen  had  resolved  to  send  an  army  to  Canada. 
They  said,  that,  in  token  of  their  friendship,  they  had,  with 
one  consent,  hung  up  the  kettle,  and  taken  up  the  hatchet, 
and  assisted  general  Nicholson  ;  but  when  they  found,  that 
their  great  queen,  by  some  important  affairs,  had  been  di- 
verted from  her  design  of  subduing  the  French,  it  made 
them  sorrowful,  lest  the  enemy,  who  hitherto  had  dreaded 
them,  should  now  imagine  they  were  unable  to  make  war 
upon  them.     They  represented,  that  the  reduction  of  Can- 
ada was  of  great  weight  to  them,  that  they  might  hunt  free- 
Jy,     They  insisted,  that  if  their  great  queen  should  be  un- 
mindful of  them,   they,  and  their  families,  must  forsake 
their  country,  -and   seek  other  habitations,    or  they  must 
stand  neuter;  neither  of  which  suited  their  inclinations.    In 
hope  of  their  great  queen's  favour,  they  referred  the  affair 
to  her  gracious  consideration. 

General  Nicholson  went  to  England,  in  the  fall  of  1709, 
on  the  same  business,  to  solicit  a  force  against  Canada. 
Governor  Saltonstall,  for  some  reason,  did  not  accept  of 
the  agency  to  which  he  had  been  appointed.  The  address 
of  Connecticut,  it  seems,  .was  sent  to  be  presented  by  an- 
other hand.  In  consequence  of  these  united  applications, 
great  encouragements  were  given,  that  an  expedition  would 
be  again  undertaken  against  Canada.  In  July,  advice  ar- 
rived in  New-England,  that  lord  Shannon,  with  a  fleet  des- 
tined for  that  service,  was  under  sailing  orders.  Nicholson, 
xvho  sailed  with  several  ships  of  force,  and  some  trans- 
ports, from  England,  in  the  spring,  came  over  with  that 
expectation.  However,  it  finally  proved,  that  the  reduc- 
tion of  Port  Royal  and  Nova-Scotia  was  the  only  object. 

In  consequence  of  a  letter  from  her  majesty,  requiring  Special  as- 
the  assistance  of  her  subjects  in  this  colony,  in  the  expe-  sembly,  ^ 
dition,  a  special  assembly  was  convoked  on  the  14th  of   "s' 
August.     Beside  the  loss  of  lives  the  last  year,  many  of 


438  HISTORY  OF  €HAP.  XVIIL 

BOOK  I.  the  soldiers  then  in  service,  remained  in  a  sickly  and  weak 
**^~v~^s  condition.   The  enemy  insulted  the  frontier  towns,  and  the 
1710.    colony  was  obliged  to  keep  a  large  number  of  men  in  pay 
for  their  defence.     Nevertheless,  such  wa's  the  obedience 
of  the  legislature  to  her  majesty's  commands,  and  their 
zeal  for  her  service,  that  they  cheerfully  voted  three  hun- 
dred men  for  the  expedition.     Vessels  and  sailors  were 
procured,  and  all  necessary  provision  was  made  for  the 
transportation  and  support  of  the  troops.     In    about  a 
month,  they  were  raised  and  transported  to  Boston, 
Expedi-         On  the  18th  of  September,  a  fleet  of  thirty-six  ships  of 
tion  war  and  transports,  sailed  from  Nantasket  for  Port  Royal, 

against       There  were  fourteen  transports  in  the  pay  of  Massachu- 
Royal.       setts,  five  in  the  pay  of  Connecticut,  two  of  New-Hamp- 
shire, and  three  of  Rhode-Island.     The  chief  command 
was  given  to  general  Nicholson.     On  the  24th,  the  fleet 
and  army  arrived  at  Port  Royal.     The  troops  landed  with- 
out opposition,  and  made  an  easy  conquest.     On  the  21st 
of  October,  the  engineers  opened  three  batteries,  of  ;two 
mortars  and  twenty-four  cohorns  in  the  whole.     At  the 
same  time,  a  bomb  ship,  called  the  Star  bomb,  plied  the 
ftsurren-    enemy  with  her  shells.  The  next  day  Monsieur  Subercase 
ders,  Oct.  capitulated,  surrendering  the  fort  and  country  to  the  crown 
22d.          of  Great-Britain. 

General  Nicholson  left  a  sufficient  garrison,  under  the 
command  of  colonel  Vetch,  his  adjutant  general,  who  had 
Tbeen  appointed  to  the  government  of  the  country.  In  this 
expedition,  the  Mary  galley,  commanded  by  captain  Taye, 
a  transport  in  the  service  of  Connecticut,  ran  aground,  and 
was  lost.  Twenty-six  men  were  drowned.*  Fourteen  or 
fifteen  were  lost  in  the  expedition,  while  the  troops  were 
investing  and  besieging  the  fort.  This  was  the  whole  loss 
sustained  in  the  enterprise.  From  this  time  the  name  was 
•  changed,  and  the  port  was  named  Annapolis  Royal. 

General  Nicholson,  animated  with  his  late  success,  in 
ihe  fall  made  a  second  voyage  to  England,  to  solicit  a- 
nother  expedition  against  Ca'nada. 

The  country  in  general  had  no  expectations,  that  he 
would  succeed  in  his  design.  They  could  not  imagine, 
that  queen  Anne's  tory  ministry  would  attempt  any  thing 
of  this  nature  for  New-England.  Contrary,  however,  to 
JuneSih,  all  expectation,  the  affair  was  resumed.  In  June,  general 
Nicholson  arrived,  at  Boston,  with  the  news,  that  a  fleev 
might  soon  be  expected  from  England,  and  with  her  ma- 
jesty's orders  that  the  several  governments  of  New-Eng- 

*  This  transport  was  hired  of  one  Mr.  Vryling,  of  Boston,  and  the  colony 
paid  him  about  1,0001.  for  the  loss  of  his  vessel. 


.  XVIIT.  CONNECTICUT. 

land,  New- York,  New- Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania  should  BOOK  I. 
have  their  respective  quotas  in  immediate  readiness  for  the  v^~v-x^ 
expedition.  1711. 

Consequently  a  general  meeting  of  the  governors  of  the  June  24th, 
several  colonies  was  immediately  appointed  at  New-Lon-  fl?et  ar~ 
don.     Sixteen  days  after  the  arrival  of  general  Nicholson, 
the  fleet  arrived  at  Boston.     But  it  was  very  extraordina- 
ry that  the  fleet  had  neither  pilots  nor  provisions*     Ten 
weeks  provisions  were  demanded  for  the  army.     It   had  suspicion* 
been  suspected  before  this,  that  the  reduction  of  Canada  of  the 
was  not  really  designed  by  the  ministry.     These  circum-  couatrJ- 
stances   increased  the  suspicion.     It  was  much  doubted, 
whether,  in  the  then  state  of  the  country,  it  were  possible, 
in  so  short  a  time,  as  was  necessary,  to  procure  such  a 
quantity  of  provisions,   as  had  been  demanded.     There 
was,  at  the  same  time,  a  strong  suspicion,  that  if  the  expe- 
dition should  miscarry,  it  was  designed  to  throw  the  whole 
blame   upon  New-England.     Whether    these    suspicions 
were  well   grounded  or  not,  it  is  certain,   that  they  had 
great  influence,  together  with  the  zeal  which  the  colonies 
had  for  the  service,  to  draw  forth  their  utmost  exertions. 

When  the  fleet  arrived  at  Boston,  the  governors  were 
met  in  convention,  at  New-London,  concerting  measures 
for  prosecuting  the  expedition  with  the  utmost  harmony 
and  dispatch.  The  general  courts  of  Massachusetts  and  f 

Connecticut  were  in  actual  session.     The  general  assem-  ^"assem- 
bly of  Connecticut  convened  on  the  19th  of  June.     A  let-  bly  tes- 
ter was  communicated  from  her  majesty  and  another  from  pecting  the 
general  Nicholson  respecting   the   expedition.     The  as-  fxpedT'"  , 

11  iii  iiii-  iii  tion,  June 

sembly  resolved,  that  three  hundred  and  sixty  men  should  19,  nu. 
be  raised  forthwith,  as  the  quota  of  this  colony  in  the  ex- 
pedition. It  was  also  resolved,  that  four  months  provis- 
ions should  be  immediately  procured,  and  that  a  suitable 
vessel  should  be  provided  to  transport  them  to  Albany,  and 
to  accommodate  the  sick  and  convey  them  back  to  Con- 
necticut. 

The  assembly  also  addressed  a  letter  to  her  majesty,  re- 
turning her  their  most  humble  and  dutiful  acknowledg- 
ments, for  that  great  expression  of  her  royal  care  for  her 
colonies  and  their  peace  and  welfare,  which  she  had  mani- 
fested in  the  appointment  of  the  present  expedition  against 
the  common  enemy.  They  particularly  thanked  her  ma- 
jesty for  her  royal  bounty  towards  the  colony,  in  furnish- 
ing the  troops  with  clothing,  arms,  and  ammunition,  by 
which  they  were  better  enabled  to  bear  the  annual  ex- 
penses of  the  war.  They  represented  to  her  majesty,  in  a 
strong  point  of  light,  the  horrible  planner  in  which  the  en- 


440  HISTORY  OP  CHAP.  XVHL 

BOOK  I.  emy  carried  on   the  war ;  lying  in  ambush,  killing  and 
^x~v~>^  scalping  single  persons,  upon  the  frontiers,  surprising  and 
1711.     cutting  oft" families,  stealing  captives,  torturing  and  enslav- 
ing them.     They  promised  a  hearty  concurrence  with  the 
royal  requisitions,  and  a  zealous  performance  of  whatever 
might  contribute  to  the  success  of  the  expedition. 

To  animate  the  general,  and  ingratiate  themselves  with 
him,  the  legislature  appointed  a  committee  to  return  him 
their  thanks,  for  the  good  services  he  had  rendered  to  her 
majesty's  plantations  in  North  America  ;  and  especially  to 
Connecticut,  in  his  former  good  conduct  of  the  troops  un- 
der his  command.  They  thanked  him,  not  only  for  his  im- 
portant services  in  the  reduction  of  Port  Royal  and  Novtf- 
Scotia,  but  for  the  great  pains  he  had  taken  since,  in  mak- 
ing a  voyage  to  England,  and  representing  to  her  majesty 
the  true  state  and  interest  of  the  colonies,  and  by  that 
means  obtaining  her  orders  for  the  then  present  expedi- 
tion. 

Universal       A  punctual  compliance  with  her  majesty's  orders  was 
harmony    universally  recommended  by  the  governors  in  convention, 
tion.6     "  an^  by tne  several  legislatures*     Not  only  the  several  colo- 
nies but  individuals  exerted  themselves  beyond  what  had 
been  known  upon  any  other  occasion. 

The  arma-  In  a  little  more  than  a  month,  from  the  arrival  of  the 
roent  sails  fleet,  the  new  levies  and  provisions,  for  that  and  the  army, 
from  Bos-  Were  ready.  Upon  the  30th  of  July,  the  whole  armament 
$Qth.  "  ^  sailed  from  Boston  for  Canada.  It  consisted  of  fifteen 
men  of  war,  twelve  directly  from  England,  and  three  which 
had  before  been  stationed  in  America  ;  forty  transports, 
six  store  ships,  and  a  fine  train  of  artillery,  with  all  kinds  of 
warlike  stores.  The  land  army  on  board  consisted  of 
five  regiments  from  England  and  Flanders,  and  two  regi- 
ments raised  in  Massachusetts,  Rhode-Island,  and  New- 
Hampshire  ;  amounting  in  the  whole  to  nearly  seven  thou- 
sand men.  The  fleet  was  commanded  by  Sir  Hovenden 
Walker;  and  the  army  by  brigadier  Hill,  brother  to  Mrs. 
Masharn,  then  the  queen's  favorite.  The  land  force  was 
about  equal  to  that  which,  under  general  Wolfe,  after- 
wards reduced  Quebec,  though,  at  That  time,  it  was  not 
half  so  strong,  as  when  it  was  reduced  by  that  famous 
general. 

Upon  the  same  day  on  which  the  fleet  sailed  from  Bos- 
ton, general  Nicholson  began  his  journey  for  Albany, 
where,  a  few  days  after,  he  appeared  at  the  head  of  four 
thousand  men,  from  the  colonies  of  Connecticut,  New- 
York,  and  New-Jersey.  The  troops  from  Connecticut 
•were  commanded  by  colonel  William  Whiting,  who  was  an 


'&r 

CHAP.  XVIII.  CONNECTICUT.  441 

experienced  officer,  and   had  commanded  them  the  last  BOOK  I. 
year,   at  Port  Royal.     The   New- York  and   New-Jersey  \^~v^*** 
troops  were  commanded  by  colonels  Schuyler  and  Ingolds-    1711. 
by.     Connecticut,  besides  victualling  its  own  troops,  fur- 
nished New- York  with  two  hundred  fat  cattle  and  six  hun- 
dred sheep.     Thus,  in  about  five  weeks,    the  colonies  had 
raised  two  considerable  armies  and  furnished   them  with 
provisions.     More  than  this  could  not  have  been  expect- 
ed. 

Admiral  Walker  arrived  in  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence, on  the  14th  of  August.  That  he  might  not  lose  the 
company  of  the  transports,  as  was  pretended,  he  put  into 
the  bay  ofGaspe,  on  the  18th,  where  he  continued  until 
the  20th  of  the  month.  On  the  22d,  two  days  after  he  sail- 
ed from  the  bay,  the  fleet  appeared  to  be  in  the  most  haz- 
ardous circumstances.  It  was  without  soundings,  without 
sight  of  land  ;  the  sky  was  darkened  with  a  thick  fog,  and 
the  wind  high  at  east  south-east.  In  this  situation  the  ships 
brought  to,  with  their  heads  to  the  southward.  This  was 
done  with  an  expectation  that  the  wind  would  drive  them 
into  the  midst  of  the  channel.  But  instead  of  this,  about 
midnight,  the  seamen  discovered  that  they  were  driven 
upon  the  north  shore  among  rocks  and  islands,  upon  the 
verge  of  a  total  shipwreck.  Eight  or  nine  of  the  British 
transports  were  cast  away,  on  board  of  which  were  about 
seventeen  hundred  officers  and  soldiers.  Nearly  a  thou-  Ship- 
sand  men  were  lost.  The  admiral  and  general  were  in  wreck, 
the  most  imminent  danger,  and  saved  themselves  by  an-  ug' 
choring.  Such  was  the  violence  of  the  storm  that  they  lost 
several  anchors.  Upon  this  disaster,  the  admiral  bore  a- 
way  for  Spanish  river  bay  ;  but  the  wind  shifting  to  the 
east  it  was  eight  days  before  all  the  transports  arrived.  In 
the  same  time,  as  the  wind  was,  they  might  have  easily  ar- 
rived at  Quebec.  It  was  there  determined,  by  a  council 
of  land  and  naval  officers,  that  as  they  had  but  ten  weeks 
provision,  and  could  not  expect  a  supply  from  New-Eng- 
land, to  make  no  further  attempt.  The  admiral  sailed  di- 
rectly for  England,  and  arrived  at  Portsmouth  on  the  9th 
of  October.  Here  the  fleet  suffered  another  surprising  ca- 
lamity. The  Edgar,  a  70  gun  ship,  blew  up,  having  on 
board  four  hundred  men,  besides  many  persons  who  were 
just  come  on  board  to  visit  their  friends.  As  the  cause  of 
this  event  was  wholly  unknown,  jealous  minds  were  not 
without  suggestions,  that  even  this,  as  well  as  the  other  dis- 
aster, was  the  effect  of  horrid  design. 

The  admiral  and  English  officers,    to  exculpate  them- 
selves, laid  the  blame  wholly  upon  the  colonies,    that  they 

F3 


442  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVIIL 

BOOK  I.  were  delayed  so  long  for  provision  and  the  raising  of  the 
<w-^>w  provincials,  and  thai  they  had  such  unskilful  pilots.  The 
1711.  admiral  declared,  that  it  was  the  advice  of  the  pilots  that 
The  blame  the  lleet  shoufd  come  to  in  the  manner  it  did,  but  the  pi- 
jmputed  to  ]ots  feom  New-England,  declared,  upon  oath,  that  they 

the  colo-  i      j    •  °         tc  L  *          -\  i  u 

sies.  gave  no  such  advice.  It  any  such  was  given  it  must  have 
been  by  the  French  pilots  on  board,  either  through  mis- 
take OF  upon  design.  Charlevbix  represents,  that  thr 
French  pilots  warned  the  admiral  of  his  danger,  but  that 
he  did  not  sufficiently  regard  them. 

The  whigs,  in  England,  generally  censured  the  minis- 
try for  their  conduct  respecting  the  expedition.  Lord 
Harley  represented  the  whole  affair  as  a  contrivance  of 
Boiingbroke,  More,  and  the  Lord  Chancellor,  Harcourt. 
to  cheat  the  public  out  of  twenty  thousand  pounds.  Lord 
Harcourt  was  pleased  to  say,  "  No  government  was  worth 
serving,  that  would  not  admit  of  such  jobs."  Another 
English  writer  observes,  "  That  if  the  ministry  were  sin- 
cere in  the  prosecution  of  the  war,  they  were  certainly  the 
most  consummate  blunderers  that  ever  undertook  the  gov- 
ernment of  a  state."* 

General  Nicholson  had  not  advanced  far  before  he  re  - 
ceived  intelligence  of  the  loss  sustained  by  the  fleet,  and 
the  army  soon  after  returned. 

The  Marquis  De  Vaudreuil,  governor  of  Canada,  receiv- 
ed intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  from  England,  and 
of  the  preparations  making  in  the  colonies  for  the  invasion 
of  Canada,  and  had  omitted  nothing  in  his  power  to  put  if 
into  a  state  of  defence.  No  sooner  was  he  apprised  of  so 
many  ships  wrecked  and  so  many  bodies  with  red  coats 
driven  on  shore,  and  that  the  river  was  clear  of  ships,  than 
he  ordered  the  whole  strength  of  Canada  towards  Montreal 
and  lake  Champlain.  At  Chambly  he  formed  a  camp  of 
three  thousand  men  to  oppose  general  Nicholson.  Had 
the  general  crossed,  the  lake,  it  might  have  been  difficult 
for  him  to  have  returned  in  safety. 

Very  providential  it  was.  that  all  the  provincial  trans- 
ports, except  a  small  victualler,  were  preserved.  The 
crew  of  the  victualler  were  saved,  and  not  a  provincial 
lost.  The  loss  and  disappointment,  nevertheless,  were 
exceedingly  grievous  to  the  colonies.  Many  pious  peo- 
ple, after  so  many  attempts  had  been  blasted,  gave  up  all 
expectations  of  the  conquest  of  Canada.  They  imagined 
it  was  not  the  design  of  providence,  that  this  northern  con- 
tinent should  ever  wholly  belong  to  any  one  nation. 1 

*  Rider's  Hist,  of  England,  vol.  xxxii.  p.  189,  190. 
t  Hutchuison,  vol.  ii.  p.  193—196.    Smith's  Hist,   of  New- York,  p. 
130,  131. 


€HAP.  XVIII.  CONNECTICUT. 

Upon  the   return  of  general  Nicholson's  army,  and  the  BOOK   I, 
report  of  Vaudreuil's   force,   the    country    were  not  only  ^^~^-^^/ 
chagrined  with  disappointment,   but   alarmed  with  fear.     1711. 
They  were  apprehensive,  that  the  enemy,  in  diilercnt  par- 
ties, by  different  routes,  would,  with  redoubled   fury,  ha- 
rass and  desolate  the  country. 

To  return  to  the  affairs  of  Connecticut,  the  history  of 
which  has  been  in  some  measure  interrupted  .with  the  gene- 
ral account  of  the  war,  it  should  be  observed,  that  Joseph 
Talcott  was  this  year  chosen  into  the  magistracy   in  the 
stead  of  Josiah  Rossiter,  Esq.     An  important   alteration 
was  also  made,  at  the  session  in  May,  respecting  the  supe-  Superior 
rior  court.     Until  this  time,   it  had  been  holden  at  tvvocourt 
places  only,  Hartford  and  New-Haven,  and  at  two   terms  made  cir- 
annually.     This  was  found  to  be  an  affair  of  expense  and!:"lar' 

•  i         i-  iiii  May, 

inconvenience.     It  was  therefore  resolved,  that  the  supe- 1711. 
rior  court  should  sit  twice  annually,  in  each  of  the  counties, 
and  that  all  actions  should  be  tried  in  the  county  in  which 
they  originated. 

When  the  assembly  met  in  October,  an  address  was  pre- Oct- lltlu 
pared  to  be  presented  to  her  majesty  representing  the  ex- 
ertions of  the  colony  in  her  service,  condoling  her  on  the 
disappointment  with  respect  to  the  expedition,  and  pray- 
ing for  the  continuance  of  her  favor  to  the  colony. 

At  the  session  inJVJay,  1708,  the  assembly  made  a  grant  Newtowo 
of  a  township  at  a  place  called  Pohtatuck,    from  a  river  of  inct°T°" 
that  name  upon  which  part  of  it  lies.     At  this  session  it 
was  incorporated  and  named  Newtown. 

A  township  had  been  given,  several  years  before  this  Coventry  __ 

time,  by  Joshua,  sachem  of  the  JMoheagans,  lying  north  of  ?ettledand 

c  ,f        r   ,  ,  •  111  incorpo- 

Lebanon  and  west  ot  Mansfield,  to  certain  honorable  lega-  ratcd. 

tees  in  Hartford.  The  donation  was  approved  by  the  as- 
sembly. The  legatees  conveyed  their  right  to  William  Pit- 
kin,  Joseph  Talcott,  William  Whiting,  and  Richard  Lord, 
to  be  a  committee  to  lay  out  said  township  and  make  set- 
ilements  on  the  Lands.  On  the  9th  of  May,  1  TOG,  the  gene- 
ral assembly  authorized  those  gentlemen  to  act  as  a  com- 
mittee for  those  purposes.  October  1 1th,  1711,  this  com- 
mittee was  re-appointed,  with  one  Nathaniel  Rust,  who  had 
already  settled  upon  the  lands,  more  effectually  to  carry 
into  execution  the  design  of  their  former  appointment. 
The  township,  at  the  same  session,  was  named  Coventry. 
Nathaniel  Rust  and  some  others  settled  in  the  town  about, 
the  year  1700  ;  but  the  settlement  of  it  has  generally  been 
dated  fiwin  1709.  In  the  spring  of  this  year,  a  number  oi 
good  householders,  from  Northampton  and  other  places, 
moved  into  the  town,  and  the  inhabitants  were  59  increas* 


444  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVIII. 

BOOK   I.  ed,  in  about  two  years,  that  they  were  incorporated  with 

^s^^v-s^  the  privileges  of  other  towns.     The  planters   were  from  a 

1711.    great  variety  of  places,  but  principally  from  Northampton 

and  Hartford. 

Special  In  consequence  of  letters  from  governor  Dudley,  of  Bos- 
Nov"^'  ton,  a°d  from  general  Nicholson,  relative  to  the  unsuccess- 
1711.  :  fulness  of  the  late  expedition,  a  special  assembly  was  call- 
ed, November  3d,  1711.  The  design  of  it  was  to  con- 
sult the  best  means  of  acquainting  her  majesty  truly  how 
the  affair  was  ;  what  exertions  the  colonies  had  made,  and 
that  it  was  not  through  any  fault  of  theirs  that  the  enter- 
prise was  frustrated.  It  was  judged  best,  that  the  colonies 
should  make  a  joint  representation,  and  that  the  pilots 
should  be  sent  to  England,  to  be  examined  and  declare  be- 
fore her  majesty  what  they  knew  concerning  the  ship- 
wreck. The  assembly  determined,  that  the  affair  was  of 
great  importance  to  the  colonies  ;  and  that  John  Mayhew, 
of  New-London,  who  was  the  only  pilot  from  Connecticut, 
should,  forthwith,  proceed  to  Great-Britain,  with  the  pi- 
lots from  Massachusetts.  It  was  also  resolved  jointly, 
with  the  other  colonies,  to  petition  her  majesty  for  another 
armament,  in  the  spring,  to  assist  them  in  the  reduction 
of  Canada.  In  the  petition  from  Connecticut,  the  lesisla- 
ture  lamented  the  miscarriage  of  the  expedition,  and  the 
fatal  consequences  of  it  to  these  colonies.  They  repre- 
sented it  would  put  them  to  great  expense  to  employ  such  a 
number  of  men  as  were  necessary  to  defend  such  exten- 
sive frontiers  as  theirs  were  ;  and  that,  after  all  their  exer- 
tions, one  family  and  town  after  another  would  be  swept 
away  by  the  enemy.  They  expressed  their  apprehen- 
sions, that  unless  another  expedition  should  be  underta- 
ken against  the  enemy,  they  would,  in  the  spring,  send  out 
a  greater  number  of  scalping  and  plundering  parties,  than 
they  had  done  in  the  preceding  years  of  the  war  ;  and  that 
her  majesty's  subjects  would  be  greatly  distressed.  It 
was  also  suggested,  that  there  was  danger  that  the  enemy 
would  draw  off  many  of  the  Indians  who  dwelt  among  them, 
as  well  as  the  Indians' of  the  Five  Nations,  and  engage  them 
against  the  colonies.  It  was  also  urged,  that  the  colonies 
were  of  great  importance  to  her  majesty's  interest,  and 
that  it  would  be  impolitic  to  suffer  the  enemy  to  possess  so 
large  a  proportion  of  her  majesty's  dominions  in  North 
America,  as  they  actually  inhabited  and  claimed.  It  was 
insisted,  that,  by  the  smiles  of  providence  on  her  majesty's 
arms,  the  settlements  in  Canada  might  be  easily  re- luced  to 
her  majesty's  obedience.  They  prayed  her  to  revive  the 
expedition,  and  promised  a  cheerful  obedience  to  her  com* 


CHAP.  XVIII.  CONNECTICUT.  445 

mands,  in  contributing  their  proportion  to  the  common  ser-  BOOK  I. 
vice.t  v^-v'-^' 

The  petitions  were  sent  over  seasonably,  and  the  pilots  1712. 
were  a  considerable  time  in  London,  waiting  to  be  exami- 
ned, and  give  information,  relative  to  the  loss  of  the  trans- 
ports, and  the  miscarriage  of  the  expedition.  However, 
no  examination  was  ever  made  concerning  the  failure  of 
the  enterprise.  It  did  not  appear  that  much  had  been  ex- 
pected from  it  in  England,  nor  that  people  were  discontent- 
ed at  the  issue,  or  interested  themselves  very  greatly  in  the 
affair.  The  court  shewed  no  disposition  to  make  any  fur- 
ther attempt  upon  Canada. 

The  election  in  1712,  made  little  or  no  alteration  with  Election, 
respect  to  public  officers.     Nothing  very  material  appears  May  8th, 
to  have  been  transacted  this  year.     The  legislature  made  1712' 
the  usual  provision  for  the  defence  of  this  colony  and  the 
county  of  Hampshire. 

Nathan  Gould,  Esq.  the  deputy  governor,  was  appoint-  Regulation 
ed  chief  judge  of  the  superior  court.  William  Pitkin,  Rich-°j^oersu' 
ard  Christopher,  Peter  Burr,  and  Samuel  Eeils,  Esquires,  court, 
were  appointed  assistant  judges.     In  the  absence  of  the  May, 
deputy  governor,  William  Pitkin  was  appointed  chief  judge; 1712* 
and  in  case  either  of  the  other  judges  were  absent,  any  one 
of  the  magistrates  was  authorized  to  sit  in  his  stead.    .Un- 
til this  time,  the  judges  of  the  superior  court  had  been  al- 
lowed nothing  more  than  the  fees  of  it.    An  act  was,  there- 
fore, passed  at  the  October  session,  that  the  judges,  for  the 
time  being,  upon  laying  their  accounts  before  the  assem- 
bly, should  be  allowed  an  honourable  compensation  for 
their  expenses  and  services. 

About  this  time,  the  inhabitants  of  New-Milford  were  New-Mil- 
incorporated  and  vested  with  town  privileges.*  ford  '»™r- 

At  the  election  in  May,  1713,  Mr.  John  Sherman,  whoQ°™gtl^ 
had  been  some  time  speaker  of  the  lower  house,  was  chosen 
into  the  magistracy. 

In  October,  1687,  a  grant  of  lands,  commonly  called  the  pomCret 
Mashamoquet  purchase,  was  made  by  the  general  assem-  incorpora  • 
bly,  to  major  James  Fitch,  lieutenant  William  Ruggles,  Mr. 
John  Gore,  Mr.  John  Pierpont,   Mr.  John  Chandler,   Mr. 
Benjamin  Sabin,  Mr.  Samuel  Craft,  Mr.  John  Grosvenor, 
"Mr.  Joseph  Griffin,   Mr.  Samuel  and  John  Ruggles,  and 
Mr.  Nathan  Wilson.     The  most  of  these   planters   were 
from  Roxbury,  in  Massachusetts.     Some  of  them  moved 

t  Petition  on  file. 

*  About  this  time,  William  Patridge,  Esq.  of  Newbury,  and  Jonathan 
Belcher,  of  Boston,  opened  a  copper  mine  at  Simsbury ;  and  for  their  en- 
couragement, the  assembly  exempted  the  miners,  operators,  and  labourers, 
from  military  duties,  for  the  term  of  four  years. 


446  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVIII, 

BOOK  I.  on  to  the  lands  in  1686,  before  the  grant  was  made.     At 
V^-N^-^>  the  session  in  May,  1713,  the  inhabitants  were  incorpora- 
1713.     ted  and  vested  with  town  privileges.    The  name  was  chan- 
ged from  Mashamoquet  to  Pomfret. 

Settle-  In  1708,  the  assembly  of  Connecticut  determined,  that, 

meat  of  the  unless  the  province  of  Massachusetts  would  accept  of  the 
Mass!'-  terms  which  they  had  proposed,  relative  to  the  line  between 
chusetts.  them,  they  would  make  application  to  her  majesty,  desi- 
ring that  orders  might  be  given,  that  Massachusetts  forth- 
with should  mutually  join  with  Connecticut  in  running  and 
settling  the  boundary  line  between  the  colonies.  Massa- 
chusetts, at  that  time,  would  not  consent  to  run  the  line  a.- 
it  had  been  proposed.  They  would  not  grant  that  there 
had  been  any  mistake  in  running  it ;  but  if  there  had  been, 
f  hey  insisted,  that,  as  it  was  run  so  long  before  the  charter 
was  granted  to  Connecticut,  and  they  had  been  in  posses- 
sion of  the  lands  in  controversy  for  si«ty-six  years,  and 
several  towns  and  plantations  had  been  settled  upon  them, 
it  was  not  then  reasonable  to  draw  it  into  question.  The 
assembly  of  Connecticut,  therefore,  in  1709,  approved  a 
letter,  addressed  to  the  lords  of  trade,  giving  reasons  why 
the  lino  run  by  Woodward  and  Saffery  ought  not  to  be  es- 
tablished ;  and  it  seems  to  have  been  the  determination  ot 
the  legislature  to  have  appealed  to  her  majesty  with  re- 
spect to  the  partition  line ;  but  several  circumstances  final- 
Reasons  of  Jy  prevented.  Governor  Dudley,  who  was  a  man  of  un- 

settlmg  it    comrnon  intrigue  and  duplicity,  had  many  friends  and  great 

without  an  .    .,  •. '  J 

appeal  to    influence  at  court.     Connecticut  had  no  such  friends,  or 

her  majes-  influence,  with  the  court  party.  Sir  Henry  Ashurst,  their 
agent  for  many  years,  appears  now  to  have  been  no  more  ; 
and  they  had  not  yet  sufficient  time  to  fix  upon  and  have 
proof  of  the  fidelity  and  ability  of  another  in  his  place. 
The  colony  was  poor,  and  had  been  put  to  great  expense, 
in  defending  itself  against  the  complaints  of  governor  Dud- 
ley, lord  Cornbury,  and  other  enemies,  and  against  the 
claims  of  Mason  and  his  party.  The  ministry  were  high 
lories,  and  inimical  to  all  charter  governments.  The  le- 
gislature were  apprehensive  that  their  enemies  were  again 
concerting  measures  to  deprive  them  of  all  the  privileges 
which  they  had  so  dearly  bought.  Massachusetts  also,  ia 
some  good  measure,  agreed  to  part  of  the  terms  proposed 
in  1708.  It  was,  therefore,  in  full  view  of  these  circum- 
stances, judged  most  expedient  to  make  the  best  settle- 
ment which  could  be  obtained,  without  an  appeal  to  her 
majesty. 

Upon  the  13th  of  July,  1713,  commissioners,  fully  em- 
powered from  each  of  the  colonies,  came  to  an  agreement, 


CHAP.  XVIII.  CONNECTICUT.  447 

which  was  adopted  by  each  court.     They  were  both  care-  BOOK  I. 
i'ul  to  secure  the  property  to  the  persons  to  whom  they  had  ^^~^/^^/ 
made  grants  of  lands,  and  to  maintain  the  jurisdiction  over    1713. 
the  towns  which  they  had  respectively  settled.     It  was,  Settle- 
therefore,  expressly  stipulated,  as  a  preliminary,  that  the  ment ,of. 

L'     i  i  •  -u  u         u-    L  *L       boundaries 

towns  should  remain  to  the  governments,   by  which  they  wjt^  jyias. 

had  been  settled;  and  that  the  property  of  as  many  acres  sachusetts, 
as  should  appear  to  be  gained  by  one  colony  from  the  oth- 
er, should  be  conveyed  out  of  other  unimproved  land,  as  a 
satisfaction  or  equivalent.  With  respect  to  about  two 
miles,  claimed  by  Windsor  upon  the  town  of  Suffield,  con- 
cerning the  validity  of  which  there  had  been  a  long  con- 
test, it  was  agreed,  that,  if  the  tract  fell  within  the  line,  it 
should  belong  to  Connecticut. 

On  running  the  line,  it  was  found,  at  Connecticut  river, 
to  run  ninety  rods  north  of  the  north-east  bounds  of  Suf- 
field ;  and  it  appeared  that  Massachusetts  had  encroached 
upon  Connecticut  107,793  acres,  running  a  due  west  line 
from  Woodward's  and  Saffery's  station.  Massachusetts 
made  a  grant  of  such  a  quantity  of  land  to  Connecticut,  and 
it  was  accepted  as  equivalent.  The  whole  was  sold,  in 
sixteen  shares,  in  1716,  for  the  sum  of  6831.  New-England 
currency.*  The  money  was  applied  to  the  use  of  the  col- 
lege. 

Notwithstanding  the  long  and  expensive  controversy  of  settle- 
Connecticut  with  the  colony  of  Rhode-Island,  relative  to  ment  with 
the  Narraganset  country,  and  notwithstanding  the  king's 
commissioners,  and  attornies  of  the  greatest  fame,  deter- 
mined, that  the  title  was,  undoubtedly,  in  the  governor  and 
company  of  this  colony,  yet  it  was  judged  expedient  to 
give  up  the  claim.  Lands  were  of  so  little  value,  and  con- 
troversies before  king  and  council  so  expensive,  and  the 
event  so  uncertain,  that  the  legislature  determined  rather 
to  comply  with  governor  Winthrop's  and  Clark's  agree- 
ment, than  to  prolong  the  controversy.  The  court  party, 
both  in  king  William's  and  queen  Anne's  reign,  appeared 
reluctant  to  establish  the  charter  limits  of  Connecticut  at 
Narraganset  river  and  bay;  otherwise  they  would  have 
advised  to  establish  the  judgment  of  the  king's  commission- 
ers ;  and  the  king,  or  queen,  would  have  adopted  the  same 
opinion,  and  established  the  boundary  according  to  the 
charter.  The  court,  probably,  were  influenced  by  politi- 
cal principles.  The  establishment  of  the  eastern  boundary 

*  This  was  a  little  more  than  a  farthing  per  acre,  and  shows  of  what 
small  value  land  was  esteemed  at  that  day.  It  affords,  also,  a  striking 
demonstration,  that,  considering  the  expense  of  purchasing  them  of  tho 
natives,  and  of  defending  thern:  th"y  cost,  our  ancestors  five,  if  not  ten  times 
their  value. 


448  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVJIL 

BOOK  I.  of  Connecticut  at  Narraganset  river  and  bay,  would  have 
v-^-v-x^  ruined  Rhode-Island,  by  reducing  them  to  limits  too  small 
1713.     for  a  colony.     Connecticut  was,   doubtless,   fully  sensible 
of  these  dispositions  of  the  sovereigns  ancj  court  of  Great- 
Britain,  and  it,  probably,  operated  as  a  strong  motive  to 
induce  them -to  give  up  their  claim. 

In  October,  1702,  a  committee  was  appointed  to  make 
a  complete  settlement  of  the  boundary  line  between  the 
colonies,  reserving  to  all  persons  concerned,  their  entire 
property  in  lands  and  buildings,  according  to  the  agree- 
ment of  governor  Winthrop  and  Mr.  Clark.  On  the  12th 
of  May,  1 703,  the  committees  from  the  two  colonies  agreed, 
"That  the  middle  channel  of  Pawcatuck  river,  alias  Nar- 
raganset river,  as  it  extends  from  the  salt  water  upwards, 
till  it  comes  to  the  mouth  of  Ashaway  river,  where  it  falls 
into  the  said  Pawcatuck  river,  and  from  thence  to  run  a 
straight  line  till  it  meet  with  the  south-west  bounds  or  cor- 
ner of  Warwick  grand  purchase,  which  extends  twenty 
miles  due  west  from  a  certain  rock,  lying  at  the  outmost 
point  of  Warwick  neck,  which  is  the  south-easterly  bounds 
of  said  purchase  ;  and  from  the  said  south-west  bounds,  or 
corner  of  said  purchase,  to  run  upon  a  due  north  line,  till 
it  meet  with  the  south  line  of  the  province  of  Massachusetts 
Bay,  in  New-England  :  This  to  be,  and  for  ever  remain  to 
be  the  fixed  and  stated  line  between  the  said  colonies  of 
Connecticut  and  Rhode-Island.  Always  provided,  and  it 
is  hereby  intended,  that  nothing  in  the  aforementioned 
agreement,  or  any  clause  thereof,  shall  be  taken  or  deem- 
ed to  be  the  breach  or  making  void  of  the  fourth  article  in 
the  agreement  made  between  the  agents  of  the  said  colo- 
nies of  Connecticut  and  Rhode-Island,  viz.  John  Win- 
ihrop,  Esq.  and  Mr.  Daniel  Clark,  for  maintaining  proper- 
ty, dated  April  7th,  1663,  but  that  the  same  shall  be  kept 
and  justly  performed,  according  to  the  true  intent  and 
meaning  thereof;  and  that  all  former  grants  and  purchases, 
granted  by,  or  made  within  either  of  the  colonies,  and  all 
other  ancient  grants  confirmed  by  the  authority  of  Con- 
necticut colony  within  the  township  of  Westerly,  in  the 
colony  of  Rhode-Island,  shall  be  duly  preserved  and  main- 
tained, as  fully  and  amply,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as 
if  they  were  lying  or  continued  within  the  bounds  of  the 
colony,  by  the  authority  of  which  it  was  granted  or  purcha- 
sed."* 

Notwithstanding  this  agreement,  Rhode-Island,  about 
this  time,  disowned  its  authenticity,  pretending  that  their 

*  Agreement  on  file,  signed  with  the  hands  of  the  commissioners,  and 
Healed  with  nine  seals 


CHAP.  XVIII.  CONNECTICUT.  449 

commissioners  were  hot  empowered  to  conclude  fully  and  BOOK  I. 
finally  upon  such  settlement.     The  cause  was  heard  by  v^-v-^/ 
the  king  in  council,  some  years  after,  and  decided  accord-    1713. 
ing  to  the  agreement  of  the  commissioners  as  stated  above. 

September  27th,  1728,  the  line  was  finally  ascertained 
and  distinguished  by  proper  monuments  and  boundaries. 
Roger  Wolcott,  James  Wadsworth,  and  Daniel  Palmer,  on 
the  part  of  Connecticut,  and  William  Wanton,  Benjamin 
Ellery,  and  William  Jenks,  in  behalf  of  Rhode-Island, 
were  the  committees  for  the  running  and  final  fixing  of  the 
line; 

No  colony,  perhaps,  had  ever  a  belter  right  to  the  lands  Connecti- 
comprised  in  its  original  patent  than  Connecticut,  yet  none  cutunfor- 

r0  r        .  ,  ic          tunate  in 

has  been  more  unfortunate  with  respect  to  the  loss  of  ter-  tjie  joss  Of 
ritory.  King  Charles  the  second,  in  favor  of  his  brother  territory, 
the  duke  of  York,  granted  a  great  part  of  the  lands  con- 
tained within  its  original  limits  to  him,  and  the  legislature, 
for  fear  of  offending  those  royal  personages  and  losing  their 
charter,  gave  up  Long-Island  and  agreed  to  the  settle- 
ment of  the  boundary  line  with  the  king's  commissioners. 
For  the  reasons  which  have  been  suggested  they  lost  a 
considerable  tract  on  the  north  and  on  the  east.  Indeed, 
considering  the  enemies  and  difficulties  with  which  they 
had  to  combat,  it  is  admirable  that  they  retained  so  much 
territory,  and  so  nobly  defended  their  just  rights  and  liber- 
ties. 

The  peace  of  Utrecht  was  signed  by  the  plenipotentia- 
ries of  Great-Britain  and  France,  March  30th,  1713.    Offi- 
cial accounts  of  the  pacification  and  orders  for  immediately 
proclaiming  the  peace  were  received  by  the  governor  of 
Connecticut,  on  the  22d  of  August.     The  governor   hav- Peace  pro- 
ing  called  together  the  deputy  governor  and  council,  they,  claimed, 
on  the  26th,  made  a  formal  proclamation  of  peace  between  ^j  2< 
the  two  nations. 

Upon  the  pacification  with  France,  the  Indians  buried 
the  hatchet,  and  peace,  with  her  olive  branch,  once  more 
gladdened  the  colonies. 

Connecticut  had  not  been  less  fortunate  in  this,  than  in 
former  wars.  A  single  town  had  not  been  lost,  nor  had  , 
any  considerable  number  of  the  inhabitants  fallen  by  the 
hands  of  the  enemy.  In  Philip's,  king  William's,  and 
queen  Anne's  wars,  Connecticut  lost  only  the  buildings  and 
part  of  the  effects  of  one  town.  The  inhabitants  of  Sims- 
bury,  when  consisting  of  about  forty  families,  as  the  tradi- 
tion is,  supposing  themselves  in  danger  of  a  surprise,  by 
the  enemy,  buried  a  considerable  part  of  their  effects,  and 
generally  removed  back  to  Windsor.  The  enemy,  find- 

G  3 


450  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVHL 

BOOK  I.  ing  the  town  nearly  deserted,  fell  upon  it,  burned  the  build- 

v_x-v-x^  ings,  and  captivated  several  of  the  inhabitants.     When 

1713.    the  people  moved  back,  such  an  alteration  had  been  made, 

by  the  burning  of  the  buildings  and  the  growth  of  weeds 

and  hushes,  that  the  particular  spot  in  which  they  had 

buried  their  effects,  could  not  be  found,  and  they  were 

never  recovered.     This,  most  probably,  was  in  the  spring 

of  1676,  when  the  Narraganset  and  other  Indians  appeared 

in  strong  parties  upon  the  river  above. 

state  of         The  expense  of  this  war  was  very  considerable.     Some 
the  colony  years  the  colony  paid  a  tax  of  about  seven  pence  and  eight 

at  the          J  .,  j  i     i     i-         c   i.          i 

>6m-         pence  on  the  pound,  on  the  whole  list  ot  the  colony.     DC- 
mence-       sides,  it  was  found  necessary  to  emit,   st  several  times, 
mentof      from  June,    1709,  to  October,   1713,   33,5001.  in  bills  of 
credit.     Provision  had   been  made,  by  acts  of  assembly, 
for  the  calling  in  of  the  whole,  within  the  term  of  about 
Amount  of  seven  years  from  the  termination  of  the  war.     Twenty 
bills  of       thousand  pounds  only  were  in  circulation  in  October,  1713. 
credit.        rpjie  em,jssjons  Were  all  in  the  same  form,  and,  by  a  law  ot" 
the  colony,  the  bills  of  each  were  to  be  received,  in  all  pay- 
ments at  the  treasury,  at  five  pe?  cent,  better  than  money, 
or  more  than  expressed  on  the  face  of  the  biH.  In  all  other1 
payments,  it  was  enacted,  that  they  should  be  received  as 
money.     So  small  was  the  sum,  and  such  was  the  advance 
at  which  the  bills  were  received  at  the  treasury,  that  they 
appear  to  have  suffered  little  or  no  depreciation.     As  some 
of  the  small  bills  had  been  altered,  and  the  sura  expressed 
made  greater  than  in  the  original  ones,  the  assembly  pas  • 
sed  an  act  for  calling  them  all  in,  and  emitting  20,0001.  in 
new  bills,  which  the  treasurer  was  directed  to  issue. 

After  pursuing  the  history  of  the  colony  nearly  eighty 
years,  from  the  commencement  of  its  first  settlements,  it 
appears,  that,  notwithstanding  the  many  wars,  numerous 
hardships,  and  difficulties,  which  it  had  almost  continually 
to  combat,  its  progress  in  numbers,  plantations,  husbandry, 
wealth,  and  commerce,  were  considerable. 

Within  the  colony,  and  under  its  jurisdiction,  were  thirty- 
eight  taxable  towns,  and  forty  sent  deputies. 

COUNTIES  and  TOWNS,  October  8th,  1713. 


Number  of     County  of  Time  of 


towns,  and     HARTFORD, 
the  time  of 


Settlement. 


£t™ent'  Hartford 

erincorpo- Weathersfield,  1634 

ration.        Windsor,  1635 

Farmington,  1644 

Middletown,  1651 

Simsbury,  1650 


Haddam,  .  1668 

Glasten  bury  made  a 

town,  1690 

Waterbury,  1686 

Windham,  1692 

Plainfield,  1689 

East-Haddam.  1713 

Canterbury,  1 703 


CONNECTICUT 

i 

451 

1703* 

Guilford, 

1639 

BOOK   L 

1699 

Bran  ford, 

1644 

^-^-.—^ 

1704* 

Wallingford, 

1670 

1713. 

1708* 

East-Haven, 

1607 

1709* 

Derby, 

1675 

Time  of 

Durham, 

1699 

Settlement. 

Ne\v-Milford, 

1713* 

1€48 

County  of 

Time  of 

1639 

FAIRFIELD. 

Settlement. 

4660 

Fairfield, 

1639 

1667 

Stratford, 

1639 

1658 

Greenwich, 

1640 

1663 

Stamford, 

1641 

1.686 

Norwalk, 

1651 

pora- 

Woodbury  incorpora- 

1697 

ted, 

1674 

1700 

Danbury, 

1693 

orated,  1713* 

Newtown  incorpora- 

Time of 

ted, 

1711* 

-Set-tlement. 

Ridgefield  incorpora- 

1638 

ted, 

1709* 

1639    • 

CHAP.  XVIII. 

Mansfield, 

Colchester, 

Hebron, 

Killingly, 

Coventry, 

County  of 
NEW-LONDON. 
New-London, 
Saybrook, 
Norwich, 
Lyme, 
Stonington, 
Killingworth, 
Preston, 
Lebanon  incoi 

ted, 

Voluntown, 
Pomfretincorp 

County  of 
NEW-HAVEN. 
New-Haven, 
Milford, 

It  was  customary  with  the  assembly,  from  the  first  set- 
tlement of  the  colony,  to  release  the  infant  towns  two, 
rhree,  or  four  years,  at  first,  from  all  taxes  to  the  common- 
wealth ;  and  especially  this  was  the  universal  practice, 
while  they  were  building  meeting-houses  and  settling  min- 
isters. For  these  reasons,  the  eight  towns  marked  with 
asterisks,  at  this  time,  appear  to  have  been  released  from 
public  taxation. 

Attempts  had  been  made  for  the  settlement  of  Ashford ; 
two  families  moved  on  to  the  lands  in  1710,  and  began  set- 
tlements, but  it  was  not  incorporated  until  October,  1714. 
The  assembly  had,  also,  appointed  committees,  and  passed 
several  acts  respecting  the  settlement  of  New  Fairfield, 
but  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  incorporated  at  this 
time.  Exclusive  of  the  towns  on  Long-Island,  and  some 
others  in  New- York,  and  the  town  of  Westerly,  in  Rhode-: 
Island,  Connecticut  had  settled  forty-five  towns  under  its 
own  jurisdiction.  Forty  of  them  sent  deputies.  The 
house  of  representatives,  when  full,  consisted,  of  eighty 
members.  T 

The  grand  list  of  the  colony  was  281 ,0831.     The  militia  colony, 
consisted  of  a  regiment  in  each  county,  and  amounted  to  number  of 
nearly  four  thousand  effective  men.     The  number  of  in-  pjlitia  an<J 
habitants  was  about  seventeen  thousand.  ants 

The  shipping  consisted  of  two  brigantines,  about  twenty  Shipping, 


452  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVIIL 

BOOK   I.  sloops,   and  some   other  small  vessels.     The  number  oi 
v-x^v^x^  seamen  did  not  exceed  a  hundred  and  twenty. 

1713.         There  were  three  considerable  towns  in   the  colony  un- 
Towns       der  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  Suffield,  Enfield,  and 
grjntedi  d  Woodstock.     Suffield  and  Enfield   were  part   of  Spring- 
by  Massa-  field,  which  was  purchased  by  Mr.  Pyncheon  and  his  com- 
chusetts.     pany,  of  the  natives,  the  original  proprietors  of  the  soil. 
This  township,  like  Windsor,  was  of  great  extent.     At  first 
it  was  supposed  to  belong    to  Connecticut,  and  it  always 
would  have  done  had  not  the  boundary  line  been  fixed  con- 
trary to  the  expectations  of  the  first  planters.     In  1670,  a 
grant  of  Suffield  was  made  to  major  John  Pyncheon,  Mr. 
Elizur  Holyoke,  Mr.  Thomas  Cooper,  Mr.  Benjamin  Coo- 
]y,  George  Cotton,  and  Rowland  Thomas,  by  the  general 
court  of  Massachusetts,  as  a  committee  to  lay  it  out  and 
plant  a  township.     And  about  that  time  it  was  settled,  and 
incorporated  with  town  privileges. 

Enfield  was  settled  by  people  from  Massachusetts,  a- 
bout  the  year  1681.  A  grant  of  the  township,  which  is  six 
miles  square,  was  made  to  several  planters  about  two  years 
before.  The  planters  came  on  with  numbers  and  strength. 
They  brought  with  them  two  young  gentlemen,  one  Mr. 
Whittington  for  a  schoolmaster,  and  Mr.  Welch,  a  candi- 
date for  the  ministry,  to  be  their  preacher.  In  the  year 
1769,  the  number  of  families  in  the  town  was  214,  and 
the  number  of  inhabitants  was  1,380.  The  town  was 
named  after  one  of  the  same  name  in  England.* 

Courts  in  Connecticut. 

Courts  and  The  general  court,  or  assembly,  in  May  and  October, 
judges.  The  sessions  at  this  period,  generally,  did  not  exceed  ten 
or  twelve  days.  The  expense  of  government  was  very 
inconsiderable.  The  expense  of  the  two  sessions  annual- 
ly hardly  amounted  to  400  pounds.  The  salary  of  the 
governor  was  200  pounds,  and  that  of  the  deputy  governor 
fifty  pounds.  The  whole  expense  of  government,  proba- 
bly did  not  exceed  eight  hundred  pounds  annually. t 

The  Superior  court,  which  was  made  circular  in  1711. 
At  the  May  session,  171 1,  it  was  enacted,  that  there  should 
be  one  superior  court  of  judicature  over  the  whole  colony  : 
That  this  court  should  be  holden  annually,  within  and  for 
the  county  of  Hartford  on  the  third  Tuesdays  in  March  and 
September  :  Within  and  for  the  county  of  New-Haven  on 
the  second  Tuesdays  in  March  and  September :  Within 
and  for  the  county  of  Fairfield,  at  Fairfield,  on  the  first 

*  With  respect  to  Woodstock  there  are  no  records  or  minutes, 
t  The  expense  of  government  in  Conntcticot  did  not  generally  amount 
to  the  salary  of  a  king's  governor. 


CiiAr.XVIII.  CONNECTICUT.  453 

Tuesdays  in  March  and  September ;  and  within  and  for  BOOK  I. 
the  county  of  New-London  on  the  fourth  Tuesdays  in  said  v^-v-x*/ 
months.  1713. 

This  court  consisted  ol  one  chief  judge  and  four  other 
judges,  three  of  whom  made  a  quorum.  The  judges  of 
the  court  were  all  magistrates.  William  Pitkin,  Esq.  was 
chief  judge.  Richard  Christopher,  Peter  Burr,  Samuel 
Eells,  and  John  Haynes,  Esquires,  were  assistant  judges. 
The  wages  of  the  chief  judge  were  ten  shillings  a  day, 
while  on  the  public  service.  The  other  judges  were  allow-, 
ed  the  fees,  by  law,  payable  to  the  bench. 

The  inferior,  or  county  courts.  At  the  session  in  May, 
1665,  counties  were  first  made.  From  that  time  each 
county  had  a  court  of  its  own.  This,  after  a  few  years, 
from  its  first  institution,  consisted  of  a  chief  judge  and  four 
justices  of  the  quorum.  The  business  of  these  courts  has 
been  already  sufficiently  noticed. 

In  each  county  there  was  a  court  of  probates,  consisting 
of  one  judge  and  a  clerk.  In  this  all  testamentary  affairs 
were  managed.  From  this  court  appeals  might  be  had  to 
the  county  court.  One  of  the  magistrates  of  the  county 
was  commonly  judge  of  this  court.  It  met  frequently,  busi- 
ness .was  done  with  ease  and  dispatch,  and  with  little  ex- 
pense to  the  fatherless  and  widow. 

The  manufactures  of  Connecticut  at  this  time,  were  very 
inconsiderable.  There  was  but  one  clothier  in  the  colony. 
The  most  he  could  do  was  to  full  the  cloth  which  was 
made.  A  great  proportion  of  it  was  worn  without  shear- 
ing or  pressing.* 

The  trade  of  the  colony  was  not  considerable.  Its  for- 
eign commerce  was  indeed  next  to  nothing.  The  only 
articles  exported  directly  from  it  to  Great-Britain  were 
turpentine,  pitch,  tar,  and  fur.  But  these  more  generally 
were  sent  directly  to  Boston  or  New- York,  and  were  trad- 
ed for  such  European  goods  as  were  consumed  in  the  colo- 
ny. Its  principal  trade  was  with  Boston,  New- York,  and 
the  West-Indies.  To  the  two  former  the  merchants  traded 
in  the  produce  of  the  colony,  wheat,  rye,  barley,  indian 
corn,  peas,  pork,  beef,  and  fat  cattle. 

To  the  West-Indies  the  merchants  exported  horses, 
staves,  hoops,  pork,  beef,  and  cattle.  In  return  they  re- 
ceived rum,  sugar,  molasses,  cotton  wool,  bills  of  exchange, 
and  sometimes  small  sums  of  money.  But  little  more  was 
imported,  than  was  found  necessary  for  home  consump- 
tion. 

At  this  period  there  was  not  a  printer  in   the   colony, 

'  Answer  tp  questions  from  the  lords  of  trade  and  plantations,  1710. 


454  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XVIII. 

BOOK  I.  For  this  reason  a  great  proportion  of  the  laws  were  only  in 
S_X-N^S^  manuscript.  The  assembly  had  now  desired  the  govern- 
1713.  or  and  council  to  procure  a  printer  to  settle  in  the  colony. 
It  was  determined  soon  to  revise  and  print  the  laws  which 
made  the  assembly  more  urgent  in  the  affair  at  that  time. 
The  council  obtained  Mr.  Timothy  Green,  a  descendant 
of  Mr.  Samuel  Green  of  Cambridge  in  Massachusetts,  the 
first  printer  in  North-America.  The  assembly  for  his  en- 
couragement agreed  that  he  should  be  printer  to  the  gov- 
ernor and  company  and  that  he  should  have  fifty  pounds, 
the  salary  of  the  deputy  governor,  annually.  He  was  obliT 
ged  to  print  the  election  sermons,  the  proclamations  for 
fasts  and  thanksgivings,  and  laws  which  were  enacted  at 
the  several  sessions  of  the  assembly.  In  1714,  became 
into  Connecticut,  and  fixed  his  residence  at  New-London. 
He  and  his  descendants  were,  fora  great  number  of  years, 
printers  to  the  governor  and  company  of  Connecticut.* 
At  the  period  to  which  the  history  is  brought  down,  almost 
all  that  part  of  the  colony  on  the  east  side  of  Connecticut 
was  settled.  Ashford,  Tolland,  Stafford,  Bolton,  and  two 
or  three  other  towns  have  been  settled  in  that  part  of  the 
colony,  and  the  greatest  part  of  the  county  of  Litchfield 
since.  The  settlement  of  these  has  been  attended  with  lit- 
tle difficulty  in  comparison  with  what  was  experienced  in, 
the  planting  aad  defending  of  the  former. 

Who  can  contemplate  the  hardships,  labors,  and  dan- 
gers of  our  ancestors,  their  self-denial,  magnanimity,  firm- 
ness, and  perseverance,  in  defending  their  just  rights,  and 
the  great  expense,  though  they  were  poor,  at  which  they 
maintained  and  transmitted  the  fairest  inheritance  to  us,  and 
not  highly  esteem  and  venerate  their  characters  ?  If  they 
had  some  imperfections,  yet  had  they  not  more  excellen- 
cies, and  did  they  not  effect  greater  things,  for  themselves 
and  posterity,  than  men  have  generally  done  ?  Is  it  possi- 
ble to  review  the  sufferings,  dangers,  expense  of  blood  and 
treasure,  with  which  our  invaluable  liberties,  civil  and  re- 
ligious, have  been  transmitted  to  us,  and  not  to  esteem 
them  precious  ?  Not  most  vigilantly  and  vigorously  defend 
them  ?  Shall  we  not  at  all  hazards,  maintain  and  perpetuate 
them  *  Can  we  contemplate  the  sobriety,  wisdom,  integri- 
ty, industry,  economy,  public  spirit,  peaceableness,  good 
order,  and  other  virtues,  by  which  this  republic  hath  arisen 
iVom  the  smallest  beginnings,  to  its  present  strength,  opu- 
lence, beauty  and  respectability,  and  not  admire  those  vir- 
tues ?  Not  be  convinced  of  their  high  importance  to 


*  The  first  printer  in  this  colony  was  Thomas  Short.  lie  was  recom- 
mended to  the  colony  by  Mr.  Green.  He  came  to  New-London  about  the 
vear  1709.  In  1710.  he  printed  Saybrook  Platform,  and  soon  after  died- 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  455 

ety  ?  Shall  we  not  make  them  our  own  ?  And  bythe  con-  BOOK  I. 
slant  practice  of  them,  hand  down  our  distinguished  liber-  S-^-VN^* 
ties,  dignity,  and  happiness,  to  the  latest  ages  ? 


CHAPTER  xix. 

A  View  of  the  churches  of  Connecticut,  from  1665  to  1714, 
continued  from  Chapter  XIII.  The  general  assembly  ap- 
point a  synod  to  determine  points  of  religious  controversy. 
The  ministers  decline  meeting  under  the  name  of  a  synod* 
The  assembly  alter  the  name,  and  require  them  to  meet  ax 
a  general  assembly  of  the  ministers  and  churches  of  Con" 
necticut.  Seventeen  questions  were  proposed  to  the  assem- 
bly to  be  discussed  and  answered.  The  assembly  of  min- 
isters and  churches  meet  and  discuss  the  questions.  The 
legislature  declare  that  they  had  not  been  decided,  and 
give  intimations  that  they  did  not  desire  that  the  ministers 
and  churches  of  Connecticut  should  report  their  opinion 
upon  them.  They  express  their  desires  of  a  larger  coun- 
cil from  Massachusetts  and  New-Plymouth.  The  Rev. 
Mr.  Davenport  removes  to  Boston.  Dissension  at  Wind- 
sor. Mr.  Bulkley  and  Mr.  Fitch  are  appointed  by  the  as- 
sembly to  devise  some  way  in  which  the  churches  might 
walk  together,  notwithstanding  their  different  opinions 
relative  to  the  subjects  of  baptism,  church  communion,  and 
the  mode  of  church  discipline.  The  church  at  Hartford 
divides,  and  Mr.  Whiting  and  his  adherents  are  allowed 
to  practise  upon  congregational  principles.  The  church 
at  Stratford  allowed  to  divide,  and  hold  distinct  meetings. 
Mr.  Walker  and  his  hearers,  upon  advice,  remove  and 
settle  the  town  of  Woodbury.  Deaths  and  characters  of 
the  Rev.  Messrs.  John  Davenport  and  John  Warham. 
General  attempts  for  a  reformation  of  manners.  Religious 
slate  of  the  colony  in  1680.  Attempts  for  the  instruction 
and  christianizing  of  the  Indians  in  Connecticut.  Act  of 
the  legislature  respecting  Windsor.  The  people  there  re- 
quired peaceably  to  settle  and  support  Mr.  Mather.  Own- 
ing or  subscribing  the  covenant  introduced  at  Hartford. 
College  founded,  and  trustees  incorporated.  Worship  ac- 
cording to  the  mode  of  the  church  of  England  performed, 
in  this  colony,  first  at  Stratford.  Episcopal  church  gath- 
ered there.  Act  of  assembly  requiring  the  ministers  and 
churches  of  Conne client  (9  meet  and  form  n  religious  rnn- 


456  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX, 

BOOK   I.      flitittion.      They  meet  and  compile  the  Saykrook  Platform. 
<»^*~^w      Articles  of  discipline.     Act  of  the  legislature  adopting  the 
1666.         Platform*     Associations;   consociations.     General  asso- 
ciation.    Its  recommendations  relative  to  the  examination 
of  candidates  for  the  ministry,  and  of  pastors  elect  previ- 
ous to  their  ordination.     Ministers,  churches,  and  ecclesi- 
astical societies  in  Connecticut,  in  1713.     Degree  of  in- 
struction.    The  whole  number  of  ministers  in  the  colony, 
from  its  first  settlement  to  that  period. 


A' 


•  LTHOUGH  the  legislature  of  Connecticut,  during  the 
controversy  respecting  the  union  of  the  colonies, 
judged  it  expedient  to  transact  nothing  relative  to  the  re- 
ligious controversies  then  in  the  country,  yet,  as  soon  as 
the  union  was  well  established,  they  entered  seriously  up- 
Oct.  ilth    on  raeasures  to  bring  them  to  a  final  issue.     For  this  pur- 
1666.      '  pose,  they  passed  the  following  act. 

"  This  court  doth  conclude,  to  consider  of  some  way  or 
Ac.1  »P-      means  to  brine  those  ecclesiastical  matters,  that  are  in  dif- 

pointing  a  f  .       ,    °  IT-  • 

•ynod.        lerence  in  the  several  plantations,  to  an  issue,   by  stating 

some  suitable  accommodation  and  expedient  thereunto. 
And  do  therefore  order,  that  a  synod  be  called  to  consider 
and  debate  those  matters;  and  that  the  questions  present- 
ed to  the  elders  and  ministers  that  are  called  to  this  synod, 
shall  be  publicly  disputed  to  an  issue.  And  this  court 
doth  confer  power  to  this  synod,  being  met  and  constituted, 
to  order  and  methodize  the  disputation,  so  as  may  most 
conduce,  in  their  apprehension,  to  attain  a  regular  issue  of 
their  debates." 

The  court  ordered,  that  all  the  preaching  elders,  or  min- 
isters, who  were  or  should  be  settled  in  this  colony,  at  the 
time  appointed  for  the  meeting  of  the  synod,  should  be  sent 
to,  to  attend  as  members  of  it.  It  was  also  ordered  by  the 
legislature,  that  Mr.  Mitchell,  Mr.  Brown,  Mr.  Sherman, 
and  Mr.  Glover,  of  Massachusetts,  should  be  invited  to  as- 
sist as  numbers  of  the  synod.  It  was  also  ordered,  that, 
upon  the  meeting  of  a  majority  of  the  preaching  elders  in 
the  colony,  they  should  proceed  as  a  synod.  Further,  it 
v;as  enacted,  that  the  questions  proposed  by  this  assembly,' 
should  be  the  questions  to  be  disputed  by  the  synod.  The 
meeting  of  the  synod  was  appointed  on  the  third  Wednes- 
day in  May,  1667.  The  secretary  was  directed  to  trans- 
mit to  all  the  ministers  in  this  colony,  and  those  invited 
from  the  Massachusetts,  a  copy  of  this  act  of  assembly,  and 
of  the  questions  to  be  disputed. 

It  seems,  that  the  ministers  had  objections  to  meeting  as 
a  synod,  and  to  the  order  of  the  assembly  vesting  them 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  45? 

with  synodical  powers.     Numbers  of  the  ministers  and  BOOK  I. 
churches  appear  to  have  been  too  jealous  for  their  liberties  v-x-v^x*' 
to  admit  of  the  authority  of  synods  appointed  by  (he  assem-    1 667. 
bly.     The  legislature,  to  ease  this  difficulty,  in  their  May  Name  of 
session,  judged  it  expedient  to  alter  the  name  of  the  coun-  ^  co"nci1 
cil,  and  to  call  it  an  assembly  of  the  ministers  of  Connecti-  May  9th 
cut,  called  together  by  the  general  court,  for  the  discussing  1667. 
of  the  questions  stated,  according  to  their  former  order. 

The  assembly  of  ministers  convened  at  the  time  appoint-  The  aa- 
ed,  and  having  conversed  on  the  questions,  and  voted  notsembly  of 
to  dispute  them  publicly,  adjourned  until  the  fall,  deter- m  "stel1* 
mining  then  to  meet  again,  and  make  their  report,  should 
it  be  the  desire  of  the  legislature.  The  questions  were 
the  same  which  had  been  exhibited  ten  years  before.*  The 
same  points  of  controversy  still  subsisted.  The  churches 
coutinued  in  their  former  strict  method  of  admitting  mem- 
bers to  their  communion,  and  maintained  their  right  to 
choose  their  ministers,  without  any  conlroul  from  the 
towns  or  parishes  of  which  they  were  a  part.  It  does  not 
appear,  that  one  church  in  the  colony  had  yet  consented 
to  the  baptism  of  children,  upon  their  parents  owning  the 
covenant,  as  it  was  then  called.  It  was  insisted,,as  neces- 
sary to  the  baptism  of  children,  that  one  of  the  parents,  at 
least,  should  be  a  member  in  full  communion  with  the 
church,  and  in  regular  standing. 

It  seems,  that  the  assembly's  particularly  inviting  the  Design  <ft 
gentlemen  from  the  Massachusetts,  in  their  name,  to  attend  inviting 

the  general  assembly  of  ministers  and  churches,  was  to  en-  ™mst<frs 
i-i  i        r          !          •     i       /•   i  ••  /-/-i  •    irom  the 

lighten  and  sotten  the  minds  or  the  ministers  of  Connecti-  Massacht£ 

cut  in  those  points,  and  to  obtain  a  majority  in  the  assem-  setts, 
bly  fora  less  rigid  mode  of  proceeding.  Mr.  Mitchell  was 
the  most  powerful  disputant  of  his  day,  in  New-England, 
in  favour  of  the  baptism  of  children,  upon  their  parents 
owning  the  covenant,  though  they  neglected  to  obey  arid 
honour  Christ,  in  attending  the  sacrament  of  the  Lord's 
Supper.  It  appeared,  however,  that  this  party  were  not 
able  to  carry  any  point  in  the  assembly,  and  that  the  ques- 
tions were  not  likely  to  be  determined  according  to  the 
wishes  of  the  majority  of  the  legislature.  Measures  were, 
therefore,  adopted  to 'prevent  the  meeting  and  result  of  the 
assembly,  at  their  adjournment  in  the  fall. 

In  September,  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colonies  Resolu- 
met  at  Hartford,  and  they  interposed  in  the  affair.     They  tion  of  the 
resolved,  "  That  when   questions   of  public  concernment, 
about  matters  of  faith  and  order,  do  arise  in  any  colony, 
fhat  the  decision  thereof  should  be  referred  to  a  synod,  or 
*  ?ee  chapter  xiii.  p.  316,  317. 

H3 


45$  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX, 

BOOK  I.  council  of  messengers  of  churches,  indifferently  called  out 
v^-v-^  of  the  united  colonies,  by  an  orderly  agreement  of  all  the 
1667.    general  courts;  and  that  the  place  of  meeting  be  at,  or 
near  Boston."     This  vote  was,  doubtless,  obtained  by  the 
art  of  those  gentlemen,  among  the  civilians  and  ministers, 
•who  wished  to  prevent  the  meeting  of  the  assembly  of  min- 
isters, and  their  resulting  upon  the  questions. 
Applies.-        The  reverend  elders  Warham,  Hooker,  and  Whiting,  ia 
tioa  of       a  writing  under  their  hands,  represented  to  the  assembly, 
Messrs.      at  tnejr  session  m  October,  that  it  was  the  desire  of  the 
Hooker"'   assembly  of  ministers,  that  there  might  be  a  more  general 
and  Whi-    meeting  of  ministers  from  Massachusetts,  to  assist  in  the 
tin£'          consideration  and  decision  of  the  questions  proposed.     It 
was  also  represented  to  the  assembly,  that  though  they  and 
others  were  for  disputing  the  questions  publicly,  and  offer- 
ed to  do  it,  yet  the  major  part  of  the  assembly  refused  the 
offer. 

Tieprejpnt-  The  Rev.  Mr.  Bulkley  and  Mr.  Haynes,  on  the  other 
ationsj)f  hand,  in  a  letter  addressed  by  them  to  the  assembly,  repre- 
Buikiey  sented,  that  the  assembly  had  authorized  a  major  part  of 
and  the  ministers  to  methodize  the  proceedings  of  the  assem- 

Haynes.  bly,  anc]  tjiat  a  majority  were  against  a  public  disputation 
of  the  questions  :  That  it  was  viewed  as  what  would  dis- 
honour God,  disserve  the  peace  and  edification  of  the 
churches,  and  the  general  interests  of  religion  ;  and  it  was 
judged  most  expedient  to  deliberate  upon  and  decide  the 
questions  among  themselves,  as  was  usual  in  councils,  with- 
out a  public  disputation*  They  therefore  observed,  that 
whatever  fair  offers  were  made  them  to  dispute  the  ques- 
tions publicly,  they  could  not  consistently  do  it,  as  it  was 
contrary  to  a  major  vote  of  the  assembly  of  the  ministers, 
and,  in  their  opinion,  would  disserve  the  interest  of  the 
churches.  With  respect  to  the  present  application,  made 
by  Messrs.  Warham,  Hooker,  and  Whiting,  they  observed* 
that  it  appeared  strange  to  them,  as  a  considerable  number 
of  the  ministers  were  positively  against  it,  and  others  were 
neuter,  and  not  in  the  vote  for  a  more  general  council ;  and 
that  it  was  the  vote  of  the  assembly  of  ministers,  to  meet 
again  on  the  third  Wednesday  in  October.  They  assured 
the  legislature,  that  they  were  ready  and  determined  to 
obey  all  their  lawful  commands ;  and  they  desired  infor- 
mation from  them,  whether  the  assembly  of  ministers 
should  meet  again,  according  to  adjournment,  or  not  ?  The 
general  assembly  voted,  that  the  questions  had  not  been 
decided,  and  desired  the  several  churches  and  plantations 
in  the  colony,  to  send  their  teaching  elders,  at  their  own 
expense,  to  sit  in  council,  with  such  of  the  elders  of  Mas- 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT. 

sachusetts  and  Plymouth  as  should  be  appointed,  to  con-  BOOK  T. 
sider  and  determine  the  points  hi  controversy.     The  as-  v^-v-x^ 
sembly  desired,  that  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts    J6G7. 
might  be  certified  of  the  affair,   and  would  appoint   time 
and  place  for  the  meeting  of  a  synod,  if  they  should  judge 
it  expedient. 

Whether  the  assembly  really  wished  to  have  a  general 
council,  or  whether  this  was  only  a  matter  of  policy  to 
prevent  a  determination  of  the  questions  contrary  to  their 
wishes,  is  not  certain.  No  general  council,  however,  was 
called ;  nor  does  it  appear,  that  any  motion  was  made  af- 
terwards for  that  purpose.  Indeed,  the  legislature  seem 
to  have  fallen  under  the  conviction,  that  the  clergy  and 
churches  would  not  give  up  their  private  opinions,  in  faith 
and  practice,  to  the  decisions  of  councils  ;  that  honest  men 
would  think  differently,  and  that  they  could  not  be  convin- 
ced and  made  of  one  mind  by  disputing.  No  further  at- 
tempts were  ever  made  by  them,  to  bring  those  points  to 
a  public  discussion. 

While  these  affairs  were  transacting  in  Connecticut,  a 
remarkable  transaction  took  place  in  the  first  church  at 
Boston,  the  most  considerable  church  in  New-England. 
Their  pastor,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Wilson,  was  one  of  the  synod 
in  1662,  and  one  who  had  adopted  its  determinations  rela- 
tive to  the  subjects  of  baptism.     His  church  also  appeared 
to  have  consented  to  the  practice  of  admitting  persons  to 
own  their  covenant  and  bring  their  children  to  baptism. 
Nevertheless,  after  Mr.  Wilson's  decease,  they  elected  the  TJ)e 
Rev.  Mr.  Davenport,  of  New-Haven,  for  their  pastor,  as  church  at 
the  only  gentleman  worthy  to  succeed  the  distinguished  Boston 
lights  which  had  illuminated  that  golden  candlestick.    HeJ™*^* 
had  publicly  written  against  the  synod,  and  was  one  of  the  for  their 
most  strict  and  rigid  ministers,  with  respect  to  the  admis-  pastor, 
sion  of  members  to  full  communion,  the  subjects  of  bap- 
tism, and  with  respect  to  church  discipline,  in  New-Eng- 
land.    He  had  now  arrived  nearly  to  seventy  years  of  age, 
yet,  in  1667,  upon  the  application  of  the  church  and  con- 
gregation at  Boston,  he  accepted  their  invitation,  and  the 
next  year  removed  to  that  capital.     He  had  been  about  He  re- 
thirty  years  minister  at  New-Haven,  and  was  greatly  es-  moves  f« 
teemed  and  beloved  by  his  flock.     This  circumstance,  with 
his  advanced  period  of  life,   made  his  removal  very  re- 
markable.    His  church  and  people  were  exceedingly  un- 
willing that  he  should  leave  them,  and,  it  seems,  never  for- 
mally gave  their  consent.     The  affair,  on  the  whole,  was 
unhappy.     It  occasioned  a  separation  from  the  first  church 
in  Boston  ;  and  the  church  and  congregation  at  New-Ha- 


1HSTORY  OF 


.  XIX. 


BOOK  I. 

^^-^S^s 

1G67. 
Conten- 
tions at 
Windsor. 


Act  of  as- 
sembly re- 
specting 
the  inhab- 
itants, 
Oct.  10th, 
1667. 


ven,  for  many  years,  remained  in  an  uncomfortable  state, 
unable  to  unite  in  the  choice  of  any  person  to  take  the 
pastoral  charge  of  them. 

The  town  of  Windsor  had,  for  many  years,  been  almost 
in  perpetual  controversy,  relative  to  the  settlement  of  a 
minister.  After  Mr.  Warham  became  advanced  in  years, 
he  wished  for  a  colleague,  to  assist  him  in  ministerial  la- 
bors. Ararious  young  gentlemen  were  invited  to  preach  in 
the  town  ;  but  such  as  one  part  of  the  people  chose  for  the 
minister,  the  other  would  violently  oppose.  Sometimes 
one  party  would  appear  with  great  zeal  for  one  candidate, 
and  the  other  would  strive  with  equal  engagedness  for  a- 
nother.  Jn  such  case  advice  had  been  given,  that  both 
the  persons,  for  whom  they  were  thus  contending,  should 
leave  the  town,  and  that  application  should  be  made  to 
some  other  candidate.  Much  heat  and  obstinacy,  howev- 
er, continued  between  the  parties,  and  all  attempts  to  unite 
them  were  unsuccessful.  It  seems,  that  their  passions  were 
so  inflamed,  that,  upon  occasion  of  their  meetings,  their 
language  and  deportment  were  unbrotherly  and  irritating. 
One  Mr.  Chauncey  was  now  preaching  in  the  town,  and 
parties  were  warmly  engaged  for  and  against  hirn»  The 
general  assembly,  in  this  state  of  their  affairs,  enacted, 
"  That  all  the  freemen  and  householders  in  Windsor  and 
Massacoe  should  meet  at  the  meeting-house,  on  Monday 
morning  next,  by  sun  an  hour  high,  and  bring  in  their 
votes  for  a  minister,  to  Mr.  Henry  Wolcott:  That  those 
who  were  for  Mr.  Chauncey  to  be  the  settled  minister  of 
Windsor,  bring  in  a  written  paper,  and  those  who  were  not 
for  him  to  give  in  a  paper  without  any  writing  upon  it ; 
That  the  inhabitants  during  the  meeting  forbear  all  dis- 
course and  agitation  of  any  matter,  which  may  serve  to 
provoke  and  disturb  each  other's  spirits,  and  when  the 
meeting  is  over  return  to  their  several  occasions." 

Mr.  Wolcott  reported  to  the  assembly  the  state  of  the 
town,  that  there  were  eighty  six  votes  for  Mr.  Chauncey 
and  fifty  five  against  him.  The  assembly,  upon  the  peti- 
tion of  the  minor  party,  and  a  full  view  of  the  state  of  the 
town,  gave  them  liberty  to  settle  an  orthodox  minister  a- 
uiong  themselves,  and  to  the  church  and  majority  of  the 
town  to  settle  Mr.  Chauncey,  if  they  judged  it  expedient. 
It  was  enacted,  that  the  minority  should  pay  Mr.  Chauncey 
until  they  should  obtain  another  minister  to  preach  arid  re- 
side in  the  town.  Mr.  Chauncey  was  not  finally  ordained, 
but  the  affair  was  carried  so  far  that  a  separation  was  soon 
after  made  in  the  church,  and  a  distinct  church  was  formed 
by  the  minority.  The  town  continued  in  an  unhappy  ataf 
ivision,  for  aboi^t  sixteen  years  from  this  time. 


.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT,  4G1 

The  legislature,  having  given  over  all  further  attempts  BOOK  I. 
to  compose  the  divisions  in  the  colony,  by  public  disputa-  V-X-V-N^ 
tion  and  the  decisions  of  general  councils,  determined  to     1668. 
pursue  a  different  course.     They  conceived  the   design  of  Attempt 
uniting  the  churches  in  some  general  plan  of  church  com- for  a.Plan 
munion  and  discipline,  by  which  they  might  walk,  notwith-  am0ne;tlie 
standing  their  different  sentiments,  in  points  of  levss  impor- churches, 
lance.     With  this  view,  an  act  passed  authorizing  the  Rev. 
Messrs.  James  Fitch,  Gershom  Bulkley,  Joseph  Elliot,  and 
Samuel  Wakeman,  to  meet  at  Saybrook,  and  devise  a  way 
in  which  this  desirable  purpose  might  be  effected.     This 
appears  to  have  been  the  first  step  towards  forming  a  reli- 
gious constitution.     From  this  time  it  became  more  and 
more  a  general  object  of  desire  and  pursuit,  though  many 
years  elapsed  before  the  work  could  be  accomplished. 

Notwithstanding  the  divisions  in  the  church  at  Hartford,  Church  of 
some  years  since,  had  been  so  far  composed  and  healed,  ^^rd 
that  it  had  been  kept  together  until  this  time,  yet   there  int0  two 
were  really  different  sentiments  among  the  bretthvn  and  be-  churches? 
tween  the  ministers,  relative  to  the  qualifications  of  church 
members,  the  subjects  of  baptism,   and  the  mode  of  disci- 
pline.    Mr.  Whitifig  and  part  of  the  church  were  zealous 
for  the  strictly  congregational  way,   as  it  has  been   called, 
practised  by  the  ministers  and  churches,  at  their  first  com- 
ing into  New-England.     Mr.  Haynes  and  a  majority  of  the 
congregation  were  not  less  engaged  against  it.     The  dif- 
ference  became   so  great,   that  it  was  judged  expedient, 
both  by  an  ecclesiastical  council  and  the  assembly,  that  the 
church  and  town  should  be   divided.     An   ecclesiastical 
council  having  first  advised  to  a  division,   the  general  as- 
sembly, in  October,  1669,  passed  the  following  act. 

"  Upon  the  petition  presented  by  Joseph  Whiting,  &c.  Act  of  as,- 
to  this  court,   for  a   distinct  walking   in  congregational  Drably  re- 
church  order,  as  hath  been  settled  according  to  the  council  8PectinSit' 
of  the  elders,  the  court  doth  commend  it  to  the  church  at 
Hartford  to  take  some  effectual  course,  that  Mr.  Whiting 
£c.  may  practise  the  congregational  way,  without  distur- 
bance, either  from  preaching  or  practice,  diversely  to  their 
just  offence;  or  else  to  grant  their  loving  consent  to  their 
brethren  to  walk  distinct,  according  to  such  their  congre- 
gational principles  ;  which  this  court  allows  liberty  in  Hartr 
ford  to  be  done.     But  if  both  these  be  refused  and  neglect- 
ed by  the  church,  then  these  brethren  may,  in  any  regular 
way,  relieve  themselves  without  offence  to  this  court."* 

*  Parties  ran  high  at  this  time  in  the  colony  ;  four  assistants  and  fonr7 
teen  deputies  disrated,  and  i!c*ired  their  dissent  and  njimes  to  be  rcfor-'. 
cd. 


462  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX. 

BOOK  I.      The  next  February,  Mr.  Whiting  and  his  adherents  re- 
v^-«v--x^  solved  and  covenanted  in  the  manner  following,  and  form- 

1670.    ed  the  second  church  in  Hartford. 

Declare-        "  Having  had  the  consent  and  countenance  of  the  gene- 

tionofthe  rai  court?  and  the  advice  of  an  ecclesiastical  council  to  en- 

foTming11    courage  us  in  embodying  as  a  church  by  ourselves,  accord- 

the  secoud  ingly  upon  the  day  of  completing  our  distinct  state,  (viz. 

cLurch.      February    12th,  1669!)   this  paper   was   read  before  the 

messengers  of  the  churches  and  consented  to  by  ourselves. 

Viz. 

"  The  holy  providence  of  the  Most  High  so  disposing, 
that  public  opposition  and  disturbance  hath,  of  late  years, 
been  given,  both  by  preaching  and  practice,  to  the  congre- 
gational way  of  church  order,  by  all  manner  of  orderly  es- 
tablishments settled,  and  for  a  longtime  unanimously  ap- 
proved and  peaceably  practised  in  this  place,  all  endeav- 
ours also  (both  among  ourselves  and  from  abroad)  witk 
due  patience  therein,  proving  fruitless  and  unsuccessful  te 
the  remoTing  of  that  disturbance  ;  We,  whose  names  are 
after  mentioned,  being  advised  by  a  council  of  the  neigh- 
bouring churches,  and  allowed  also  by  the  honorable  gene- 
ral court,  to  dispose  ourselves  into  a  capacity  of  distinct 
walking,  in  order  to  a  peaceable  and  edifying  enjoyment 
of  all  God's  holy  ordinances,  Do  declare,  that  according  to 
the  light  we  have  hitherto  received,  the  forementioned  con- 
gregational way  (for  the  substance  of  it)  as  formerly  set- 
tled, professed  and  practised,  under  the  guidance  of  the 
first  leaders  of  this  church  of  Hartford,  is  the  way  of  Christ ; 
and  that  as  such  we  are  bound  in  duty  carefully  to  observe 
and  attend  it,  until  such  further  light,  (about  any  particular 
points  of  it)  shall  appear  to  us  from  the  scripture,  as  may 
lead  us,  with  joint  or  general  satisfaction,  to  be  otherwise 
persuaded.  Some  main  heads  or  principles  of  which  con- 
gregational way  of  church  order  are  those  that  follow.  Viz. 

1.  "  That  visible  saints  are  the  only  fit  matter,  and  con- 
federation the  only  form  of  a  visible  church. 

2.  "  That  a  competent  number  of  visible  saints,  (with 
their  seed)  embodied  by  a  particular  covenant,  are  a  true, 
distinct,  and  entire  church  of  Christ. 

3.  "  That  such  a  particular  church,  being  organized,  or 
having  furnished  itself  with  those  officers  which  Christ  hath 
appointed,  hath  all  power  and  privileges  of  a  church  be- 
longing to  it. 

"  In  special, 

1.  "To  admit  or  receive  members. 

2.  "  To  deal  with,  and  if  need  be,  reject  offenders. 
t  This,  according  to  the  present  mode  of  dating,  was  February:  167ft. 


€HAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  463 

3.  "  To  administer  and  enjoy  all  other  ecclesiastical  or-  BOOK  I. 
finances  within  itself.  v^-^-^/ 

4.  "That  the  power  of  guidance,  or  leading,  belongs    1670. 
only  to  the  eldership,  and  the  power  of  judgment,  consent, 

or  privilege,  belongs  to  the  fraternity,  or  brethren  in  full 
communion. 

5.  "  That  communion  is  carefully  to  be  maintained  be- 
tween the  churches  of  CHRIST  according  to  his  order. 

6.  "  That  counsel,  in  cases  of  difficulty,  is  to  be  sought 
and  submitted  to  according  to  GOD." 

Having  made  this  declaration,  the  brethren  proceeded  to 
covenant  in  the  following  manner ! 

"  Since  it  hath  pleased  GOD,  in  his  infinite  mercy,  to 
manifest  himself  willing  to  take  unworthy  sinners  near  un- 
to himself,  even  into  covenant  relation  to  and  interest  in 
him,  to  become  a  GOD  to  them,  and  avouch  them  to  be  his 
people,  and  accordingly  to  command  and  encourage  them 
to  give  up  themselves  and  their  children  also  to  him ; 

"  We  do,  therefore-,  this  day,  in  the  presence  of  GOD,  his 
holy  angels,  and  this  assembly,  avouch  the  LORD  JEHO- 
VAH, the  true  and  living  GOD,  even  GOD  the  FATHER,  the 
SON,  and  the  HOLY  GHOST,  to  be  our  GOD,  and  give  up 
ourselves  and  ours  also  unto  him,  to  be  his  subjects,  and 
servants  ;  promising  through  grace  and  strength  in  CHRIST 
(without  whom  we  can  do  nothing)  to  walk  in  professed 
subjection  to  him  as  our  LORD  and  LAWGIVER,  yielding 
universal  obedience  to  his  blessed  will,  according  to  wha.t 
discoveries  he  hath  made,  or  shall  hereafter  make,  of  the 
same  to  us  ;  in  special,  that  we  will  seek  him  in  all  his  ho- 
ly ordinances,  according  to  the  rules  of  the  gospel,  submit- 
ting to  his  government  in  this  particular  church,  and 
walking  together  therein,  with  all  brotherly  love  and  mu- 
tual watchfulness,  to  the  building  up  of  one  another  in 
faith  and  love  unto  his  praise.  All  which  we  promise  to 
perform,  the  LORD  helping  us,  through  his  grace  in  JESUS 
CHRIST." 

Nearly  at  the  same  time,  when  the  contentions  commen-  Controver- 
ced  in  the  church  at  Hartford,  the  people  at  Stratford  fell  sy  ."»d  di- 
into  the  same  unhappy  state  of  controversy  and  division,  ^"hm-ch 
During  the  administrations  of  Mr.  Blackman,  their  first  at  strat- 
pastor,  the  church  and  town  enjoyed  great  peacer  and  con- ford- 
ducted  their  ecclesiastical  affairs  with  exemplary  harmony. 
However,  he  was  far  advanced  in  years,  and  about  the 
year  1663  became  very  infirm,  and  unable  to  perform  his 
ministerial  labors.     The  church,  therefore,  applied  to  Mr.  jyjr> 
Israel  Chauncey,  son  of  the  president  Charles  Chauncey,  Chauncey 
of  Cambridge,  to  make  them  a  visit  and  preach  among   > 


464  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX. 

BOOK  I.  them.     A  majority  of  the  church  and  to\vn  chose  him  for 
v-^-v^x^  their  pastor,  arid  in  1665  he  was  ordained.*     But  a  large 
1670.    and  respectable  part  of  the  church  and  town  were  oppos- 
ed to  his  ordination.     To  make  them  easy,  it  was  agreed, 
that  if,  after  hearing  Mr.  Chauncey  a  certain  time,  they 
should  continue  dissatisfied  with  his  ministry,  they  should 
have  liberty  to  call  and  settle  another  minister,  and  have 
the  same  privileges  in  the  meeting  house  as  the  other  par- 
ty.    Accordingly,  after  hearing  Mr.  Chauncey  the.  time 
agreed  upon,  and  not  being  satisfied  with  his  ministerial 
performances,  they  invited  Mr.Zechariah  Walker  to  preach 
_-  to  them,  and  finally  chose  him  for  their  pastor.     He  was 

Walker  ordained  to  the  pastoral  office  in  a  regular  manner,  by  the 
ordained.  Rev.  Mr.  Haynes  and  Mr.  Whiting,  the  ministers  of  Hart- 
ford, sometime  about  the  year  1667.  or  1668.  Both  min- 
isters performed  public  worship  in  the  same  house.  Mr. 
Chauncey  performed  his  services  at  the  usual  hours,  and 
Mr.  Walker  was  allowed  two  hours  in  the  middle  of  the 
day.  But  after  some  time,  it  so  happened,  that  Mr.  Walk- 
er continued  his  service  longer  than  usual.  Mr.  Chauncey 
and  his  people  coming  to  the  house  and  finding  that  Mr. 
Walkers  exercises  were  not  finished,  retired  to  a  private 
house,  and  there  performed  their  afternoon  devotions. 
They  were,  however,  so  much  displeased,  that  the  nexs 
day  they  went  over  to  Fairfield,  and  exhibited  a  complaint, 
to  major  Gould,  one  of  the  magistrates,  against  Mr.  Walk- 
er. The  major,  upon  hearing  the  case,  advised  to  pacific 
measures,  and  that  Mr.  Walker  should  be  allowed  three 
hours  for  the  time  of  his  public  exercises. 

In  May,  1669,  the  general  assembly  advised  the  town  to 
grant  Mr.  Walker  full  three  hours  for  his  exercises,  until 
the  next  assembly  in  October.  In  the  mean  time,  the  par- 
ties were  directed  to  call  an  able  council  to  give  them  ad- 
vice and  assistance,  and  if  possible  to  reconcile  them. 
All  attempts  for  a  reconciliation,  however,  were  unsuccess- 
ful. The  parties  became  more  fixed  in  their  opposition 
to  each  other,  and  their  feelings  and  conduct  more  and 
more  unbrotherly.  At  length,  Mr.  Chauncey  and  the  ma- 
jority excluded  Mr.  Walker  arid  his  hearers  the  meeting 
house,  and  they  convened  and  worshipped  in  a  private 
dwelling. 

Governor  Winthrop.  affected  with  the  unhappy  contro- 
versy'and  animosities  subsisting  in  the  town,  advised,  that 
Mr.  Walker  and  his  church  and  people  should  remove,  and 

*  His  ordination  was  in  the  independent  mode.  It  has  been  the  tradi- 
tion, that  Elder  Brinsinade  laid  on  hands  with  a  leathern  mitten.  Hence  it 
.liafe  been  termed  the  lealheru  mitten  ordinatica. 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  465 

that  a  tract  of  land,  for  the  settlement  of  a  new  township,  BOOK  I. 
should  be  granted  for  their  encouragement  and  accommo-  v-<-v-*>*/ 
dation.     Accordingly,  Mr.  John  Sherman,*  Mr.  William    1670. 
Curtiss,  and  their  associates,  were  authorized  to  begin  a 
plantation  at  Pomperaug.     Consequently,  Mr.  Walker  and 
his  people  removed  and  settled  the  town  of  Woodbury, 
about  the  years  1673  and  1674.     This  gave  peace  to  the 
town  of  Stratford,  and  Mr.  Walker  and  his  church  and  con- 
gregation walked  in  harmony  among  themselves  and  with 
their  sister  churches. 

The  tradition  is,  that  Mr.  Walker  and  his  church  were 
not  so  independent,  in  their  principles,  as  the  church  of 
Stratford  ;  and  that  Mr.  Walker  was  a  more  experimental, 
pungent  preacher,  than  Mr.  Chauncey.  Mr.  Chauncey 
was  learned  and  judicious.  They  both  became  sensible 
that  their  conduct  towards  each  other,  during  the  contro- 
versy at  Stratford,  had  not,  in  all  instances,  been  brotherly, 
and,  after  some  time,  made  concessions  to  each  other,  be- 
came perfectly  reconciled,  and  conducted  towards  each 
other  with  brotherly  affection. 

During  these  transactions,  those  venerable  fathers,  who  Death  and 
had  been  singularly  instrumental  in  planting,  and  had  long  character 
illuminated  the  churches  of  Connecticut  and  New-Eng-  ye^o'rtDa 
land,  the  Rev.  John  Davenport  and  the  Rev.  John  War- 1670.  ' 
ham,  finished  their  course.  Mr.  Davenport  died  at  Bos- 
ton, of  an  apoplexy,  March  15th,  1670,  in  the  73d  year  of 
his  age*  He  was  born  in  the  city  of  Coventry,  in  War- 
wickshire, 1597.  His  father  was  mayor  of  the  city.  At 
about  fourteen  years  of  age,  he  was  supposed  to  become 
truly  pious,  and  was  admitted  into  Brazen  Nose  college,  in 
the  university  at  Oxford.  When  he  was  nineteen,  he  be- 
came a  constant  preacher  in  the  city  of  London.  He  ap- 
pears, from  his  early  life,  to  have  been  a  man  of  public? 
spirit,  planning  and  attempting  to  serve  the  general  wel- 
fare of  the  church.  About  the  year  1626,  he  united  with 
Dr.  Gouge,  Dr.  Sibs,  and  Mr.  Offspring,  the  lord  mayor 
of  London,  the  king's  sergeant  at  law,  and  with  several 
other  attorneys  and  citizens,  in  a  design  of 'purchasing  im- 
propriations,  and,  with  the  profits  of  them,  to  maintain  a 
constant,  able,  and  laborious  ministry,  in  those  parts  of 
the  kingdom,  where  the  poor  people  were  destitute  of  the 
word  and  ordinances,  and  such  a  ministry  was  most  need- 
ed, and  would  be  of  the  greatest  utility.  Such  incredible 

*  Mr.  Sherman  was  son  of  the  Rev.  John  Sherman,  of  Watertown,  he 
was  some  years  speaker  of  the  lower  house,  and  afterwards  one  of  the 
magistrates  of  this  colony.  He  was  one  of  Mr.  Walker's  principal  hear- 
ers, 

13 


366  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX. 

BOOK  I.  progress  was  made  in  this  charitable  design,  that  all  the 
,x~v-x^  church  lands,  in  the  hands  of  laymen,  would  have  been 
1670.  soon  honestly  recovered  to  the  immediate  service  of  the 
reformed  religion.  But  bishop  Laud,  viewing  the  underta- 
king with  a  jealous  eye,  lest-  it  might  serve  the  cause  of 
non-conformity,  caused  a  bill  to  be  exhibited  in  the  ex- 
chequer chamber,  by  the  king's  attorney-general,  against 
the  feoffees,  who  had  the  management  of  the  affair.  By 
this  means,  an  act  of  court  was  procured,  condemning  the 
proceedings,  as  dangerous  to  the  church  and  state.  The 
ieotfments  and  contrivances  made  to  the  charitable  design, 
were  declared  to  be  illegal,  the  company  was  dissolved, 
and  the  money  was  confiscated  to  the  use  of  his  majesty. 
But  as  the  affair  met  with  general  approbation,  and  multi- 
tudes of  wise  and  devout  people  extremely  resented  the 
conduct  of  the  court,  the  crime  was  never  prosecuted. 
Laud,  however,  watched  Mr.  Davenport  with  a  jealous 
eye,  and  as  he  soon  after  discovered  inclinations  to  non- 
conformity, he  marked  him  out  as  an  object  of  his  ven- 
geance. Mr.  Davenport,  therefore,  to  avoid  the  storm,  by 
the  consent  of  his  people,  resigned  his  pastoral  charge  in 
Coleman-street.  He  hoped,  by  this  means,  to  enjoy  a 
quiet  life;  but  he  found  his  expectations  sadly  disappoint- 
ed. He  was  so  constantly  harassed  by  one  busy  and  furi- 
ous pursuivant  after  another,  that  he  was  obliged  to  leave 
the  kingdom,  and  retire  into  Holland.  In  163S,  he  arrived 
at  Amsterdam,  and,  at  the  desire  of  the  people,  who  me'; 
him  on  his  way,  became  colleague  pastor  with  the  aged  Mr. 
Paget.  After  about  two  years,  finding  that  he  could  not 
conscientiously  administer  baptism  in  that  loose  way,  to  all 
sorts  of  children,  practised  in  the  Dutch  churches,  he  de- 
sisted from  his  ministry  at  Amsterdam.  While  he  was  in 
this  city,  he  received  letters  from  Mr.  Cotton,  at  Boston^ 
acquainting  him,  that  the  order  of  the  churches  and  com- 
monwealth was  then  so  settled,  in  New-England,  by  com- 
mon consent,  that  it  brought  into  his  mind  the  new  heaven 
and  the  new  earth,  wherein  dwelleth  righteousness.  Her 
therefore,  returned  to  London,  and  having  shipped  him- 
self, with  a  number  of  pious  people,  came  into  New-Eng- 
land ;  and,,  as  has  been  related,  settled  at  New-Haven. 
He  was  a  preacher  of  the  gospel  about  fifty-four  years, 
nearly  thirty  of  which  were  spent  at  New-Haven.  He  was 
eminently  pious,  given  to  devotion  in  secret  and  private ; 
and  it  was  supposed  that  he  was  abundant  in  ejaculatory 
prayer.  He  is  characterized  as  a  hard  student  and  uni- 
versal scholar ;  as  a  laborious,  prudent,  exemplary  minis- 
ter; as  an  excellent  preacher,  speaking  with  a  gravity. 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  467 

energy,  and  agreeableness,  of  which  few  of  his  brethren  BOOK  I. 
were  capable.  It  is  said,  he  was  acquainted  with  great  \^>/~>^ 
men,  and  great  things,  and  was  great  himself.*  I £570. 

The  Rev.  John  Warham  survived  Mr.  Davenport  but  a 
short  time.  He  expired  on  the  1st  of  April,  1670.  He 
was  about  forty  years  minister  in  New-England ;  six  at 
Dorchester,  and  thirty-four  at  Windsor.  He  was  distin- 
guished for*piety  and  the  strictest  morals ;  yet,  at  times, 
was  subject  to  great  gloominess  and  religious  melancholy. 
Such  were  his  doubts  and  fears,  at  some  times,  that  when 
he  administered  the  Lord's  supper  to  his  brethren,  he  did 
not  participate  with  them,  fearing  that  the  seals  of  the 
covenant  did  not  belong  to  him.  It  is  said,  he  was  the 
first  minister  in  New-England  who  used  notes  in  preach- 
ing; yet  he  was  applauded  by  his  hearers,  as  one  of  the 
most  animated  and  energetic  preachers  of  his  day.  He 
was  considered  as  one  of  the  principal  fathers  and  pillars 
of  the  churches  of  Connecticut. 

After  the  close  of  the  war  with  Philip  and  the  Narragan-  Oct.  1676. 
set  Indians,  the  general  assembly  recommended  it  to  the  Rec°m- 

•  •  x         *u  L  *L  i  i  •    i        •  •      rnenda- 

ministers  through  the  colony,  to  take  special  pains  to  m-tjonofa 
struct  the  people  in  the  duties  of  religion,  and  to  stir  up  reforma- 
and  awaken  them  to  repentance,  and  a  general  reforma- tion  of 
tion  of  manners.     They,  also,  appointed  a  day  of  solemn  m 
fasting  and  prayer,   to  supplicate  the  divine  aid,  that  they 
might  be  enabled  to  repent,  and  sincerely  amend  their 
•ways.  The  same  measures  were  recommended,  at  the  May 
session,  the  next  year,  and  the  people  were  called  to  hu- 
miliation and  prayer,  under  a  deep  sense  of  the  abounding 
of  sin  and  the  dark  -aspects  of  Providence. 

The  general  court,  about  three  years  after,  for  the  more  May, 
effectual  preservation  and  propagation  of  religion  to  pos- 1680. 

terity,  recommended  it  to  the  ministry  of  this  colony,  upon  Catechi- 

L.    T      11     i  i  •       ni  i    •          •  sinT re- 

tne  L.orcFs  clay,  to  catechise  all  the  youth  in  their  respect-  commend- 

ive  congregations,  under  twenty  years  of  age,  in  the  as-  ed. 
sembly  of  divines,  or  some  other  orthodox  catechism.     To 
continue  and  increase  unity  in  religious  sentiments  among 
the  people,  and  that  they  might  have  the  advantage  of  par- 
ticipating in  the  variety  of  ministerial  gifts,  it  was  also  re-  County 
commended  to  the  ministers,  to  attend  a  weekly  lecture  in  'ectl»res 
each  county,  on  Wednesday,  in  such  manner  as  they  should 
judge  most  subservient  to  these  purposes.! 

The  religious  stale  of  the  colony,  at  this  lime,  is  given 

*  Magnalia,  B.  HI.  p.  51—57.     He  left  a  respectable  family,  and  hi* 
descendants  have  supported  its  dignity  to  the  present  time.    Some  oi'  thnir 
have  been  in  the  ministry,  and  others  magistrates  of  this  co'ony. 

t  Records  of  the  colony. 


46S 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XIX. 


1676. 
Religious 
Btateofthe 


BOOK  I.  in  an  answer  to  the  queries  of  the  lords  of  trade  and  plan- 
s^-v~x^  tations,  It  is  to  the  following  effect. 

"  Our  people,  in  this  colony,  are  some  of  them  strict  con- 
gregational  men,  others  more  large  congregational  men, 
an(j  some  moderate  presbyterians.  The  congregational 
men,  of  both  sorts,  are  the  greatest  part  of  the  people  in 
the  colony.  There  are  four  or  five  seventh  day  men,  and 
about  so  many  more  quakers." 

"  Great  care  is  taken  for  the  instruction  of  the  people  in 
the  Christian  religion,  by  ministers  catechising  of  them,  and 
preaching  to  them  twice  every  sabbath  day,  and  some- 
times on  lecture  days  ;  and  by  masters  of  families  instruc- 
ting and  catechising  their  children  and  servants,  which  they 
are  required  to  do  by  law.  In  our  corporation  are  twen- 
tv-six  towns,  and  twenty-one  churches.  There  is  in  every 
town  in  the  colony  a  settled  minister,  except  in  two  towns 
newly  begun."  In  some  towns  there  were  two  ministers  ; 
so  that  there  were,  on  the  whole,  then  about  the  same  num- 
ber of  ministers  as  of  towns.  There  was  about  one  minis- 
ter, upon  an  average,  to  every  four  hundred  and  sixty  per- 
sons, or  to  about  ninety  families. 

While  settlements  and  churches  were  forming  in  various 
parts  of  the  colony,  and  the  English  inhabitants  were  pro- 
viding  for  their  own  instruction,  some  pains  were  taken  to 
instruct  and  christianize  the  Connecticut  Indians.  A  law 
was  made,  obliging  those  under  the  protection  of  the  gov- 
ernment to  keep  the  Christian  sabbath.  The  Rev.  Mr. 
Fitch  was  particularly  desired  to  teach  Uncas  and  his  fam- 
ily Christianity.  A  large  bible,  printed  in  the  Indian  lan- 
guage, was  provided  and  given  to  the  Moheagan  sachems, 
that  they  might  read  the  scriptures.  When  the  council  of 
ministers  met  at  Hartford,  in  1657,  the  famous  Mr.  Elliot, 
hearing  of  the  Podunk  Indians,  desired  that  the  tribe  might 
be  assembled,  that  he  might  have  an  opportunity  of  offering 
Christ  to  them  for  their  Saviour. 

By  the  influence  of  some  principal  gentlemen,  they  were 
persuaded  to  come  together,  at  Hartford,  and  Mr.  Elliot 
preached  to  them  in  their  own  language,  and  labored  to 
instruct  them  concerning  their  CREATOR  and  REDEEMER. 
When  he  had  finished  his  sermon,  and  explained  the  matter 
to  them,  he  desired  an  answer  from  them,  whether  they 
•would  accept  of  Jesus  Christ  for  their  Saviour,  as  he  had 
been  offered  to  them  ?  But  their  chief  men,  with  great  scorn 
and  resentment,  utterly  refused.  They  said  the  English 
had  taken  away  their  lands,  and  were  attempting  now  to 
make  them  servants. 

JV^r.  Stone  and  Mr.  Newton,  before  this  time,  had  both 


Attempts 

tochris- 

tiqjiizeth 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  469 

been  employed,  at  the  desire  of  the  colony,  to  teach  the  BOOK  I. 
Indians  in  Hartford,  Windsor,  Farmington,  and  that  vie ini- v^-v-x^ 
ty;  and  one  John  Minor  was  employed  as  an  interpreter,  1680- 
and  was  taken  into  Mr.  Stone's  family,  that  he  might  be 
further  instructed  and  prepared  for  that  service.  Cate- 
chisms were  prepared  by  Mr.  Elliot  and  others,  in  the  In- 
dian language,  and  spread  among  the  Indians.  The  Rev. 
Mr.  Pierson,  it  seems,  learned  the  Indian  language  and 
preached  to  the  Connecticut  Indians.  A  considerable  sum 
was  allowed  him  by  the  commissioners  of  the  united  colo- 
nies ;  and  a  sum  was  also  granted  by  them,  for  the  instruc- 
tion of  the  Indians  in  the  county  of  New-Haven.*  The 
ministers  of  the  several  towns,  where  Indians  lived,  in- 
structed them,  as  they  had  opportunity ;  but  all  attempts 
for  christianizing  the  Indians,  in  Connecticut,  were  attend- 
ed with  little  success.  They  were  engaged,  a  great  part 
of  their  time,  in  such  implacable  wars  among  themselves, 
were  so  totally  ignorant  of  letters  and  the  English  lan- 
guage, and  the  English  ministers,  in  general,  were  so  en- 
tirely ignorant  of  their  dialect,  that  it  was  extremely  diffi- 
cult to  teach  them.  Not  one  Indian  church  was  ever  gath- 
ered, by  the  English  ministers,  in  Connecticut.  Several 
Indians,  however,  in  one  town  and  another,  became  chris- 
tians,  and  were  baptized  and  admitted  to  full  communipn  in 
the  English  churches.  Some  few  were  admitted  into  the 
church  at  Farmington,t  and  some  into  the  church  at  Derby. 
One  of  the  sachems  of  the  Indians  at  Naugatuck  falls,  was 
a  member  of  the  church  at  Derby,  and  it  has  been  said 
that  he  was  a  sober  well  conducted  man.  Some  few  of  the 
Moheagans  have  professed  Christianity,  and  been,  many 
years  since,  admitted  to  full  communion  in  the  north  church 
in  New-London, 

The  gospel,  however,  hath  had  by  far  the  most  happy 
effect  upon  the  Quinibaug,  or  Plainfield  Indians,  of  any  in 
Connecticut.  They  ever  lived  peaceably  with  the  Eng- 
lish, and  about  the  year  1745,  in  the  time  of  the  great 
awakening  and  reformation  in  New-England,  they  became 
greatly  affected  with  the  truths  of  the  gospel,  professed 
Christianity,  and  gave  the  strongest  evidence  of  a  real  con- 
version to  God.  They  were  filled  with  the  knowledge  of 
salvation,  and  expressed  it  to  admiration.  They  were  en- 
tirely reformed  as  to  their  manner  of  living.  They  became 
temperate,  and  abstained  from  drinking  to  excess,  which  it 

*  Records  of  the  united  colonies. 

t  There  was  an  Indian  school  formerly  kept  in  this  town,  at  the  expense 
of  the  society  for  propagating  Christian  knowledge  among  the  Indians,  Th*3 
apmber  of  Indian  scholar?  was  sometimes  fifteen  or  six  teen. 


470  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX. 

BOOK  J.  had  before  been  found  utterly  impossible  to  effect  by  any 
v^x^v-x^  other  means.     They  held  religious  meetings,  and  numbers 
1680.     of  them  formed  into  church  state  and  had  the  sacraments 
administered  to  them.J 

Upon  the  assembly's  granting  liberty  to  the  minor  party 
in  Windsor  to  call  and  settle  an  orthodox  minister,  they 
immediately  called  one  Mr.  Woodbridge  to  preach  among 
them.  Mr.  Chauncey  and  Mr.  Woodbridge  continued  to 
preach,  one  to  one  party,  and  the  other  to  the  other,  from 
1667  to  1680.  Several  councils  had  been  called  to  ad- 
vise and  unite  the  parties,  but  it  seems  none  had  judged  it 
expedient  to  ordain  either  of  the  gentlemen  ;  but  after  a 
separation  of  about  ten  years,  a  council  advised,  that  both 
ministers  should  leave  the  town,  and  that  the  churches  and 
parties  should  unite,  and  call  and  settle  one  minister  over 
the  whole.  As  the  parties  did  not  submit  to  this  advice,  it 
seems,  that  another  council  was  called  three  years  after- 
wards, May,  1680,  which  gave  the  same  advice,  but  the 
parties  did  not  comply.  The  general  assembly  therefore 
interposed  and  passed  the  following  act. 

Act  of  as-       "  This  court,  having  considered  the  petition  of  some  ot 
sembly       Windsor  people  and  the  sorrowful  condition  of  the  good 

relative  to  .  r  ,    .,     ,.  .  .  ,.  ,, 

Windsor  people  there,  and  finding,  that  notwithstanding  all  means 
Oct.  14th,  of  healing  afforded  them,  they  do  remain  in  a  bleeding  state 
1680.  ancj  condition,  do  find  it  necessary  for  this  court  to  exert 
their  authority  towards  issuing  or  putting  a  stop  to  the 
present  troubles  there  ;  and  this  court  do  hereby  declare, 
that  they  find  all  the  good  people  of  Windsor  obliged  to 
stand  to,  and  rest  satisfied  with  the  advice  and  issue  of  the 
council  they  chose  to  hear  and  issue  their  matters  ;  which 
advice  being  given  and  now  presented  to  the  court,  dated 
January,  1677,  this  court  doth  confirm  the  same,  and  order 
that  there  be  a  seasonable  uniting  of  the  second  society  in 
Windsor  with  the  first,  according  to  order  of  council,  by  an 
orderly  preparation  for  their  admission  ;  and  if  there  be  ob- 
jection against  the  life  or  knowledge  of  any,  then  it  be  ac- 
cording to  the  council's  advice  heard  and  issued  by  Mr. 
Hooker  and  the  other  moderator's  successor ;  and  that 
both  the  former  ministers  be  released  :  And  that  the  com- 
mittee appointed  to  seek  out  for  a  minister,  with  the  ad- 
vice of  the  church  and  town  collectively,  by  their  major 
vote,  do  vigorously  pursue  the  procuring  of  an  able,  ortho- 
dox minister,  qualified  according  to  the  advice  of  the  gov- 
ernor and  council,  and  ministers,  May  last ;  and  all  thn 
good  people  of  Windsor  are  hereby  required  to  be  aiding 

$  Manuscripts  from  PlainfieW.  These  Indians  were  numerous  at  the  time 
when  the  towa  was  settled,  ajnounti&g  to  4  or  500. 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  471 

and  assisting  therein,  and  not  in  the  least  to  oppose  BOOK  T. 
and  hinder  the  same,  as  they  will  answer  the  contrary  at  \^~v^s 
their  peril."*  1682. 

In  consequence  of  this  act,  Mr.  Samuel  Mather  was  in- 
vited to  preach  to  the  people,  and  about  two  years  after, 
was  ordained  to  the  pastoral  office  over  the  whole  town. 
The  two  parties  were  generally  united  in  him,  and  to  com- 
plete the  union  of  the  town  and  churches,   the  assembly 
enacted,  "  That  the  people  at  Windsorshould  quietly  settle  Act  of  as- 
Mr.  Mather  and  communicate  to  his  support :  That  such  as,  sembly  re- 
on  examination,  should  satisfy  Mr.  Mather  of  their  experi-  wind'"^ 
mental  knowledge,  should  upon  proper  testimony  of  their  May,i632, 
good  conversation,  be  admitted  on  their  return  from  the 
second  church."! 

Both  churches,  and  the  whole  town,  were  united  under 
Mr.  Mather,  and  their  ecclesiastical  affairs  were,  under  his 
ministry,  conducted  with  harmony  and  brotherly  affection. 

Notwithstanding  the  result  of  the  synod,  in  1662,  and  the 
various  attempts  which  had  been  made  to  introduce  the 
practice  of  what  has  been  generally  termed  owning  the 
covenant,  it  does  not  appear  to  have  obtained  in  the  church- 
es of  this  colony  until  the  year  1696.  It  appears  first  to 
have  been  introduced  by  Mr.  Woodbridge,  at  Hartford. 
The  covenant  proposed,  bearing  date,  February,  1696,  is 
for  substance  as  follows, 

"  We  do  solemnly,  in  the  presence  of  God  and  this  con-  Covenant 
gregation,  avouch  God,  in  Jesus  Christ,  to  be  our  God, 
one  God  in  three  persons,  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the 
Holy  Ghost ;  and  that  we  are  by  nature  children  of  wrath, 
and  that  our  hope  of  mercy  with  God,  is  only  through  the 
righteousness  of  Jesus  Christ,  apprehended  by  faith  ;  and 
we  do  freely  give  up  ourselves  to  the  Lord,  to  walk  in 
communion  with  him,  in  the  ordinances  appointed  in  his 
holy  word,  and  to  yield  obedience  to  all  his  commandments, 
and  submit  to  his  government.  And  whereas,  to  the  great 
dishonor  of  God,  scandal  of  religion,  and  hazard  of  tho 
damnation  of  many  souls,  drunkenness  and  uncleanness 
are  prevailing  amongst  us,  we  do  solemnly  engage  before 
God,  this  day,  through  his  grace,  faithfully  and  conscien- 
tiously to  strive  against  these  evils  and  the  temptations 
leading  thereunto." 

Sixty  nine  persons,  male  and  female,  subscribed  this  in 
February  ;  on  the  8th  of  March,  one  fortnight  after,  eighty 
three  more  subscribed.  In  about  a  month,  the  number  of 
subscribers  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  ninety  two; 

*  Records  of  the  colony. 
•'~  Records  of  the  colonv, 


472  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX. 

BOOK  I.  which  appears  to  have  been  nearly   the   whole  body  of 
\~*-^^s  young  people  in  that  congregation. 
1696.        The  like  practice  was,  about  the  same  time,   or  not  ma- 
ny years  after,  introduced  into  the  other  church,  and  the 
practice  of  owning  the  covenant  by  people,  and  offering 
their  children  to   baptism,  was  gradually  introduced  into 
other  churches. 

The  practice  of  the  ministers  and  churches  at  Hartford, 
in  some  respects,  was  different  from  that  in  other  church- 
es. The  ministers,  Mr.  Woodbridge  and  Mr.  Bucking^ 
ham,  with  their  deacons,  went  round  among  the  young  peo- 
ple and  warned  them,  once  every  year,  to  come  and  pub- 
licly subscribe,  or  own  the  covenant.  When  such  per- 
sons as  had  owned  or  subscribed  it  came  into  family  state, 
they  presented  their  children  to  baptism,  though  they  made 
no  other  profession  of  religion,  and  neglected  the  sacra- 
ment of  the  Lord's  supper  and  other  duties  peculiar  to 
members  in  full  communion.  In  other  churches,  the  cove- 
nant was  owned  by  persons,  sometimes  before  marriage, 
but  more  generally  not  until  they  became  parents,  and 
wished  to  have  baptism  administered  to  their  children. 

The  practice  of  making  a  relation  of  Christian  experi- 
ences, and  of  admitting  none  to  full  communion,  but  such 
as  appeared  to  be  Christians  indeed,  yet  prevailed ;  and 
the  number  of  church  members,  in  full  communion,  was 
generally  small.  In  those  churches  where  the  owning  of 
the  covenant  was  not  practised,  great  numbers  of  children 
were  un  baptized. 

Design  of  While  the  inhabitants  and  churches,  in  Connecticut, 
co"|"dle  fna  were  constantly  increasing,  and  the  calls  for  a  learned  min- 
Connecti-  istry,  to  supply  the  churches,  became  more  and  more  ur- 
cut,  1698.  gent,  a  number  of  the  ministers  conceived  the  purpose  of 
founding  a  college  in  Connecticut.  By  this  means,  they 

Reasons  *« 

for  it.  might  educate  young  men,  irom  among  themselves,  for  the 
sacred  ministry,  and  for  various  departments  in  civil  life, 
and  diffuse  literature  and  piety  more  generally  among  the 
people.  The  clergy,  and  people  in  general,  by  long  ex- 
perience, found  the  great  inconvenience  of  educating  their 
sons  at  so  great  a  distance  as  Cambridge,  and  in  carrying 
so  much  money  out  of  the  colony,  which  otherwise  might 
be  a  considerable  emolument  to  this  commonwealth.  A 
well  founded  college  might  not  only  serve  the  interests  of 
the  churches  in  this  government,  but  in  the  neighbouring 
colonies,  where  there  were  no  colleges  erected  ;  might  not 
only  prevent  a  large  sum  of  money  annually  from  being 
carried  abroad,  but  bring  something  considerable  into  it, 
from  the  extensive  country  around  them.  Colleges  had 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  473 

been  anciently   considered  as  the  schools  of  the  church  ;  BOOK  I. 
and  not  only  the  prophets  had  been  encouragers  and  heads  *-*-v~*^ 
of  them  ;  but  the  apostles  and  their  immediate  successors     1698. 
had  taken  great  care  to  establish  schools,  wherever  the  gos- 
gel  had  been   preached,  for  the  propagation  of  the   truth, 
arid  to  transmit   the  religion  of  the  Redeemer  to  all  suc- 
r  ceding  ages.     The  ministers  therefore  conceived  it  to  be 
entirely  in  character,  and  as  happily  corresponding  with 
the  great  design  of  the  first  settlement  of  New-England  and 
Connecticut,  for  them  to  be  the  planners  and  founders  of  a 
college. 

The  design  was  first  concerted,  in  1698,  by  the  Rev. 
Messieurs  Picrpont  of  New-Haven,  Andrew  of  Milford,  and 
Russell  of  Branford.  These  were  the  most  forward  and  ac- 
tive, in  carrying  the  affair  into  immediate  execution.  The 
design  was  mentioned  to  principal  gentlemen  and  ministers 
in  private  conversation,  at  occasional  meetings  of  the  cler- 
gy, and  in  councils.  In  this  way  the  affair  was  so  far  ripen- 
ed, that  ten  of  the  principal  ministers  in  the  colony  were 
nominated  and  agreed  upon  to  stand  as  trustees,  to  found, 
erect,  and  govern  a  college.  The  gentlemen  thus  agreed 
upon  were  the  Reverend  Messieurs  James  Noyes  of  Ston- 
ington,  Israel  Chauncey  of  Stratford,  Thomas  Bucking- 
ham  of  Say  brook,  Abraham  Pierson  of  Killingworth,  Sam-  for  trus- 
uel  Mather  of  Windsor,  Samuel  Andrew  of  Milford,  Timo-tees- 
thy  Woodbridge  of  Hartford,  James  Pierpont  of  New-Ha- 
ven, Noadiah  Russell  of  Middletown,  and  Joseph  Webb  of 
Fairfield. 

In  1700,  these  gentlemen  convened  at  New-Haven,  and  College 
formed    themselves    into  a  body   or  society,    to  consist  of  founded, 
eleven  ministers    including  a  rector,    and  determined  to1700' 
found  a  college  in  the  colony  of  Connecticut.     They  had 
another  meeting,   the  same  year,  at   Branford,  and  thea 
founded   the  university  of  Yale  college.     The  transaction 
was  in  this  manner.     Each  gentleman  gave  a  number  of 
books,  and  laying  them  upon  a  table,  pronounced  words  to 
this  effect,  "  I  give  these  books  for  the  founding  of  a  col- 
lege in  this  colony."     About  forty  volumes  in  folio  were 
thus  given.     The  trustees  took  possession  of  them,  and  ap- 
pointed  Mr.  Russell  of  Branford,  to  be  keeper  of  their  li- 
brary. 

Various  other  donations,  both  of  books  and  money,  were 
soon  after  made,  by  which  a  good  foundation  was  laid  for  a 
public  seminary.  But  doubts  arising  whether  the  trus- 
tees were  vested  with  a  legal  capacity  for  the  holding  of 
lands,  and  whether  private  donations  and  contributions 
would  be  sufficient  to  effect  the  great  design  which  they 

K3 


m  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX. 

BOOK  I.  had  in  view,  it  was.  upon  the  best  advice  and  mature  de- 
\*r~*~***>  liberation,  determined  to  make  application  to  the  legisla 
1700,  lure  for  a  charter  of  incorporation.  The  draught  was 
made  by  the  honorable  judge  Sewall  and  Mr.  secretary 
Addington  of  Boston.  This  was  presented  to  the  general 
assembly  with  a  petition  signed  by  a  large  number  of  min- 
isters and  other  principal  characters  in  the  colony  praying 
for  a  charter.  The  petition  represented,  •"  That  from  a 
sincere  regard  to,  and  zeal  for,  upholding  the  Protestant  re- 
ligion, by  a  succession  of  learned  and  orthodox  men,  they 
had  proposed  that  a  collegiate  school  should  be  erected  i;i 
this  colony,  wherein  youth  should  be  instructed  in  all  parts 
of  learning,  to  qualify  them  for  public  employments  ih 
church  and  civil  state ;  and  that  they  had  nominated  ten 
ministers  to  be  trustees,  partners  or  undertakers  for  the 
founding,  endowing  and  ordering  the  said  school."  The 
gentlemen  were  particularly  named,  and  it  was  desired, 
that  full  liberty  and  privilege  might  be  granted  to  them  for 
that  end. 

To  facilitate  the  design,  the  honorable  James-  Fitch,  Escji. 
of  Norwich,  one  of  the  council,  before  the  petition  was 
heard,  made  a  formal  donation  under  his  hand,  predicated 
on  "  the  great  pains  and  charge  the  ministers  had  been  at 
in  setting  up  a  collegiate  school ;  and  therefore  to  encour- 
age a  work  so  pleasing  to  God*  and  beneficial  to  posteri<- 
ty,  he  gave  a  tract  of  landr  in  Killingly,  of  about  600  a- 
eres  ;  and  all  the  glass  and  nails  which  should  be  necessa- 
ry to  build  a  college  house  and  hall.1' 
The  foun-  The  general  assembly,  at  their  session  in  October,  1 701 . 

tiers  of       incorporated  the  trustees  nominated,  granting  them  a  char- 
colleare  in-  '    ,  .  -in  i        •    -i 

corpora-     ter,  and  vesting  them  with  all  powers  and  privileges  ne- 
ted  by  act  cessary  for   the   government  of  a  college,  the  holding  of 
ofassem-    }anc|S5  ancj  the  employment  of  all  money  and  estates  which 
no'l.  C       might  be  given  for  the  benefit  of  the  college.     The  char- 
ter ordained  that  the  corporation  should  consist  of  minis- 
ters only,  and  that  none  should  be  chosen   trustees  under 
the  age  of  forty  years.     Their  number  was  not,  at  any- 
time, to  exceed  eleven  nor  be  less  than  seven.     The  as- 
sembly made  them  an   annual  grant  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty  pounds,  equal  to  about  sixty  pounds  sterling. 
Nov.  nth,       The  trustees,  animated  with  their  charter  privileges  and 
fn^Vf'the"  l^e  Countenance  of  the  legislature,  met  the  next  November, 
corpora-     at  Saybrook,  and  chose  the  Rev.  Abraham   Pierson   of" 
tion.          Killingworth,    rector  of  the  college,  and  the  Rev.  Samuel 
Rector       Russell  was  chosen  a  trustee  to  complete  the  number  of  the 
corporation.     They  also  made  rules  for  the  general  gov- 
ernment and  instruction  of  the  collegiate  schaoL 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  475 

It  was  ordered,  "That  the  rector  take  special  care,  as  BOOK  I. 
of  the  moral  behaviour  of  the  students  at  all  times,  so,  with  >*^~v^s 
industry,  to  instruct  and  ground   them  well  in  theoretical     1701. 
divinity  ;  and  to  that  end,  shall  neither  by  himself,  nor  "by  Orders 

any  other  person  whomsoever,  allow  them  to  be  instructed  respecting 
.     *  ,  r  :,,,....  the  col- 

ia  any  other  system  or  synopsis  or  divinity,  than  such  as  the  jege. 

trustees  do  order  and  appoint :  But  shall  take  effectual 
care,  that  said  students  be  weekly  (at  such  seasons  as  he 
shall  see  cause  to  appoint)  caused  memoriter  to  recite  the 
assembly's  catechism  in  Latin,  and  Dr.  Ames's  Theologi- 
cal Theses,  of  which,  as  also  Ames's  Cases  of  Conscience, 
he  shall  make,  or  cause  to  be  made,  from  time  to  time, 
such  explanations  as  may,  through  the  blessing  of  God,  be 
most  conducive  to  their  establishment  iu  the  principles  of 
the  Christian  Protestant  religion." 

"  The  rector  shall  also  cause  the  scriptures  daily,  ex- 
cept on  the  sabbath,  morning  and  evening,  to  be  read  by 
t-he  students  at  the  times  of  prayer  iu  the  school,  according 
to  the  laudable  order  and  usage  of  Harvard  college,  making 
expositions  upon  the  same  :  And  upon  the  sabbath,  shall 
expound  practical  theology,  or  cause  the  non  graduated 
students  to  repeat  sermons  :  And  in  all  other  ways,  ac- 
cording to  the  best  of  his  discretion,  shall,  at  all  times, 
studiously  endeavour,  in  the  education  of  the  students,  to 
promote  the  power  and  purity  of  religion,  and  the  best 
edification  of  these  New-England  churches." 

At  this  meeting,  it  was  debated  where  to  fix  the  college.  College 
Though  the  trustees  were  not  fully  satisfied  or  agreed  on  ^ j^jj6* 
the  most  convenient  place,  yet  they  fixed  upon  Saybrook,  Saybrook, 
until,  upon  further  consideration,  they  should  have  sufli-  hut  the 
cient  reason  to  alter  their  opinion.     They  desired  the  rec-  rectordoe« 
tor  to  remove  himself  and  family  to  Saybrook.     Until  that 
could   be   effected,  they  ordered,  that  the  scholars  should 
be   instructed,   at   or  near  the  rector's  house,  in  Killing- 
worth.     The  corporation   made  various   attempts  to  re- 
move the  rector  to  Saybrook,  but  his  people  were  entire- 
ly opposed  to  it,  and  such  other  impediments  were  in  the 
•way  that  it  was  not  effected.     The  students  continued  at 
Killingworih  during  his  life.     The  library,  for  that  reason, 
was  removed  from  Branford,  to  the  rector's  house. 

The  ministers  had  been  several  years  in  effecting  their 
plan,  and  a  number  of  young  men  had  been  preparing  for 
college,  under  the  instructions  of  one  and  another  of  the 
trustees.  As  soon  as  the  college  became  furnished  with  a 
rector  and  tutor,  eight  of  them  were  admitted  and  put  into 
different  classes,  according  to  the  proficiency  which  they 
had  respectively  made.  Some,  in  a  year  or  two,  became 
Qualified  for  a  degree. 


476  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX. 

BOOK  I.  The  first  commencement  was  at  Saybrook,  September 
v^-v-%^  13th,  J702.  The  following  gentlemen  appear,  at  this 
1702.  time,  to  have  received  the  degree  of  master  of  arts,  Ste- 
Firstcom-  phen  Buckingham,  Salmon  Treat,  Joseph  Coit,  Joseph 
mence-  Moss,  Nathaniel  Cbauncey,  and  Joseph  Morgan.  Four 
Connecti-  °^ tnem  na^  Deen  previously  graduated  at  Cambridge, 
cut.  They  all  became  ministers  of  the  gospel,  and  three  of  them, 

Mr.  Buckingham,  Mr.  Moss,  and  Mr.  Chauncey,  were  af- 
terwards fellows  of  the  college. 

To  avoid  charge  and  other  inconveniences,  for  some 
years  at  first,  the  commencements  were  private.  Mr.  Na- 
thaniel Lynde  of  Saybrook,  was  pleased  generously  to 
give  a  house  and  land  for  the  use  of  the  college,  so  long  as 
it  should  be  continued  in  that  town.  For  the  further  en- 
couragement and  accommodation,  in  1703,  there  was  a 
general  contribution  through  the  colony,  to  build  a  col- 
lege house  at  Saybrook,  or  any  other  place  wherever  it 
should  finally  be  judged  most  convenient  to  fix  the  col- 
lege.* 

*  This  year,  that  venerable  man,  the  Reverend  James  Fitch,  pastor  of 
the  church  in  Norwich,  finished  his  course,  at  Lebanon,  in  the  80th  yesr 
of  his  age.  His  history  and  character  are  given  in  the  inscription  upon  his 
monumental  stone. 

In  hoc  Sepulchre  depositre  sunt  Reliquiae  Viri  vere  Reverendi  D.  JACO- 
91  FITCH  ;  natus  fuit  apud  Bolting,  in  Comitatu  Essexise,  in  Anglia,  Anno 
Domini  1622,  Decem.  24.  Qui,  postquam  Linguis  literati?  optime  instruc- 
tus  fuisset,  in  Nov-Angliam  venit,  jEtate  16  ;  et  deinde  Vitam  degit.  Hart- 
fordice,  per  Septenniuin,  sub  Instructione  Virorum  celeberrimonim  D. 
Hooker  &  D.  Stone,  Postea  Munere  pastoral!  fuuctus  est  apud  Say-  \ 
Brook  per  Annos  14.  Illinc  cum  Ecclesroe  majori  Parte  Norvicum  migra- 
vit ;  et  ibi  cseteros  Vitae  Annos  transegit  in  Opere  Evansrelico.  In  Senec- 
tute,  vero,  prae  Corporis  imlnnitatc  necessarie  cessabit  ab  Opere  publico ; 
tandernque  recessit  Liberis,  apud  Lebanon  ;  ubi  Semianno  fere  exacto  ob- 
dorraivit  in  Jesu,  Anno  1702,  Novembris  18,  ^Etat.  80. 

Vir  Ingenii  Acumine,  Pondere  Judicii,  Prudenlia,  Chantate,  sanctis  La- 
boribus,  et  omni  moda  Vita;  sauctitate,  Peritia  quoque  et  Vi  concionandj 
nulli  secundus. 

In  English  to  this  effect. 

In  this  grave  are  deposited  the  remains  of  that  truly  reverend  man,  Mr. 
JAMES  FITCH.  He  was  born  at  Bolting,  in  the  county  of  Essex,  in  England, 
the  24th  of  December,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord,  1622.  Who,  after  he  had 
been  most  excellently  taught  the  learned  languages,  came  into  New-Eng- 
land, at  the  age  of  sixteen;  and  then  spent  seven  years  under  the  instruc- 
tion of  those  very  famous  men,  Mr.  Hooker  and  Mr.  Stone.  Afterwards, 
he  discharged  the  pastoral  office,  fourteen  years,  at  Saybrook.  'ilience  he 
removed,  with  the  major  part  of  his  church,  to  Norwich  ;  where  tie  spent 
the  other  years  of  his  life  in  the  work  of  the  gospel.  In  his  old  age,  indeed, 
he  was  obliged  to  cease  from  his  public  labors,  by  reason  of  bodily  indis- 
position ;  and  at  length  retired  to  his  children,  at  Lebanon  ;  where,  after 
spending  nearly  half  a  year,  he  slept  in  Jesus,  ia  the  year  1702,  on  the  18th 
of  November,  in  the  GOth  year  of  his  age. 

He  was  a  man,  as  to  the  smartness  of  his  genius,  the  solidity  of  his 
judgment,  his  charity,  holy  labors,  and  every  kind  of  purity  of  life,  and 
Also  as  to  his  .«ki!i  and  energy  of  preaching,  inferior  to  aoue. 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  477 

During  the  term  of  about  seventy  years  from  the  settle-  BOOK   I. 
merit  of  Connecticut,  the  congregational  had  been  the  on-  ^x-v^x-- 
ly  mode  of  worship  in  the  colony.     But  the  society  for     1706. 
propagating  the  gospel  in  foreign  parts,  in  1704,  fixed  the  lotroduc- 


Rev.  Mr.  Muirson  as  a  missionary  at  Rye.  Some  of  the  £?"  ol  th*|. 
people  at  Stratford  had  been  educated  in  the  church  of  En-  England 
gland  mode  of  worship  and  administering  of  the  ordi  nan-  into  Con- 
ces,  and  others  were  not  pleased  with  the  rigid  doctrines  nectic"f 
and  discipline  of  the  New-England  churches,  and  they 
made  an  earnest  application  to  Mr.  Muirson  to  make  a  vis- 
it at  Stratford,  and  preach  and  baptize  among  them.  A- 
bout  the  year  170G,  upon  their  invitation,  he  came  to  Strat- 
ford, accompanied  with  colonel  Heathcotc,  a  gentleman 
zealously  engaged  in  promoting  the  episcopal  church. 
The  ministers  and  people,  in  that  and  the  adjacent  towns, 
it  seems,  were  alarmed  at  his  coming,  and  took  pains  to 
prevent  their  neighbors  and  families  from  hearing  him. 
However,  the  novelty  of  the  affair,  and  other  circumstan- 
ces, brought  together  a  considerable  assembly  ;  and  Mr. 
Muirson  baptized  five  and  twenty  persons,  principally 
adults.  This  was  the  first  step  towards  introducing  the 
church  worship  into  this  colony.  In  April,  1707,  he  made 
another  visit  to  Stratford.  Colonel  Heathcote  was  pleas- 
ed to  honor  him  with  his  company,  as  he  had  done  before. 
He  preached,  at  this  time,  at  Fail-field  as  well  as  Strat- 
ford ;  and  in  both  towns  baptized  a  number  of  children 
and  adult  persons.  Both  the  magistrates  and  ministers 
opposed  the  introduction  of  episcopacy,  and  advised  the 
people  not  to  attend  the  preaching  of  the  church  mission- 
aries ;  but  the  opposition  only  increased  the  zeal  of  the 
church  people.  Mr.  Muirson,  after  this,  made  several 
journies  to  Connecticut,  and  itinerated  among  the  people. 
But  there  was  no  missionary,  from  the  society,  fixed  in 
Connecticut,  until  the  year  1722,  when  Mr.  Pigot  was  ap- 
pointed missionary  at  Stratford.  The  churchmen  at  first, 
in  that  town,  consisted  of  about  fifteen  families,  among 
whom  were  a  few  husbandmen,  but  much  the  greatest  num- 
ber were  tradesmen,  who  had  been  born  in  England,  and 
came  and  settled  there.  Some  of  their  neighbors  joined 
them,  so  that  Mr.  Pigot  had  twenty  communicants,  and 
about  a  hundred  and  fifty  hearers.  In  1  723,  Christ  Church 
in  Stratford  was  founded,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Johnson,  af- 
terwards Dr.  Johnson,  was  appointed  to  succeed  Mr.  Pi- 
got.* 

The  first  plan  of  the  college  was  very  formal  and  mi-  Original 

plan  of 

*  Manuscripts  from  Stratford,  and  Dr,  Humphreys,'  History  of  the  In-  college. 
corporated  Society1-;  Missionaries, 


473  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX. 

BOOK  I.  nutc,  drawn  in  imitation  of  the  ancient  protestant  colleges 
<*^-^s^s  and  universities  in  France.  It  was  proposed,  that  it.  should 
1706.  be  erected  by  a  general  synod  of  the  consociated  churches 
of  Connecticut.  It  was  designed,  that  it  should  be  under 
the  government  of  a  president  and  ten  trustees,  seven  of 
whom  were  to  be  a  quorum  :  That  the  synod  should  have 
the  nomination  of  the  first  president  and  trustees,  and  have 
a  kind  of  general  influence  in  all  future  elections,  that  the 
governors  might  be  preserved  in  orthodox  sentiments.  It 
was  designed  also;  that  the  synod  should  agree  upon  a  con- 
fession of  faith,  to  which  the  president,  trustees,  and  tutors 
should,  upon  their  appointment  to  office,  be  required  to 
give  their  consent ;  and  that  the  college  should  be  called 
the  school  of  the  church.  Indeed,  it  was  proposed,  that 
the  churches  should  contribute  to  its  support. 

Though  this  plan  was  not  formally  pursued,   yet  at  a 
Proposal    meeting  of  the  trustees,  at  Guilford,    March   17th,  1705, 
ralsy^)^'  l^ey   wr°te  a  circular  letter  to  the  ministers,    proposing 
1703.      '  "  to  have  a  general  synod  of  all  the  churches  in  the  colo- 
ny of  Connecticut,  to  give  thuir  joint  consent  to  the  confes- 
sion of  faith,  after  the  example  of  the  synod  in  Boston,  in 
1680."     As  this  proposal  was  universally  acceptable,  the 
churches  and  ministers  of  the  several  counties  met  in  a  con^ 
sociated  council,  and  gave  their  assent  to  the  Westminster 
and  Savoy  confessions  of  faith.     It  seems,  that  they  also 
drew  up  certain  rules  of  ecclesiastical  union  in  discipline, 
as  preparatory  to  a  general  synod,  which  they  had  still  iu 
contemplation. 

r  The  Cambridge  platform,  which,   for  about  sixty  years, 

meetingsof na^  been  the  general  plan  of  discipline  and  church  fellow- 
mw.if.terf.  ship  in  New-England,  made  no  provision  for  the  general 
meeting  of  ministers,  or  for  their  union  in  associations  or 
in  consociations,  yet,  at  an  early  period,  they  had  a  gene- 
ral meeting,  both  in  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts,  and 
began  to  form  into  associations.  Their  annual  meetings 
were  at  the  times  of  the  general  election  at  Boston  and 
Hartford.  At  this  time,  they  had  handsome  entertainments 
made  for  them  at  the  public  expense.*  In  these  general 
meetings,  they  went  into  consultations  respecting  the  gen- 
eral welfare  of  the  churches,  the  supplying  them  with  min- 
isters, providing  for  their  stated  enjoyment  of  divine  ordi- 
nances, and  the  preservation  of  their  peace  and  order. 
The  general  interests  of  literature  were  consulted,  and  ad- 
vice given  in  cases  in  which  it  was  requisite.  Sometimes 

*  The  legislature  have  continued  this  generosity  to  the  present  time.  A 
genteel  entertainment  is  made  not  only  for  the  clergy  of  Connecticut,  I'  ' 
of  the  neighboring  colonies,  who  are  present  on  the  occasion 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  479 

measures  were  adopted  (o  assist  the  poor  and  afflicted,  in  BOOK  I. 
particular  instances  of  distress.     The  affair  of  civilizing  ^^-v^v^ 
and  christianizing  the  Indians,    came   under  their  serious    1703. 
deliberations.     Sometimes  they  consulted  measures,   and 
gave  general  directions  respecting  candidates  for  the  min- 
istry, and  the  orderly  manner  of  introducing  them  into  the 
churches. 

The  ministers  of  particular  neighborhoods,  in  various 
parts  of  the  country,  held  frequent  meetings,  for  their  mu- 
tual assistance,  and  to  instruct  and  advise  the  churches  and 
people,  as  circumstances  required.  This  particularly  was 
the  practice  in  Connecticut. 

The  venerable  Mr.  Hooker  was  a  great  friend  to  the 
meeting  and  consociation  of  ministers  and  churches,  as  a 
grand  mean  of  promoting  purity,  union,  and  brotherly  af-  opinion, 
lection,  among  the  ministers  and  churches.  During  his 
life,  the  ministers  in  the  vicinity  of  Hartford,  had  frequent 
meetings  at  his  house.  About  a  week  before  his  death,  he 
observed,  with  great  earnestness,  "  We  must  agree  upon 
constant  meetings  of  ministers,  and  settle  the  consociation 
of  churches,  or  else  we  are  undone."  Soon  after  his  de- 
cease, ministers  in  various  parts  of  New- England,  and  es- 
pecially in  Connecticut,  began  to  establish  constant  meet- 
ings, or  associations,  in  particular  vicinities,  and  agreed  on 
the  business  to  be  done,  and  the  manner,  in  which  they 
would  proceed. 

They  did  not,  however,  all  adopt  the  same  mode.  Some 
of  the  meetings,  or  associations,  fasted  and  prayed,  and 
discussed  questions  of  importance  for  mutual  instruction 
and  edification.  A  moderator  was  chosen  to  conduct  the 
business  of  the  meetings  with  order  and  decency,  to  re- 
ceive all  communications  which  might  be  made  from  the 
churches,  or  other  similar  meetings,  and  to  call  the  as- 
sociated brethren  together  on  particular  emergencies. 
These  meetings  were  alwa}rs  opened  and  concluded  with 
prayer. 

Some  of  the  associations  were  very  formal  and  particu- 
lar in  covenanting  together,  and  in  fixing  the  business  which 
should  be  transacted  by  them.  They  covenanted  to  sub- 
mit to  the  counsels,  reproofs,  and  censures  of  the  associat- 
ed brotherhood  ;  and  that  they  would  not  forsake  the  asso- 
ciation, nor  neglect  the  appointed  meetings,  without  suffi- 
cient reasons.  They  engaged,  that,  in  the  meetings  they 
•would  debate  questions  immediately  respecting  themselves 
and  their  conduct :  That  they  would  hear  and  consider  all 
cases  proposed  to  them  from  neighboring  churches  or  indi- 
viduals; answer  letters  directed  to  them  from  particular 


4*80  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX. 

BOOK  1,  churches  or  persons  ;  and  discuss  any  question,  which  had 
v-^N~>fc/  been  proposed  at  a  preceding  meeting.     In  some  of  these 
1703,    associations,  it  was  agreed    to  meet  statedly  once  in  six 
weeks  or  two  months.*     As  the  design  was  for  their  own 
mutual  improvement    and  the  advancement  of  Christianity 
in  general,  the  associations  attended  a  lecture  in  the  par- 
ishes in  which  they  convened  for  the  instruction  and  edifi- 
cation of  the  people.     In  Connecticut,  after  the  resolution 
of  the  assembly,  in  1680,  the  ministers  had  county  meet- 
ings every  week. 

But  these  associations  and  meetings  were  merely  volun- 
tary, countenanced  by  no  ecclesiastical  constitution,  at- 
fended  only  by  such  ministers,  in  one  place  and  another,  as 
were  willing  to  associate,  and  could  bind  none  but  them- 
selves. The  churches  might  advise  with  them  if  they 
chose  it,  or  neglect  it  at  pleasure.  There  was  no  regular 
way  of  introducing  candidates  to  the  improvement  of'the 
churches,  by  the  general  consent  either  of  .themselves  or 
the  elders.  When  they  had  finished  their  collegiate  stud- 
ies, if  they  imagined  themselves  qualified,  and  could  find 
some  friendly  gentleman  in  the  ministry  to  introduce  them, 
they  began  to  preach,  without  an  examination  or  recom- 
mendation from  any  body  of  ministers  or  churches.  If  they 
studied  a  time  with  any  particular  minister  or  ministers,  af- 
ter they  had  received  the  honors  of  college,  that  minister, 
or  those  ministers  introduced  them  into  the  pulpit  at  plea- 
sure, without  the  general  consent  and  approbation  of  their 
brethren.  Many  judged  this  to  be  too  loose  a  practice,  in 
a  matter  of  such  immense  importance  to  the  divine  honor, 
the  reputation  of  the  ministry,  and  the  peace  and  edifica- 
tion of  the  churches.  Degrees  at  college  were  esteemed 
no  sufficient  evidence  of  men's  piety,  knowledge  of  theolo- 
gy, or  ministerial  gifts  and  qualifications. 

Besides,  it  was  generally  conceded,  that  the  state  of  the 
churches  was  lamentable,  with  respect  to  their  general  or- 
der, government,  and  discipline.  That  for  the  want  of  a 
more  general  and  energetic  government,  many  churches 
ran  into  confusion;  that  councils  were  not  sufficient  to  re- 
lieve the  aggrieved  and  restore  peace.  As  there  was  no 
general  rule  for  the  calling  of  councils,  council  was  called 
against  council,  and  opposite  results  were  given  upon  the 
same  cases,  to  the  reproach  of  councils  and  the  wounding 
of  religion.  Aggrieved  churches  and  brethren  were  dis- 
couraged, as  in  this  way  their  case  seemed  to  be  without 
remedy.  There  was  no  such  thing,  in  this  way,  as  bring- 
ing their  difficulties  to  a  final  issue. t 

*  Magnalio,  B.  V.  p.  58. 

t  Wise's  vindication,  p.  165,  Boston  edition,  1772. 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  481 

For  the  relieving  of  these  inconveniences,  there  were  BOOK  I. 
many,  in  the  New-England  churches,  not  only  among  the  v^-^~*w 
clergy,  but  other  gentlemen  of  principal  character,  who  1708. 
earnestly  wished  for  a  nearer  union  among  the  churches. 
A  great  majority  of  the  legislature  and  clergy  in  Connecti- 
cut, were  for  the  association  of  ministers,  and  the  consoci- 
ation of  churches.  The  synod,  in  1662,  had  given  their 
opinion  fully  in  favor  of  the  consociation  of  churches.  The 
heads  of  agreement  drawn  up  and  assented  to,  by  the  unit- 
ed ministers,  in  England,  called  presbyterian  and  congre- 
gational, in  1692,  had  made  their  appearance  on  this  side 
of  the  Atlantic ;  and,  in  general,  were  highly  approved* 
The  VII.  article  of  agreement,  under  the  head  of  the  minis- 
try, makes  express  provision  for  the  regular  introduction 
of  candidates  for  the  ministry.  The  united  brethren  say, 
"It  is  expedient,  that  they  who  enter  on  the  work  of  preach- 
ing the  gospel,  be  not  only  qualified  for  the  communion  of 
saints  ;  but  also,  that,  except  in  cases  extraordinary,  they 
give  proof  of  their  gifts  arid  fitness  for  the  said  work,  unto 
the  pastors  of  the  churches  of  known  abilities,  to  discern 
and  judge  of  their  qualifications  ;  that  they  may  be  sent 
forth  with  solemn  approbation  and  prayer  ;  which  we  judge 
needful,  that  no  doubt  may  remain  concerning  their  being 
called  unto  the  work  ;  and  for  .preventing,  as  much  as  in 
us  lieth,  ignorant  and  rash  intruders."  In  these  articles, 
it  is  also  agreed,  "  that  in  so  great  and  weighty  a  matter, 
as  the  calling  and  choosing  a  pastor,  we  judge  it  ordinari- 
ly requisite,  that  every  such  church  consult  and  advise 
with  the  pastors  of  the  neighboring  congregations." 

In  this  state  of  the  churches,  the  legislature  passed  an 
act,  at  their  session  in  May,  1708,  requiring  the  ministers 
and  churches  to  meet  and  form  an  ecclesiastical  constitu- 
tion. The  apprehensions  and  wishes  of  the  assembly  will, 
in  the  best  manner,  be  discovered  by  their  own  act,  which 
is  in  the  words  following  : 

"  This  assembly,  from  their  own  observation,  and  the  Ac.*  a.P- 
complaint  of  many  others,  being  made  sensible  of  the  de-  g0^"5  a 
fects  of  the  discipline  of  the  churches  of  this  government,  May  13th, 
arising  from  the  want  of  a  more  explicit   asserting  of  the  1708. 
rules  given  for  that  end  in  the  holy  scriptures  ;  from  which 
would  arise  a  permanent  establishment  among   ourselves, 
a  good  and  regular  issue  in  cases  subject  to  ecclesiastical 
discipline,  glory  to  Christ,  our  head,  and  edification  to  his 
members  ;  hath  seen  fit  to  ordain  and  require,  and  it  is  by 
•*he  authority  of  the  same  ordained  and  required,  that  the 
ministers  of  the  several  counties  in  this  government  shall 
meet  togcfhrr,  at  thrir  respective  county  towns,  with  such 


4S2T  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX. 

BOOK  I.  messengers,  as  the  churches  to  which  they  belong  shall 
v~x~v-xt/  see  cause  to  send  with  them,  on  the  last  Monday  in  June 
1*08.  next ;  there  to  consider  and  agree  upon  those  methods  and 
rules  for  the  management  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  which 
by  them  shall  be  judged  agreeable  and  conformable  to  the 
word  of  God,  aud  shall,  at  the  same  meeting,  appoint  two 
or  more  of  their  number  to  be  their  delegates,  who  shall  all 
meet  together  at  Saybrook,  at  the  next  commencement  to 
be  held  there  ;  where  they  shall  compare  the  results  of  the 
ministers  of  the  several  counties,  and  out  of  and  from  them, 
to  draw  a  form  of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  which,  by  two 
or  more  persons  delegated  by  them,  shall  be  offered  to  this 
court,  at  their  session  at  New-Haven,  in  October  next,  to 
be  considered  of  and  confirmed  by  them:  And  the  expense 
of  the  above  mentioned  meetings  shall  be  defrayed  out  of 
the  public  treasury  of  this  colony." 
"  A  true  copy  of  the  record. 

"  Test.  ELEAZER  KIMBERLY,  Secretary." 

According  to  the  act  of  the  assembly,  the  ministers  and 
churches  of  the  several  counties  convened,  at  the  time  ap- 
pointed, and  made  their  respective  drafts  for  discipline,  and 
chose  their  delegates  for  the  general  meeting  at  Saybrook, 
in  September. 

The  ministers  and  messengers  chosen  for  this  council, 
and  its  result,  will  appear  from  their  minutes. 

"  At  a  meeting  of  delegates  from  the  councils  of  the  se- 
veral counties  of  Connecticut  colony,  in  New-England,  in 
America,  at  Saybrook,  Sept.  9th,  1706, 

PRESENT, 

tfanies  of  From  the  council  of  Hartford  county  : — The  Rev.  Timo- 
the  synod,  thy  Wood  bridge,  Noadiah  Russell,  and  Stephen  Mix.  Mes- 
Sept.  9th,  senger.  John  Haynes,  Esq. 

708'  From    the  council   in    Fairfield    county  : — The    Rev. 

Charles  Chauncey  and  John  Davenport.     Messenger,  dea- 
con Samuel  Hoyt. 

From  the  council  in  New-London  county : — The  Rev. 
James  Noyes,  Thomas  Buckingham,  Moses  Noyes,  and 
John  Woodward.  Messengers,  Robert  Chapman,  deacon 
William  Parker. 

Fronvthe  council  of  New-Haven  county: — The  Rev. 
Samuel  Andrew,  James -Pierpont,  and  Samuel  Russell. 

"  The  Rev.  James  Noyes  and  Thomas  Buckingham  be- 
ing chosen  moderators.  The  Rev.  Stephen  Mix  and  John 
Woodward  being  chosen  scribes. 

"  In  compliance  with  an  order  of  the  general  assembly. 
May  13th,  1706,  after  humble  addresses  to  the  throne  of 
grace  for  the  divine  presence,  assistance,  and  blessing  up- 


€HAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  483 

on  us,  having  our  eyes  upon  the  word  of  God  and  the  con-  BOOK  I, 
stitution  of  our  churches,  WE  agree  that  the  confession  of^~v~^' 
faith  owned  and  assented  unto  by  the  elders  and  messen-    37.03* 
gcrs  assembled  at  Boston,   in  New-England,  May  12th, 
1680,  being  the  second  session  of  that  synod,  be  recom- 
mended to  the  honourable  general  assembly  of  this  colony, 
at  the  next  session,  for  their  public  testimony  thereunto, 
as  the  FAITH  of  the  churches  of  this  colony."* 

"  We  agree  also,  that  the  heads  of  agreement  assented 
to  by  the  united  ministers,  formerly  called  presbyterian 
and  congregational,  be  observed  by  the  churches  through- 
out this  colony." 

"  And  for  the  better  regulation  of  the  administration  of 
church  discipline,  in  relation  to  all  cases  ecclesiastical, 
both  in  particular  churches  and  councils,  to  the  full  deter- 
mining and  executing  the  rules  in  all  such  cases,  it  is 
agreed," 

"  I.  That  the  elder,  or  elders  of  a  particular  church, 
with  the  consent  of  the  brethren  of  the  same,  have  power, 
and  ought  to  exercise  church  discipline,  according  to  the 
rule  of  God's  word,  in  relation  to  all  scandals  that  fall  out 
within  the  same.  And  it  may  be  meet,  in  all  cases  of  dif- 
ficulty, for  the  respective  pastors  of  particular  churches,  to 
take  advice  of  the  elders  of  the  churches  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, before  they  proceed  to  censure  in  such  cases." 

"  II.  That  the  churches  which  are  neighbouring  to  each 
other,  shall  consociate,  for  mutual  affording  to  each  other 
such  assistance  as  may  be  requisite,  upon  all  occasions  ec- 
clesiastical. And  that  the  particular  pastors  and  churches, 
within  the  respective  counties  in  this  government,  shall  be 
one  consociation,  (or  more,  if  they  shall  judge  meet,)  for 
the  end  aforesaid." 

"  HI.  That  all  cases  of  scandal,  that  fail  out  within  the 
circuit  of  any  of  the  aforesaid  consociations,  shall  be 
brought  to  a  council  of  the  elders,  and  also  messengers  of 
the  churches  within  the  said  circuit,  i.  e.  the  churches  of 
one  consociation,  if  they  see  cause  to  send  messengers, 
when  there  shall  be  need  of  a  council  for  the  determina- 
tion of  them." 

"  IV.  That,  according  to  the  common  practice  of  our 
churches,  nothing  shall  be  deemed  an  act  or  judgment  of 
any  council,  which  hath  not  the  act  of  the  major  part  of  the 
elders  present  concurring,  and  such  a  number  of  the  mes- 
sengers present,  as  makes  the  majority  of  the  council :  pro- 
vided that  if  any  such  church  shall  not  see  cause  to  send 
any  messengers  to  the  council,  or  the  persons  chosen  by 

*  This  was  the  Savoy  confession,  with  some  small  alterations. 


484  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX. 

BOOK  I.  them  shall  not  attend,  neither  of  these  shall  be  any  obstruc- 
s»>»-v<-x^  tion  to  the  proceedings  of  the  council,  or  invalidate  any  of 
1708.  their  acts." 

"  V.  That  when  any  case  is  orderly  brought  before  any 
council  of  the  churches,  it  shall  there  be  heard  and  deter- 
mined, which,  (unless  orderly  removed  from  thence,)  shall 
be  a  final  issue;  and  all  parties  therein  concerned  shall  sit 
down  and  be  determined  thereby.  And  the  council  so 
hearing,  and  giving  the  result  or  final  issue,  in  the  said 
case,  as  aforesaid,  shall  see  their  determination,  or  judg- 
ment, duly  executed  and  attended,  in  such  way  or  manner, 
as  shall,  in  theirjudgment,  be  most  suitable  and  agreeable 
to  the  word  of  God." 

"  VI.  That  if  any  pastor  and  church  doth  obstinately  re- 
fuse a  due  attendance  and  conformity  to  the  determination 
of  the  council,  that  hath  the  cognizance  of  the  case,  and 
determineth  it  as  above,  after  due  patience  used,  (hey  shall 
be  reputed  guilty  of  scandalous  contempt,  and  dealt  with 
as  the  rule  of  God's  word  in  such  case  doth  provide,  and 
the  sentence  of  non-communion  shall  be  declared  against 
such  pastor  and  church.  And  the  churches  are  to  approve 
of  the  said  sentence,  by  withdrawing  from  the  communion 
of  the  pastor  and  church,  which  so  refused  to  be  healed." 

"  VII.  That,  in  case  any  difficulties  shall  arise  in  any  of 
the  churches  in  this  colony,  which  cannot  be  issued  with- 
out considerable  disquiet,  that  church,  in  which  they  arise, 
(or  that  minister  or  member  aggrieved  \vith  them,)  shall 
apply  themselves  to  the  council  of  the  consociated  church- 
es of  the  circuit,  to  which  the  said  church  belongs ;  who, 
if  they  see  cause,  shall  thereupon  convene,  hear,  and  de- 
termine such  cases  of  difficulty,  unless  the  matter  brought 
before  them,  shall  be  judged  so  great  in  the  nature  of  it, 
or  so  doubtful  in  the  issue,  or  of  such  general  concern, 
that  the  said  council  shall  judge  best  that  it  be  referred  to 
a  fuller  council,  consisting  of  the  churches  of  the  other 
oonsociatjon  within  the  same  county,  (or  of  the  next  ad- 
joining consociation  of  another  county,  if  there  be  not  two 
consociations  in  the  county  where  the  difficulty  ariseth,) 
•who,  together  with  themselves,  shall  hear,  judge,  deter- 
mine, and  finally  issue  such  case,  according  to  the  word  of 
God." 

"  VIII.  That  a  particular  church,  in  which  any  difficul- 
ty doth  arise,  may,  if  they  see  cause,  call  a  council  of  the 
consociated  churches  of  the  circuit  to  which  the  church  be- 
jongs,  before  they  proceed  to  sentence  therein ;  but  there 
is  not  the  same  liberty  to  an  offending  brother,  to  call  the 
cpyncil,  before  the  church  to  which  he  belongs  proceed  ?o 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  485 

excommunication  in  the  said  case,  unless  with  the  consent  BOOK  I. 
of  the  church."  ^^^^.- 

"IX.  That  all  the  churches  of  the  respective  consocia-  1708. 
tions  shall  choose,  if  they  see  cause,  one  or  two  members 
of  each  church,  to  represent  them  in  the  councils  of  the 
.said  churches,  as  occasion  may  call  for  them,  who  shall 
stand  in  that  capacity  till  new  be  chosen  for  the  same  ser- 
vice, unless  any  church  shall  incline  to  choose  their  mes- 
sengers anew,  upon  the  convening  of  such  councils." 

"  X.  That  the  minister  or  ministers  of  the  county  towns, 
or  where  there  are  no  ministers  in  such  towns,  the  two 
next  ministers  to1  the  said  town,  shall,  as  soon  as  conven- 
iently may  be,  appoint  time  and  place  for  the  meeting  ot 
the  elders  and  messengers  of  the  churches  in  said  county, 
in  order  to  their  forming  themselves  into  one  or  more  con- 
sociations, and  notify  the  time  and  place  to  the  elders  and 
churches  of  that  county  who  shall  attend  at  the  same,  the 
elders  in  their  persons,  and  the  churches  by  their  messen- 
gers, if  they  see  cause  to  send  them.  Which  elders  and 
messengers,  so  assembled  in  council,  as  also  any  other 
council  hereby  allowed  of,  .shall  have  power  to  adjourn 
themselves,  as  need  shall  be,  for  the  space  of  one  year, 
after  the  beginning  or  first  session  of  the  said  council,  and 
no  longer.  And  that  minister  who  was  chosen  at  the  last 
session  of  any  council,  to  be  moderator,  shall,  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  two  more  elders,  (or,  in  case  of  the 
moderator's  death,  any  two  elders  of  the  same  consocia- 
tion,) call  another  council  within  the  circuit,  when  they 
shall'  judge  there  is  need  thereof.  And  all  councils  may 
prescribe  rules,  as  occasion  may  require,  and  whatever 
they  judge  needful  within  their  circuit,  for  the  wejl  per- 
forming and  orderly  managing  the  several  acts,  to  be  at- 
tended by  them,  or  matters  that  come  under  their  cogni- 
zance." 

"XI.  That  if  any  person  or  persons,  orderly  complain- 
ed of  to  a  council,  or  that  are  witnesses  to  such  complaints, 
(having  regular  notification  to  appear,)  shall  refuse,  or  neg- 
lect so  to  do,  in  the  place,  and  at  the  time  specified  in  the 
warning  given,  except  they  or  he  give  some  satisfying  rea- 
son thereof  to  the  said  council,  they  shall  be  judged  guilty 
of  scandalous  contempt." 

"XII.  That  the  teaching  elders  of  each  county  shall  be 
one  association,  (or  more,  if  they  se.e  cause,)  which  associ- 
ation, or  associations,  shall  assemble  twice  a  year,  at  least, 
at  such  time  and  place  as  they  shall  appoint,  to  cons'ult 
the  duties  of  their  office,  and  the  common  interest  of  the 
churches,  who  shall  consider  and  resolve  questions  anrl 


486 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XIX. 


Act  of  as- 
•embly  a- 
dopting 
the  Saj- 
brook 
platform, 
6ct.  1708. 


cases  of  importance  which  shall  be  offered  by  any  among 
themselves  or  others  ;  who  also  shall  have  power  of  exam- 
ining and  recommending  the  candidates  of  the  ministry  to 
the  work  thereof. 

"  XIII.  -That  the  said  associated  pastors  shall  take  no- 
tice of  any  among  themselves,  that  may  be  accused  of 
scandal  or  heresy,  unto  or  cognizable  by  them,  examine 
the  matter  carefully,  and  if  they  lind  just  occasion  shall  di- 
rect to  the  calling  of  the  council,  where  such  offenders 
.shall  be  duly  proceeded  against." 

"  XIV.  That  the  a'ssociated  pastors  shall  also  be  con- 
sulted by  bereaved  churches,  belonging  to  their  associa- 
tion, and  recommend  to  such  churches  such  pcrsoas,  as 
may  be  fit  to  be  called  and  settled  in  the  work  of  thegos- 
jjel  ministry  among  them.  And  if  such  bereaved  churches 
shall  not  seasonably  call  and  settle  a  minister  among  them, 
the  said  associated  pastors  shall  lay  the  slate  of  such  be- 
reaved church  before  the  general  assembly  of  this  colony, 
that  they  may  take  order  concerning  them,  as  shall  be 
found  necessary  for  their  peace  and  edification." 

"  XV.  That  it  be  recommended  as  expedient,  that  all 
the  associations  in  this  colony  do  meet  in  a  general  associa- 
tion, by  their  respective  delegates,  one  or  more  out  of 
each  association,  once  a  year,  the  first  meeting  to  be  at 
Hartford,  at  the  general  election  next  ensuing  the  date  here- 
of, and  so  annually  in  all  the  counties  successively,  at 
such  time  and  place,  as  they  the  said  delegates  shall  in 
their  annual  meetings  appoint." 

,  The  confession  of  faith,  heads  of  agreement,  and  these 
articles  of  discipline  having  unanimously  passed,  and  been 
signed,  by  the  scribes,  were  presented  to  the  legislature 
the  succeeding  October,  for  their  approbation  and  estab- 
lishment. Upon  which  they  passed  the  following  adopting 
act. 

At  a  general  court  holden  at  New-Haven,  October  1708. 

"  The  reverend  ministers,  delegates  from  the  elders  and 
messengers  of  this  government,  met  at  Saybrook,  Septem- 
ber 9th,  1708,  having  presented  to  this  assembly  a  Con- 
fession of  Faith,  and  Heads  of  Agreement,  and  regula- 
tions in  the  administration  of  church  discipline,  as  unani- 
mously agreed  and  consented  to  by  the  elders  and  churches 
in  this  government ;  this  assembly  doth  declare  their  great 
approbation  of  such  an  happy  agreement,  and  do  ordain, 
that  all  the  churches  within  this  government,  that  are,  or 
shall  be.  thus  united  in  doctrine,  worship,  and  discipline, 
be,  and  for  the  future  shall  be  owned  and  acknowledged 
established  bylaw  ;  provided  always,  that  nothing  hereiu 


<?HAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  487 

shall  be  intended  or  construed  to  hinder  or  prevent  any  so-  BOOK  I. 
ciety  or  church,  that  is  or  shall  be  allowed  by  the  laws  o(^-v~^s 
this  government,  who  soberly  differ  or  dissent  from  the  u-     1708- 
nited  churches  hereby  established,    from  exercising  wor- 
ship and  discipline,  in  their  own  way,  according  to  their 
consciences. 

"  A  true  copy,  Test, 

"  ELEAZER  KIMBERLV,  Secretary." 

Though  the  council  were  unanimous  in  passing  the  plat- 
form of  discipline,  yet  they  were  not  all  of  one  opinion. 
Some  were  for  high  consoeiational  government,  and  in  their 
sentiments  nearly  presbyterians  ;  others  were  much  more 
moderate  and  rather  verging  on  independency  ;  but  ex- 
ceedingly desirous  of  keeping  the  unity  of  the  spirit  in  the 
bond  of  peace,  they  exercised  great  Christian  condescen- 
sion and  amicableness  towards  each  other. 

As  it  was  stipulated,  that  the  heads  of  agreement  should 
be  observed  through  the  colony,  this  was  an  important 
mean  of  reconciling  numbers  to  the  constitution,  as  these 
did  not  carry  points  so  far  as  the  articles  of  discipline. 
These  did  not  make  the  judgments  of  councils  decisive,  in 
all  cases,  but  only  maintained,  that  particular  churches 
ought  to  have  a  reverential  regard  to  their  judgment,  and 
not  to  dissent  from  it  without  apparent  grounds  from  the 
word  of  God.  Neither  did  these  give  the  elders  a  nega- 
tive in  councils  over  the  churches  ;  and  in  some  other  in- 
stances they  gave  more  latitude  than  the  articles  of  disci- 
pline. These  therefore  served  to  reconcile  such  elders 
and  churches,  as  were  not  for  a  rigid  consociational  gov- 
ernment, and  to  gain  their  consent.  Somewhat  different 
constructions  were  put  upon  the  constitution.  Those  who 
were  for  a  high  consociational  government,  construed  it 
rigidly  according  to  the  articles  of  discipline,  and  others 
by  the  heads  of  agreement  ;  or,  at  least,  they  were  for 
softening  down  the  more  rigid  articles,  by  construing  them 
agreeably  to  those  heads  of  union. 

Notwithstanding  the  Savoy  confession  was  adopted,  as 
the  faith  of  the  Connecticut  churches,  yet,  by  adopting  the 
heads  of  agreement,  it  was  agreed,  that  with  respect  to 
soundness  of  judgment  in  matters  of  faith,  it  was  sufficient, 
:'  That  a  church  acknowledge  the  scriptures  to  be  the  word 
of  God,  the  perfect  and  only  rule  of  faith  and  practice,  and 
own  either  the  doctrinal  part  of  those  commonly  called  the 
articles  of  the  church  of  England,  or  the  confession  or  cate- 
chisms, shorter  or  longer,  compiled  by  the  assembly  at 
Westminster,  or  the  confession  agreed  on  at  the  Savoy,  to 
be  agreeable  to  the  said  rule." 


488 


HISTORY  OP 


CHAP.  XIX. 


Feb.  1st, 
1709. 


Associa- 
tions and 
consocia- 
tions for- 
med. 

General 
associa- 
tion. 


Death  ami 
character 
of  Presi- 
dent Pier- 


The  Saybrook  platform,  thus  unanimously  recommended 
by  the  elders  and  messengers  of  the  churches,  and  adopted 
by  the  legislature,  as  the  religious  constitution  of  the  colo- 
ny, met  with  a  general  reception,  though  some  of  the 
churches  were  extremely  opposed  to  it.* 

The  elders  and  messengers  of  the  county  of  Hartford 
met  in  council,  at  Hartford,  the  next  February,  and  form- 
ed into  two  distinct  consociations  and  associations  for  the 
purposes  expressed  in  the  constitution.  The  ministers  and 
churches  of  the  other  three  counties  afterwards  formed 
themselves  into  consociations  and  associations.  There 
were  therefore,  soon  after,  five  consociations  and  the  same 
number  of  associations  in  the  colony.  The  associations 
met  annually,  by  a  delegation  of  two  elders  from  each  asso- 
ciation, in  a  general  association.  This  has  a  general  ad- 
visory superintendency  over  all  the  ministers  and  church- 
es in  the  colony.  Its  advice  has  generally  been  accepta- 
ble to  the  ministers  and  churches,  and  cheerfully  carried 
into  execution.  The  meeting  of  the  general  association 
was  anciently  in  September  ;  but  the  time  of  meeting,  after 
some  years,  was  altered,  and  for  more  than  sixty  years 
has  been  on  the  third  Tuesday  in  June. 

The  corporation  of  college  having  now  obtained  a  con- 
fession of  faith,  adopted  by  the  churches  and  legislature  of 
the  colony,  adopted  it  for  college,  and  the  trustees  and  of- 
ficers of  the  college,  upon  their  introduction  to  office,  were 
required  to  give  their  assent  to  it,  and  to  the  Westminster 
confession  and  catechisms. 

But  before  this  could  be  effected,  Mr.  Pierson,  the  presi- 
dent, was  no  more.  He  died  on  the  5th  of  March,  1707, 
to  the  unspeakable  loss  and  affliction  both  of  the  college 
and  the  people  of  his  charge.  He  had  his  education  at 
Harvard  college,  where  he  was  graduated,  1668.  He  ap- 
pears first  to  have  settled  in  the  ministry  at  Newark  in  New- 
Jersey.  Thence  he  came  to  Killingworth,  and  was  in- 
stalled in  1694.  He  had  the  character  of  a  hard  student, 
good  scholar,  and  great  divine.  In  his  whole  conduct,  he 
was  wise,  steady,  and  amiable.  He  was  greatly  respected 
as  a  pastor,  and  he  instructed  and  governed  the  college 
with  general  approbation. 

Upon  the  death  of  rector  Pierson,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Andrew 

'  *  Though  Messrs.  Andrew,  Pierpont,  and  Russell,  were  influential  char- 
acters, yet  it  is  observable,  that  the  churches,  in  that  county,  sent  no  mes- 
sengers to  the  synod ;  and  the  tradition  is  that  the  church  and  people  of 
Norwich  were  so  offended  with  their  minister,  Mr.  John  Woodward,  for 
consenting  to  it,  that  they  nc\vr  would  forgive  him  and  be  reconciled  ; 
but  made  such  opposition  to  his  ministry,  that,  by  the  advice  of  couaciK 
he  resigned  it  and  left  the  Unvn. 


CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  489 

was    chosen  rector  pro  tempore.     The  senior  class  were  BOOK  I. 
removed  to  Milford,  to  be  under  his  immediate  instruction,  v_^-^->^ 
until    the    commencement.     The  other  students  were  re-    1709. 
moved   to  Saybrook,    and  put  under  the  care  and  instruc-  Students 
tions  of  two  tutors.     Mr.  Andrew  moderated  at  the  com-  Je™ove<1 
mencements  and  gave  general  directions  to  the  tutors.     Mr.  brook- 
Buckingham  also,  who  was  one  of  the  trustees,  and  resided 
at  Saybrook.  during  his  life,  had  a  kind  of  direction  and  in- 
spection   over  the   college.     In    this  state  it  continued, 
without  any  material  alteration,  until  about  the  year  1715. 
The  ministers  of  Connecticut  were  exceedingly  atten- 
tive to  the  morals  and  qualifications  of  those,    whom  they 
recommended  to  the  improvement  of  the  churches,  or  or- 
dained to  the  pastoral  office.     The  general  association,  in  Sept.  12, 
1712,  ata  meeting  of  theirs,  at  Fairfield.  agreed  upon  the1712- 
following  rules,  and  recommended  them  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  several  associations  for  their  approbation  and 
concurrence. 

"  Rules  agreed  upon  for  the  cxami-nation  of  candidates 
for  the  ministry. 

"  Agreed  upon,  that  the  person  to  be  examined  concern-  Directions 
ing  his  qualifications  for  the  evangelical  ministry,  shall  be  respecting 
dealt  with,  in  his  examinations,  with  all  candor  and  gentle-  jates'for 
ness.  the  minis- 

"  1.  That  he  be  able  to  give  satisfaction,  to  the  associ-  try. 
ation  examining  him,   of  his  skill  in  the  Hebrew,  Greek, 
and  Latin  tongues. 

"  2.  That  he  be  able  to  give  satisfaction,  to  the  associ- 
ation examining  him,  of  his  skill  in  Logic  and  Philoso- 
phy. 

"3.  He  shall  be  examined  what  authors,  in  divinity,  he 
hath  read  ;  and  also  concerning  the  main  grounds  or  prin- 
ciples of  the  Christian  religion  ;  and  shall  therein  offer  just 
matter  of  satisfaction  to  the  association  examining  him  ; 
and  shall  give  his  assent  to  the  confession  of  faith  publicly 
owned  and  declared  to  be  the  confession  of  the  faith  of  the 
united  churches  of  this  colony. 

"  4.  That  if  the  life  and  conversation  of  the  person  to  be 
examined  be  not  well  known  to  the  association  examining 
him,  then  said  person  shall  offer  sufficient  evidence  to  said 
association  of  his  sober  and  religious  conversation. 

"  5.  That  the  person  to  be  examined  shall  publicly  pray, 
and  also  preach,  in  the  presence  of  the  association  exam- 
ining him,  from  some  text  of  scripture  which  shall  be  given 
him  by  said  association,  and  at  such  time  and  place  as 
they  shall  appoint,  in  order  to  prove  his  gifts  for  the  min- 
isterial work.  • 

Ms 


490  HISTORY  OF  CHAP.  XIX, 

BOOK  I.      "  Rules  relating  to  the  ordination  of  a    person  to  the 
V-**-N^>W  work  of  the  ministry. 

1712.         "Agreed,  1.  In  case  of  ordination,  those  who  are  to  or- 
dain  ought  to  be  satisfied,  that  the  person  to  be  ordained  i 


ing  minis-   apt  to  teacn  ant|  of  his  inclination  to  the  work  of  the  min- 

ters  to  be        * 


ordained. 

"2.  That  they  shall  be  satisfied  with  his  prudence  and 
fitness  for  the  management  of  so  great  a  trust,  as  that  of  the 
work  of  the  ministry. 

"  3.  The  persons  to  ordain  shall  be  satisfied,  that  his 
preaching  and  conversation  be  acceptable  to  the  peoplo 
over  whom  he  is  to  be  ordained. 

"  4.  That  he  shall  be  able  to  explain  such  texts  of  scrip- 
ture as  shall  be  proposed  to  him. 

"  5.  That  he  shall  be  able  to  resolve  such  practical  cas- 
es of  conscience  as  shall  be  proposed  to  him. 

"6.  That  he  shall  shew,  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  pas- 
tors to  ordain  him,  his  competent  ability  to  refute  danger- 
ous errors,  and  defend  the  truth  against  gainsayers. 

"  7.  That  he  shall  give  his  consent  to  the  church  disci- 
pline of  this  colony  as  established  by  law  ;  yet  the  pastors 
to  ordain  are  not  to  be  too  severe  and  strict  with  him  to  be 
ordained,  upon  his  sober  dissent  from  some  particulars  in 
said  discipline." 

Such  has  been  the  pious  care  of  the  venerable  fathers 
of  the  churches  in  Connecticut,  to  preserve  in  them  a  learn- 
ed, orthodox,  experimental  ministry.  The  associations 
have  examined  all  candidates  for  the  ministry  and  recom- 
mended them  to  the  churches  previously  to  their  preaching 
in  them.  In  their  examinations,  they  have  carefully  en- 
quired into  their  knowledge  in  divinity,  their  experimental 
acquaintance  with  religion,  their  ministerial  gifts  and  quali- 
fications, and  have  paid  a  special  attention  to  their  morals. 
and  good  character.  Hence  these  churches  have  been 
distinguished  and  singularly  happy  in  a  learned,  pious,  la- 
borious, and  prudent  ministry. 

Donations  About  this  time  a  very  valuable  addition  of  books  was 
the^oj0  ma<*e  to  the  co"c»e  library,  at  Saybrook.  In  1713,  Sir 
le?e.  -John  Da  vie,  ofGroton,  who  had  an  estate  descended  to 
him  in  England,  with  the  title  of  baronet,  gave  a  good  col- 
lection. The  next  year  a  much  greater  donation  was 
made  by  the  generosity  and  procurement  of  Jeremiah 
Dummer,  Klsij.  of  Boston.  He  was  then  in  London,  iu 
the  capacity  of  an  agent  for  several  of  the  New-England 
colonies.  He  sent  over  above  800  volumes.  About  120 
of  them  were  procured  at  his  own  charge.  The  rest  wen 
from  principal  gentlemen  in  England,  through  his  solicits- 


:. 

CHAP.  XIX.  CONNECTICUT.  iut 

tion  and  influence.     Particularly  from    Sir  Isaac  Newton,  BOOK   I. 
Sir  Richard  Blackmore,  Sir  Richard  Steele.  Doctors  Bur-  \-^>^v^ 
net,  Halley,  Benlley,  Kennet,  Calamy,  and  Edwards;  and    1713. 
from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Henry  and  Mr.  Whiston.     These  sev- 
erally gave  a  collection  of  their  own  works,  and  governor 
Vale  put  in  about  40  volumes.     The  library  MOW  consisted 
of  about  nine  hundred  volumes. 

From  1702  to   1713  inclusively,  forty  six  young  gentle- Number 
men  were  graduated,  at  Saybrook.     Of  these,   thirty  four  graduated 
became  ministers  of  the  gospel,  and  two  were  elected  ma-  j^ -Before 
gistrates.     Notwithstanding  the  infant  state  of  the  college,  the  year 
numbers  of  them,  through  their  native   strength  of  genius  1714. 
and  the  instructions  of  those  excellent  tutors,  Mr.  John 
Hart  and   Mr.    Phineas  Fisk,  became  excellent  scholars, 
and  shone  not  only  as  distinguished  lights  in  the  churches, 
but  made  a  figure  in  the  republic  of  letters.     Seven  of  them 
afterwards   were    fellows  of  the  college,  at  New-Haven  ; 
and  another  of  them  was  that  excellent  man,  the   Rever- 
end Jonathan  Dickinson,  .president  of  the  college  in  New- 
Jersey. 

The  number  of  ordained  ministers  in  the  colony,  this  Number  of 
year,  exclusive  of  those  in  the  towns  under  the  govern-  or 
«ient  of  Massachusetts,  was  forty  three.  Upon  the  low- 
est  computation  there  was  as  much  as  one  ordained  minis- 
ter to  every  four  hundred  persons,  or  to  every  'eighty  fami- 
lies. It  does  not  appear,  that  there '  was  one  bereaved 
church  in  the  colony.  Besides,  there  were  a  considerable 
number  of  candidates  preaching  in  the  new  towns  and  par- 
ishes, in  which  churches  were  not  yet  formed.  At  or  a- 
bout  this  time,  Mr.  Thomas  Towsey  began  to  preach  at 
Newtown,  Mr.  Joseph  Meacham  at  Coventry,  Mr.  John 
Bliss  at  Hebron,  and  Mr.  John  Fisk  at  Killingly,  at  which 
places  churches  were  soon  after  gathered  and  those  gen- 
tlemen ordained.  Several  other  candidates  were  preach- 
ing in  other  places. 


492 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XIX. 


A  Catalogue  of  the  ministers  of  Connecticut,  from  J630,  to  1713, 

inclusively. 


COUNTY  OF  HARTFORD. 


Minister's  Names. 

Names  of  towns. 

Ordained  or 
Installed. 

Died  or 
Removed. 

Thomas  Hooker            ^ 

Oct.   11,  1633 

July,               1647 

Samuel  Stone 

, 

do.          do. 

July  20,         1663 

Joseph  Haynes 

May  24,         1679 

Samuel  Whiting 

Hartford 

Mr.            Foster 

1st  church 

Timothy  Woodbridge 

Nov.  18,  1685 

April  30,        1732 

Samuel  Whiting          ) 

Ctrl   An 

1669 

1709 

Tho's  Buckingham     $ 

-»»  I    UV. 

Nov.  19,          1731 

John  Warham 

April  1,           1670 

Ephraim  Hewet 

Windsor 

1639 

Sept.  4,          1644 

Samuel  Mather 

1682 

March  18,      1726 

Timothy  Edwards* 

2d  church 

Maj',          1694 

Jan.  27,           1758 

Henry  Smith 

1641 

Jonathan  Russell 

Gershom  Bulkleyf 
Joseph  Rowlandsonf      j 

Weathersfield 

Inst.          16CG 
Inst. 

S  L)is.         1667  / 
£  Died       1713$ 

John  Woodbridge 

Inst.           1679 

Stephen  Mix 

Ord.          1694 

Aug.  38,         1738 

Roger  Newton                i 

Oct.  13,    1652 

Removed,     1657 

Samuel  Hooker 

Farrnington 

July          1661 

Nov.  6,           1697 

Samuel  Whitman           ) 

Dec.  10,    1706 

William  Burnham 

Kensington  £d  ch 

Dec.  10,    1712 

Nathaniel  Collins             ? 
Noadiah  Russell              £ 

Middletown*J 

Nov.  4,     1668f 
Oct.  4,       1688 

Dec.  18,         1684 

Timothy  Stevens 

Glastenbury 

Oct.           1693 

April  16,        1725 

Joseph  Peck 
John  Southmayd 

Waterbury 

Aug.  26,    1669f 
May  30,    1705 

June  7,           1699 

Dudley  Woodbridge 
Timothy  Woodbridge 

Simsbury 

March  3,  1696 
1712 

Aug.  3,          1710 
Aug.  28,         1742 

Jeremiah  Hobart^ 

Haddam 

Nov.  14,   1700f 

Died  Nov.  6,  1715 

As  the  gathering,  or  forming  of  the  churches,  as  far  as  can  be  found,  was  universal- 
ly on  the  day  of  ordination,  no  column  is  made  to  certify  the  time  of  their  formation  ; 
bat  wherever  this  mark  t  is  set  after  the  figures  expressing  the  time  of  ordination,  it 
gives  notice  that  the  church  was  formed  at  the  same  time. 

*Mr.  Edwards  was  nearly  sixty-four  years  in  the  ministry,  and  able  to  preach  un- 
til he  was  about  84  years  of  age. 

tMr.  Bulkley  was  son  of  the  Rev.  Peter  Bulkley,  of  Concord,  in  Massachusetts, 
and  a  gentleman  of  a  very  eminent  character.  It  is  thus  given  upon  his  monument : 
*'  Who  was  of  rare  abilities,  extraordinary  industry,  excellent  in  learning,  master  of 
many  languages,  exquisite  in  his  skill  in  divinity,  physic  and  law,  and  of  a  most  exem- 
plary and  Christian  life."  By  reason  of  infirmity  he  resigned  the  ministry  many  years 
before  his  death. 

^  Mr.  Rowlandson,  the  fourth  minister  of  Weathersfield,  removed  from  Lancaster, 
in  Massachusetts,  after  that  town  was  burnt  by  the  Indians,  in  1676. 

*tMr.  Samuel  Stow  preached  some  year»  at  Middletown,  but  as  he  was  dismissed 
'before  the  church  was  gathered,  he  is  not  reckoned  in  the  list  of  its  ministers. 

$  The  Rev.  Mr.  Hobart  was  first  ordained  at  Topsfield,  in  Massachusetts.  Thence 
he  removed  to  Long-Island,  and  afterwards  to  Haddam,  jvhere  he  died  in  the  min- 
istry, at  a  very  advanced  age.  Before  him,  Mr.  Nkholas  Noyes  preached  thirteen 


CHAP.  XIX. 


CONNECTICUT. 


493 


Minister's  Names. 

Samuel  Whiting 
John  Bulkley 
Stephen  Hosmer 
Joseph  Coit 
Eleazar  Williams 
Nathaniel  Chauncey 
Samuel  Easterbrook 


John  Davenport 
William  Hook 
Nicholas  Street* 
James  Pierpont 
Peter  Prudden 
Roger  PJfewton 
Samuel  Andrew 
Henry  Whitfield 
John  Higginson 
Joseph  Elliot 
Thomas  Ruggles 
John  Hart 
Abraham  Pierson 
Samuel  Russell 
John  Bowers 
John  James 
Joseph  Moss 
Samuel  Street 
Samuel  Whittelsey 
James  Hemingway 


Named  of  Towns. 

When  ordained,  ' 
or  installed. 

Died,  or  removed- 

Windham 

Dec.  4,      ITOOf 

Sept.  27, 

1725 

Colchester 

Dec.  20,    1703f 

June, 

1731 

Eust-Haddam 

May  3,      1704J 

Plainfield 

Jan.  6,       1706J  ' 

Dismissed, 

1748 

Mansfield 

Oct.  18,    1710J 

Durham 

Feb.  7,      171  If 

Died  Feb.  1, 

1756 

Canterbury 

June  13,   1711 

D.  June  26, 

1727 

COUNTY  OF  NEW-HAVEN. 

1 

:'•                        ilnst.          1639      Removed, 

166-8 

New-Haven 

Ord.          1644 
Ord.          1659 

Di.  Ap.  £2, 

1656 
1674 

J 

July  2,      1685 

Di.  Nov.  22, 

1714 

April  18,  1640 

1656 

( 

Milford 

In.Au.22,1660 

June  7, 

1683 

i 

Nov.  18,  1685 

Jan.  24, 

1733 

^ 

Removed, 

1650 

| 

Guilford 

1664 

Removed, 

May  24, 

1659 
1694 

J 

Nov.  20,  1695 

June  1, 

.1728 

E.Guilford2dS. 

Nov.          1707 

March, 

1732 

| 

Branford 

1644 
March,      1687J 

Removed, 
June  25, 

1665 
1731 

Derby 

WallingfordJ 

1674 
May,        1710 

Jan.  16, 
April  15, 

1717 

1752 

East-Haven 

1707f 

Oct.  7, 

1754 

COUNTY  OF  NEW-LONDON. 


1648 

Oct.  5,   1670 
Nov.  25,  1691 
Feb.     1709 

Removed,   1660 
Died,      168S 
Rem.  Jan.  1707 
Died,  April,  1753 

Richard  Blynman 
Gershom  Bulkley 

Simon  Bradstreett          J.  New-London 
Gurdon  Saltonstall 
Eliphalet  Adams 

years  in  the  town  ;  but  during  this  time  no  church  was  formed  ;  and  he  left  the  town, 
and  was  afterwards  Ordained  to  the  pastoral  office  in  a  church  at  Salem,  in  Massa- 
chusetts. 

*  After  the  removal  of  Mr.  Davenport,  Mr.  Street  continued  the  only  instructor  of 
the  church  until  his  death;  and  after  his  decease  the  church  and  people  were  eleven 
years  without  a  pastor.  A  great  variety  of  preachers  were  invited  into  the  town,  but 
none  could  unite  them  until  Mr.  Pierpont  was  called.  Under  his  ministry  they  enjoy- 
ed great  peace,  and  were  edifled. 

J  The  committee  of  New-Haven  for  settling  the  town  of  Wallingford,  for  the  safety 
of  the  church,  obliged  the  undertakers,  and  all  the  successive  planters,  to  subscribe  the 
following  engagement,  viz.  u  He  or  they  shall  not  by  any  means  disturb  the  church, 
when  settled  there,  in  their  choice  of  minister  or  ministers,  or  other  church  officers  ;  or 
in  any  of  their  other  church  rights,  liberties  or  administrations  ;  nor  shall  withdraw 
<iue  maintenance  from  such  ministry."  This  shows  how  strongly  the  churches  in  thi* 
part  of  the  colony  were,  at  that  time,  opposed  to  towns  and  parishes  having  any  thing 
to  do  in  the  choice  of  a  minister,  or  in  any  church  affairs. 

t  There  seems  to  have  been  no  church  formed  in  New-London  until  the  ordination 
of  Mr.  Bradstreet,  and  it  is  probable  that  neither  Mr.  Blynman  nor  Mr.  Bulkley 
.installed  or  ordaiaedin  the  town, 


494 


HISTORY  OF 


CHAP.  XIX. 


Minister's  Names. 

.Yames  of  Towns. 

When  ordained, 
or  installed. 

Died,  or  rcmov.'- 

James  Fitch                    ? 

C*          l~            1 

Thomas  Buckingham     $ 

Saybrook 

James  Noyes:): 

Sfonington 

Sept.  10,  1674f 

D.Dec.  SO,   1719 

James  Fitch 

ivr       •  i 

1660 

1702 

John  Woodward 

ii  OrWICll 

Dec.  6,      1699 

Dis.Sept.13,  1716 

John  Woodbridge 

1666 

Rem.  to  W.  167!) 

Abraham  Pierson 

Killing  worth 

Inst.          1694 

Died  May  5,  1707 

Jared  Elliott 

Oct.  26,    1709 

April  22,        1763 

Ephraim  Woodbridge 

Groton 

Nov.  8,     1714 

1724 

Moses  Noyes                  ? 
Samuel  Pierpont^           $ 

Lyme 

1693f 
Dec.  10,   1724 

March,           17£5 

Salmon  Treat 

Preston                  Nov.  16,   1698 

Res.  Mar.  14,  1744 

Joseph  Parsons               > 

T     1 

Nov.  27,   1700 

Dismissed     1708 

Samuel  Wells                 $ 

ueocinon 

Dec.  5,      1711 

1722 

Mr.  Jonesf 
Samuel  Wakeman 
Joseph  Webb 
Adam  Blackman 
Israel  Chauncey 
Timothy  Cutler 
Uachariuh  Walker 
Richard  Den  ton  [| 
John  Bishop 
John  Davenport 
Thomas  Hanford 
Stephen  Buckingham 
Joseph  Morgan 
Seth  Shove. 
Zachariah  Walker 
John  BowerslI 


COUNTY  OF  FA1RFIELD. 


!  Fair  field 


Stratford 
2d  church 
Stamford 


Norwalk 

Greenwich 
Danbury 
Woodbury 
Rye 


Sept.  30,  1665 

March  8,   1692 

Aug.  15,  1694 

Sept.  19,    1732 

1640f 

Died,      1665 

1665 

March  14,  1722 

Jan.  11,  1709 

RtoY.C.  1719 

R.  to  Woodbury 

1641 

Removed,  1644 

1644 

Died,      1694 

1694 

D.  Feb.  5,  1731 

1654 

Nov.  17,  1697 

Res.  Feb.  24,  1727 

Oct.  13,  1697f 

Oct.  S,     1735 

May  S,   1670 

Ministers  within  the  boundaries  of  Connecticut,  but  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachu- 


Nathaniel  Collins** 
Benjamin  Ruggles 
Josiah  Dwight 


Enfield  1697|    Res.  died,     1707 

Suffield  May,         1698  j    Sept.  5,          170? 

Woodstock 

Within  the  boundaries  of  the  colony,  including  those  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
Massachusetts,  there  were  forty-six  churches,  which  had  been  illuminated  with 
about  ninety  ministers.  The  churches  enjoyed  peace,  and  increased  in  num- 
bers, knowledge  and  beauty. 

^  The  Rev.  Mr.  Noyes  preached  at  Stoningtorf  more  than  ten  years  before  his  ordi- 
nation. It  appears  by  the  church  records,  that  he  preached  in  the  town  55  years  and 
6  months. 

{  Mr.  Pierpont,  returning  from  a  visit  which  he  had  made  his  friends,  at  New-Hav- 
en, was  drowned  in  Connecticut  river,  March,  1725.  H*e  attempted  to  cross  the  river 
in  a  canoe,  but  an  unexpected  gust  of  wind  arose,  by  which  it  was  overset.  His  body 
wafted  to  Fisher's  Island,  where  jt  was  taken  up  and  buried. 

tMr".  Jones  was  t-piscopally  ordajned  in  England,  and  came  into  this  country  at  an 
early  period,  but  as  the  first  records  of  F airfield  were  burnt,  no  particular  account  can 
be  given  of  his  installation,  or  the  time  of  his  death. 

||  Mr.  Dentoii  died  at  Hampstead,  upon  Long-Island,  about  the  year  1663,  where  he 
left  posterity. 

1  Mr.  Bowers  removed  from  Derby,  and  settled  at  Rye,  about  the  year  1688.  Mr- 
Webb  then  preached  at  Derby  about  twelve  years,  but  was  not  ordained. 

**  Mr.  Colling,  after  laboring  more  than  twenty  years  at  Enfield,  resigned  his  minis- 
try in  that  place,  but  preached  to  other  congregations,  and  continued  in  it  until  his  death. 


APPENDIX. 


ORIGINAL  PAPERS 

ILLUSTRATING  THE  PRECEDING  HISTORY. 

NUMBER  I. 

T/ie  old  patent  of  Connecticut,   1631. 

To  all  people,  unto  whom  this  present  writing  shall  come, 
Robert,  Earl  of  Warwick,  sendeth  greeting,  in  our  LORD 
GOD  everlasting. 

KNOW  ye,  that  the  said  Robert,  Earl  of  Warwick,  for 
divers  good  causes  and  considerations  him  thereunto 
moving,  hath  given,  granted,  bargained,  sold,  enfeoffed,  alien- 
ed, and  confirmed,  and  by  these  presents  doth  give,  grant,  bar- 
gain, sell,  enfeoff,  aliene,  and  confirm,  unto  the  right  honorable 
William,  Viscount  Say  and  Seal,  the  right  honorable  Robert, 
Lord  Brook,  the  right  honorable  Lord  Rich,  and  the  honora- 
ble Charles  Fiennes,  Esq.  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  Knt.  Sir  Rich- 
ard Saltonstall,  Knt.  Richard  Knightly,  Esq.  John  Pym,  Esq. 
John  Hampden,  John  Humphrey,  Esq.  and  Herbert  Pelham, 
Esq.  their  heirs  and  assigns,  and  their  associates  forever,  all 
that  part  of  New-England,  in  America,  which  lies  and  extends 
itself  from  a  river  there  called  Narraganset  river,  the  space  of 
forty  leagues  upon  a  straight  line  near  the  sea  shore  towards 
the  southwest,  .west  and  by  south,  or  west,  as  the  coast  lieth  to- 
wards Virginia,  accounting  three  English  miles  to  the  league; 
and  also  all  and  singular  the  lands  and  hereditaments  whatso- 
ever, lying  and  being  within  the  lands  aforesaid,  north  and 
south  in  latitude  and  breadth,  and  in  length  and  longitude  of 
and  within,  all  the  breadth  aforesaid,  throughout  the  main 
iands  there,  from  the  western  ocean  to  the  south  sea,  and  all 
lands  and  grounds,  place  and  places,  soil,  wood,  and  woods, 
grounds,  havens,  ports,  creeks  and  rivers,  waters,  fishings,  and 
hereditaments  whatsoever,  lyino;  wM'in  the  said  ?pace,  and 


496  APPENDIX. 

every  part  and  parcel  thereof.  And  also  all  islands  lying  ir. 
America  aforesaid,  in  the  said  seas,  or  either  of  them,  on  the 
western  or  eastern  coasts,  or  parts  of  the  said  tracts  of  lands, 
by  these  presents  mentioned  to  be  given,  granted,  bargained, 
sold,  enfeoffed,  aliened,  and  confirmed,  and  also  all  mines  and 
minerals,  as  well,  royal  mines  of  gold  and  silver,  as  other 
mines  and  minerals  whatsoever,  in  the  said  land  and  premis- 
es, or  any  part  thereof,  and  also  the  several  rivers  within  the 
said  limits,  by  what  name  or  names  soever  called  or  known, 
and  all  jurisdictions,  rights,  and  royalties,  liberties,  freedoms, 
immunities,  powers,  privileges,  franchises,  preeminencies,  and 
commodities  whatsoever,  which  the  said  Robert,  Earl  of  War- 
wick, now  hath  or  had,  or  might  use,  exercise,  or  enjoy,  in  or 
within  any  part  or  parcel  thereof,  excepting  and  reserving  to 
his  majesty,  his  heirs,  and  successors  the  fifth  part  of  all  gold 
and  silver  ore,  that  shall  be  found  within  the  said  premises,  or 
any  part  or  parcel  thereof:  To  HAVE  and  to  HOLD  the  said  part 
of  New-England  in  America,  which  lies  and  extends  and  is  a- 
butled  as  aforesaid.  And  the  said  several  rivers  and  every 
part  and  parcel  thereof,  and  all  the  said  islands,  rivers,  ports, 
havens,  waters,  fishings,  mines,  minerals,  jurisdictions,  pow- 
ers, franchises,  royalties,  liberties,  privileges,  commodities, 
hereditaments  and  premises,  whatsoever  with  the  appurtenan- 
ces, unto  the  said  William,  Viscount  Say  and  Seal,  Robert, 
Lord  Brook,  Robert,  Lord  Rich,  Charles  Fiennes,  Sir  Nathan- 
iel Rich,  Sir  Richard  Saltonstail,  Richard  Knightly,  John 
Pym,  John  Hampden,  John  Humphrey  and  Herbert  Pelham, 
their  heirs  and  assigns  and  their  associates,  to  the  only  proper 
and  absolute  use  and  behoof  of  them  the  said  William,  Vis- 
count Say  and  Seal.  Robert,  Lord  Brook,  Robert,  Lord  Rich,' 
Charles  Fiennes,  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  Sir  Richard  Saltonstail, 
Richard  Knightly,  John  Pym,  John  Hampden,  John  Hum- 
phrey, and  Herbert  Pelham,  their  heirs  and  assigns,  and  their 
associates  for  ever  more.  In  witness  whereof  the  said  Robert, 
Earl  of  Warwick,  hath  hereunto  set  his  hand  and  seal,  the 
nineteenth  day  of  March,  in  the  seventh  year  of  the  reign  of 
our  sovereign  Lord  Charles,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  King  of 
England,  Scotland,  France  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith, 
&c.  Annoq.  Domini,  1631. 

Signed,  sealed,  and  delivered*  in  the  presence  of 

WALTER  WILLIAMS. 

THOMAS  HOWSON. 

ROBERT  WARWICK.  A  Seal. 


APPENDIX.  497 


NUMBER  IT. 


.T/r.  Winthrop'1  s  commission  to  erect  a  fort  at  the  mouth  of  Con- 
necticut river,  with  articles  of  agreement  between  him  and  their 
lordships  Say  and  Seal,  Brook,  $-c.  1635. 

KNOW  all  men,  by  these  presents,  that  we,  Arthur  Hassel- 
ring,  Baronet,  Sir  Richard  Saltonstall,  Knt.  Henry  Lawrence, 
Henry  Darley,  and  George  Fenwick,  Esquires,  in  our  own 
names,  and  in  the  name  of  the  right  honorable  Viscount  Say 
and  Seal,  Robert,  Lord  Brook,  and  the  rest  of  our  company, 
do  prdain  and  constitute  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  the  younger, 
governor  of  the  river  Connecticut,  with  the  places  adjoining 
thereunto,  for,  and  during  the  space  of  one  whole  year,  after 
his  arrival  there,  giving  him,  from  and  under  us,  full  power 
and  authority,  to  do  and  execute  any  such  lawful  act  and 
thing,  both  in  respect  of  the  place  and  people,  as  also  of  the 
affairs  we  have,  or  shall  have  there,  as  to  the  dignity  or  office 
of  a  governor  doth,  or  may  appertain.  In  witness  whereof 
we  have  hereunto  put  our  hands  and  seals,  this  18th  day  of 
July,  1635. 

RICHARD  SALTONSTALL,  ARTHUR  HASSELRING, 

HENRY  LAWRENCE,  GEORGE  FENWICK, 

HENRY  DARLEY. 
Five  seals  appendant,  impressed  in  one  large  piece  of  wax. 

Articles  made  between  the  right  honorable  the  lord  Viscount  Say 

and  Seal,   Sir  Arthur  Hasselring,  Baronet,  Sir  Richard  Sal- 

tonstall, Knight,  Henry  Lawrence,  Henry  Darley,  and  George 

Fenwick,  Esquires,  on  the  one  part,  and  John  Winthrop,  Esq. 

the  younger,  of  the  other,  the  1th  July,  1635. 

First,  That  we,  in  our  names,  and  the  rest  of  the  company, 

do  by  these  presents  appoint   John  Winthrop,   the  younger, 

governor  of  the  river  Connecticut,  in  New-England,  and  of  the 

harbour  and  places  adjoining,  for  the  space  of  one  year,  from 

his  arrival  there.     And  the   said  John  Winthrop  doth  under- 

take and  covenant  for  his  part,  that  he  will,  with  all  conven- 

ient speed,  repair  to  those  places,  and  there  abide  as  afore- 

said for  the  best  advancement  of  the  company's  service. 

Secondly,  That  so  soon  as  he  comes  to  the  bay,  he  shall  en- 
deavour to  provide  able  men  to  the  number  of  fifty,  at  the  least, 
for  making  of  fortifications,  and  building  of  houses  at  the  river 
Connecticut,  and  the  harbour  adjoining,  first  for  their  own 
present  accommodations,  and  then  such  nouses  as  may  receive 
m.en  of  quality,  which  latter  houses  we  would  have  to  be  build- 
<?d  within  the  fort. 

N  ?, 


APPENDIX. 

Thirdly,  That  he  shall  employ  those  men.  according  to  his 
best  ability,  for  the  advancement  of  the  company's  service,  es- 
pecially in  the  particulars  abovementioned,  during  the  time  of 
his  government;  and  shall  also  give  a  true  and  just  account  of 
all  the  monies  and  goods  committed  to  his  managing. 

Fourthly,  That  for  such  as  shall  plant  there  now,  in  the  be- 
ginning, he  shall  take  care  that  they  plant  themselves  either  at 
the  harbour,  or  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  that  these  places 
may  be  the  better  strengthened  for  their  own  safety,  and  to 
that  end,  that  they  also  set  down  in  such  bodies  together,  as 
they  may  be  most  capable  of  an  entrenchment ;  provided  that 
there  be  reserved"  unto  the  fort,  for  the  maintenance  of  it,  one 
thousand  or  fifteen  hundred  acres,  at  least,  of  good  ground,  a? 
near  adjoining  thereunto  as  may  be. 

Fifthly,  That  forasmuch  as  the  service  will  take  him  off  from 
his  own  employment,  the  company  do  engage  themselves,  to 
give  him  a  just  and  due  consideration  for  the  same.  In  wit- 
ness whereof  we  have  interchangeably  hereunto  subscribed  ouv 
names. 

W.  SAY  and  SEAL,  GEORGE  FENWICK, 

HENRY  LAWRENCE,  ARTHUR  HASSELRING, 

RICHARD  SALTONSTALC,        HENRY  DARLEY. 

NUMBER  III, 

The  original  constitution  of  Connecticut,  formed  by  voluntartf 
compact,  1639. 

FORASMUCH  as  it  hath  pleased  the  Almighty  GOD,  by  the 
wise  disposition  of  his  divine  providence,  so  to  order  and  dis- 
pose of  things,  that  we  the  inhabitants  and  residents  of  Wind- 
sor, Hartford,  and  Weathersfield,  are  now  cohabiting,  and 
dwelling  in  and  upon  the  river  Connecticut,  and  the  lands 
thereunto  adjoining,  and  well  knowing  where  a  people  are  gatb- 
ered  together,  the  word  of  GOD  requireth  that,  to  maintain  the 
peace  and  union  of  such  a  people,  there  should  be  an  orderly 
and  decent  government  established  according  to  GOD,  to  order 
and  dispose  of  the  affairs  of  the  people  at  all  seasons,  as  occa- 
sion should  require ;  do  therefore  associate  and  conjoin  our- 
selves to  be  as  one  public  STATE  or  COMMONWEALTH  ;  and  do, 
for  ourselves  and  our  successors,  and  such  as  shall  be  adjoin- 
ed to  us  at  any  time  hereafter,  enter  into  combination  and  con- 
federation together,  to  maintain  and  preserve  the  liberty  and 
purity  of  the  gospel  of  our  LORD  JESUS,  which  we  now  pro- 
fess, as  also  the  discipline  of  the  churches,  which,  according  to 
the  truth  of  said  gospel,  is  now  practised  amongst  us  ;  as  also 
in  our  civil  affairs  to  be  guided  and  governed  according  to  such. 


APPENDIX,  49S 

laws,  rules,  orders,  and  decrees,  as  shall  be  made,  ordered,  and 
decreed,  as  followeth : 

I.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  there  shall  bo 
yearly  two  general  assemblies  or  courts,  the  one  on  the  second 
Thursday  of  April,  the  other  the  second  Thursday  of  Septem- 
ber following  :  The  first  shall  be  called  the  COURT  of  ELEC- 
TION, wherein  shall  be  yearly  chosen,  from  time  to  time,   so 
many  magistrates  and  other  public  officers,  as  shall  be  found 
requisite,  whereof  one  to  be  chosen  governor  for  the  year  en- 
suing, and  until  another  be  chosen,  and  no  other  magistrate  to 
be  chosen  for  more  than  one  year;  provided  always,  there  be 
aix  chosen  besides  the  governor,  which  being  chosen  and  sworn 
according  to  an  oath  recorded  for  that  purpose,  shall  have 
power  to  administer  justice  according  to  the  laws  here  estab- 
lished, and  for  want  thereof  according  to  the  rule  of  the  word 
of  God  ;  which  choice  shall  be  made  by  all  that  are  admitted 
freemen,  and  have  taken  the  oath  of  fidelity,   and  do  cohabit 
within  this  jurisdiction,  having  been  admitted  inhabitants  by 
ihe  major  part  of  the  town  where  they  live,  or  the  major  part 
of  such  as  shall  be  -thea  present. 

II.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  the  election, 
of  the  aforesaid  tnagistrates  shall  be  in  this  manner ;  every 
person  present  and  qualified  for  choice,  shall  bring  in  (to  the 
persons  deputed  to  receive  them)  one  single  paper,  with  the 
name  of  him  written  on  it  whom  he  desires  to  have  governor, 
and  he  that  hath  the  greatest  number  of  papers  shall  be  gover- 
nor for  that  year  :  And  the  rest  of  the  magistrates  or  public 
officers  to  be  chosen  in  this  manner;  the  secretary  for  the  time 
being,  shall  first  read  the  names  of  all  that  are  to  be  put  to 
•choice,  and  then  shall  severally  nominate  them  distinctly,  and 
every  one  that  would  have  the  person  nominated  to  be  chosea 
shall  bring  in  one  single  paper  written  upon,  and  he  that  would 
not  have  him  chosen  shall  bring  in  a  blank,  and  every  one  that 
has  more  written  papers  than  blanks,  shall  be  a  magistrate  for 
.that  year,  which  papers  shall  be  received  and  told  by  one  or 
more  that  shall  be  then  chosen,  by  the  court,  and  sworn  to  be 
faithful  therein;  but  in  case  there  should  not  be  six  persons  as 
aforesaid,  besides  the  governor,  out  of  those  which  are  nomi- 
nated, then  he  or  they  which  have  the  most  written  papers, 
shall  be  a  magistrate  or  magistrates  for  the  ensuing  year,  to 
make  up  the  albres;aid  number. 

III.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  the  secreta- 
ry shall  not  nominate  any  person  new,   nor  shall  any  person 
be  chosen  newly  into  the  magistracy,  which  was  not  propound- 
ed in  some  general  court  before,  to  be  nominated  the  next  elec- 
tion :  And  to  that  end  it  shall  be  lawful  for  each  of  the  town* 
aforesaid,  by  their  deputies,  to  nominate  any  two  whom 


500  APPENDIX. 

conceive  fit  to  be  put  to  election,  and  the  court  may  add  so  ma- 
ny more  as  they  judge  requisite. 

IV.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  no  person  be 
chosen  governor  above  once  in  two  years,  and  that  the  gover- 
nor be  always  a  member  of  some  approved  congregation,  and 
formerly  of  the  magistracy  within  this  jurisdiction,  and  all  the 
magistrates  freemen  of  this  commonwealth  ;  and  that  no  mag- 
istrate or  other  public  officer,  shall  execute  any  part  of  his  or 
their  office  before   they  are  severally  sworn,   which  shall  be 
done  in  the  face  of  the  court  if  they  be  present,  and  in  case  of 
absence,  by  some  deputed  for  that  purpose. 

V.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  to  the  afore- 
said court  of  election,  the  several  towns  shall  send  their  depu- 
ties, and  when  the  elections  are  ended  they  may   proceed  in 
any  public  service,  as  at  other  courts;  also,  the  other  general 
court  in  September,  shall  be  for  making  of  laws,  and  any  other 
public  occasion  which  concerns  the  good  of  the  common- 
wealth. 

VI.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  the  gover- 
nor shall,  either  by  himself  or  by  the  secretary,  send  out  sum- 
mons to  the  constables  of  every  town,  for  the  calling  of  those 
two  standing  courts,  one  month  at  least,  before  their  several 
times;  and  also,  if  the  goverriQr  and  the  greatest  part  of  the 
magistrates  see  cause,  upon  any  special  occasion,    to  call  a 
general  court,  they  may  give  order  to  the  secretary  so  to  do, 
within  fourteen  days  warning ;  and  if  urgent  necessity  so  re- 
quire,   upon  a  shorter  notice,    giving  sufficient  grounds 'for  it 
to  the  deputies  when  they  meet,  or  else  be  questioned  for  the 
same,     And  if  the  governor,  or  major  part  of  the  magistrates, 
shall  either  neglect  or  refuse  to  call  the  two  general  standing 
courts,  or  either  of  them,  as  also  at  other  times  when  the  oc- 
casions of  the  commonwealth  require,  the  freemen  thereof,  or 
the  major  part  of  them,  shall  petition  to  them  so  to  do  ;  if  then 
it  be  either  denied  or  neglected,  the  said  freemen,  or  the  ma- 
jor part  of  them,  shall  have  power  to  give  order  to  the  consta- 
bles of  the  several  towns  to  do  the  same,  arid  so  may  meet  to- 
gether and  choose  to  themselves  a  moderator,  and  may  pro- 
ceed to  do  any  act  of  power  which  any  other  general  courts 
may. 

VII.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  after  there 
are  warrants  given  out  for 'any  of  the  said  general  courts,  the 
constable*  or  constables  of  each  town,  shall  forthwith  give  no- 
ti  e  distinctly  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  same,  in  some  public 
assembly,  or  by  going  qr  sending  from  house  to  house,  that  at 
a  place  and  time  by  him  or  them   limited  and  set,   they  meet 
and  assemble  themselves  together,  to  elect  and  choose  certain 
fiiepulies  to  be  at  the  general  cot^t  t'ren  following,  to  agitate 


APPENDIX.  501 

the  affairs  of  the  commonwealth,  which  said  deputies  shall  he 
chosen  by  all  that  are  admitted  inhabitants  in  the  several  towns, 
and  have  taken  the  oath  of  fidelity  ;  provided,  that  none  be 
chosen  a  deputy  for  any  general  court  which  is  not  a  freeman 
of  this  commonwealth :  The  aforesaid  deputy  shall  be  chosen 
in. manner  following;  every  person  that  is  present  and  qualifi- 
ed, as  before  expressed,  shall  bring  the  names  of  such,  written 
on  several  papers,  as  they  desire  to  have  chosen,  .for  that  em- 
ployment ;  and  those  three  or  four,  more  or  less,  being  the 
number  agreed  on  to  be  chosen,  for  that  time,  that  have  the 
greatest  number  of  papers  written  for  them,  shall  be  deputies 
for  that  court ;  whose  names  shall  be  indorsed  on  the  back 
side  of  the  warrant,  and  returned  into  the  court  with  the  con- 
stable or  constables  hand  unto  the  same. 

VIII.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  Windsor, 
Hartford,  and  Weathersneld,  shall  have  power,  each  tmvn,  to 
send  four  of  their  freemen  as  their  deputies,  to  every  general 
court;  and  whatsoever  other  towns  shall  be  hereafter  added  to 
this  jurisdiction,  they  shall  send  so  many  deputies  as  the  court 
shall  judge  meet;  a  reasonable  proportion  to  the  number  of 
freemen  that  are  in  said  towns, 4>eing  to  be  atte?)ded  therein  : 
which  deputies  shall  have  the  power  of  the  whole  town  to  give 
their  votes,  and  allowance  to  all  such  laws  and  orders,  as  may 
be  for  the  public  good,  and  unto  which  the  said  towns  are  to 
be  bound. 

IX.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  the  deputies 
thus  chosen,   shall  have  power  and  liberty  to  appoint  a  time 
and  a  place  of  meeting  together,  before  any  general  court,  to 
advise  and  consult  of  all  'such  things  as  may  concern  the  good 
of  the  public  ;  as  also  to  examine  their  own  elections,  whether 
according  to  the  order ;  and  if  they  or  the  greatest  part  of  them 
find  any  election  to  be  illegal,  they  may  seclude  such  for  the 
present  from  their  meeting,  and  return  the  same  and  their  rea- 
sons to  the  court ;  and  if  it  prove  true,  the  court  may  fine  the 
party  or  parties  so  intruding  upon  the  town,  if  they  see  cause, 
and  give  out  a  warrant  to  go  to  a  new  election  in  a  legal  way, 
either  in  part  or  in  whole ;  also  the  said  deputies  shall  have 
power  to  fine  any  that  shall  be  disorderly  at  their  meeting,  or 
ibr  not  coming  in  due  time  or  place,  according  to  appointment ; 
and  they  may  return  said  fine  into  the  court,  if  it  be  refused  to 
be  paid,  and  the  treasurer  to  take  notice  of  it,  and  to  estreat  or 
levy  the  same  as  he  doth  other  fines. 

X.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  every  gene- 
ral court  (except'  such  as,  through  neglect  of  the  governor  and 
the  greatest  part  of  the  magistrates,  the  freemen  themselves  do 
call,)  shall  consist  of  the  governor,   or  some   one  chosen  to 
moderate  the  court,  and  four  other  magistrate?  at  least,  wi'h  the 


$02  APPENDIX. 

major  part  of  the  deputies  of  the  several  towns  legally  chosen  : 
and  in  case  the  freemen,  or  the  major  part  of  them,  through 
neglect  or  refusal  of  the  governor  and  major  part  of  the  magis- 
trates, shall  call  a  court,  that  shall  consist  of  the  major  part  of 
the  freemen  that  are  present,  or  their  deputies,  jvith  a  modera- 
tor chosen  by  them  ;  in  which  said  general  court  shall  consist 
the  SUPREME  POWER  of  the  COMMONWEALTH,  and  they  only 
shall  have  power  to  make  laws  or  vepeal  them,  to  grant  levies, 
to  admit  freemen,  to  dispose  of  lands  undisposed  of,  to  several 
towns  or  persons,  and  also  shall  have  power  to  call  other  courts, 
or  magistrate,  or  any  other  person  whatsoever,  into  question 
for  any  misdemeanor ;  and  may  for  just  causes  displace  ordeal 
otherwise,  according  to  the  nature  of  the  offence  ;  and  also  may 
deal  in  any  other  matter  that  concerns  the  good  of  this  com- 
monwealth, except  election  of  magistrates,  which  shall  be  done 
by  the  whole  body  of  freemen  ;  in  w  Uch  court  the  governor 
or  moderator  shall  have  power  to  order  the  court,  to  give  liber- 
ty of  speech,  and  silence  unreasonable  and  disorderly  speak- 
ing, to  put  all  things  to  votet  and  in  case  the  vote  be  equal  to 
have  a  casting  voice ;  but  none  of  these  courts  shall  be  ad- 
journed or  dissolved  without  the  consent  of  the  major  part  oi 
the  court. 

XI.  It  is  ordered,  sentenced,  and  decreed,  that  when  any 
general  court,  upon  the  occasions  of  the  commonwealth,  have 
agreed  upon  any  sum  or  sums  of  money  to  be  levied  upon  the 
several  towns  within  this  jurisdiction,  that  a  committee  be  cho- 
sen to  set  out  and  appoint  what  shall  be  the  proportion  of  eve- 
ry town  to  pay,  of  the  said  levy,  provided  the  committee  be 
made  up  of  an  equal  number  out  of  each  town.  1 4th  January, 
1638.* 

NUMBER  IV. 

The  fundamental  articles,    or  original  constitution  of  the  colony 
of  New- Haven,  June  4th,  1639. 

THE  4th  day  of  the  4th  month,  called  June,  1G39,  all  thf; 
free  planters  assembled  together  in  a  general  meeting,  to  con- 
sult about  settling  civil  government,  according  to  God,  and  the 
nomination  of  persons  that  might  be  found,  by  consent  of  all, 
fittest  in  all  respects  for  the  foundation  work  of  a  church,  which 
was  intended  to  be  gathered  in  Quinipiack.  After  solemn  in- 
vocation of  the  name  of  God,  in  prayer  for  the  presence  and 
help  of  his  spirit  and  grace,  in  those  weighty  businesses,  they 
were  reminded  of  the  business  whereabout  they  met,  (viz.)  for 
the  establishment  of  such  civil  order  as  might  be  most  pleas- 
*  This  as  we  now  date  was  1C39. 


APPENDIX.  503 

ing  unto  God,  and  for  the  choosing  the  fittest  men  for  the 
foundation  work  of  a  church  to  be  gathered.  For  the  better 
enabling  them  to  discern  the  mind  of  God,  and  to  agree  ac- 
cordingly concerning  the  establishment  of  civil  order,  Mr. 
John  Davenport  propounded  divers  queries  to  them  publicly, 
praying  them  to  consider  seriously  in  the  presence  and  fear  of 
God,  the  weight  of  the  business  they  met  abont,  and  not  to  be 
rash  or  slight  in  giving  their  votes  to  things  they  understood 
not ;  but  to  digest  fully  and  thoroughly  what  should  be  pro- 
pounded to  them,  and  without  respect  to  men,  as  they  should 
be  satisfied  and  persuaded  in  their  own  minds,  to  give  their  an- 
swers in  such  sort  as  they  would  be  willing  should  stand  upon 
record  for  posterity. 

This  being  earnestly  pressed  by  Mr.  Davenport,  Mr.  Ro- 
bert Newman  was  in  treated  to  write,  in  characters,  and  to 
read  distinctly  and  audibly,  in  the  hearing  of  all  the  people, 
what  was  propounded  and  accorded  on,  that  it  might  appear, 
that  all  consented  to  matters  propounded,  according  to  words 
written  by  him. 

Query  I.  Whether  the  scriptures  do  hold  forth  a  perfect  rule 
for  the  direction  and  government  of  all  men  in  all  duties  which 
they  are  to  perform  to  God  and  men,  as  well  in  families  and 
commonwealth,  as  in  matters  of  the  church  ?  This  was  assent- 
ed unto  by*  all,  no  man  dissenting,  as  was  expressed  by  hold- 
ing up  of  the  hands.  Afterwards  it  was  read  over  to  them,  that 
they  might  see  in  what  words  their  vote  was  expressed.  They 
again  expressed  their  consent  by  holding  up  their  hands> 
no  man  dissenting. 

Query  II.  Whereas,  there  was  a  covenant  solemnly  made 
by  the  whole  assembly  of  free  planters  of  this  plantation,  the 
first  day  of  extraordinary  humiliation,  which  we  had  after  we 
came  together,  that  as  in  matters  that  concern  the  gathering 
and  ordering  of  a  church,  so  likewise  in  all  public  officers  which 
concern  civil  order,  as  choice  of  magistrates  and  officers,  mak- 
ing and  repealing  laws,  dividing  allotments  of  inheritance,  and 
;«11  tilings  of  like  nature,  we  would  all  of  us  be  ordered  by 
those  rules  which  the  scripture  holds  forth  to  us ;  this  cove- 
nant was  called  a«plantation  covenant,  to  distinguish  it  from  a 
churh  covenant,  which  could  not  at  that  time  be  made,  a 
church  not  being  then  gathered,  but  was  deferred  till  a  church 
might  be  gathered,  according  to  God  :  It  was  demanded 
whether  all  the  free  planters  do  hold  themselves  bound  by  that 
covenant,  in  all  businesses  of  that  nature  which  are  expressed 
in  the  covenant,  to  submit  themselves  to  be  ordered  by  the 
rules  held  forth  in  the  scripture  ? 

This  also  was  assented  unto  by  all,  and  no  man  gainsayed 
it:  and  they  did  testify  the  same  by  holding  up  their  hands,. 


504  APPENDIX. 

both  when  it  was  first  propounded,  and  confirmed  the  same  by 
holding  up  their  hands  when  it  was  read  unto  them  in  public. 
John  Clark  being  absent,  when  the  covenant  was  made,  doth 
now  manifest  his  consent  to  it.  Also,  Richard  Beach,  Andrew 
Law,  Goodman  Banister,  Arthur  Halbriclge,  John  Potter,  Ro- 
bert Hill,  John  Brocket,  and  John  Johnson,  these  persons,  be- 
ing not  admitted  planters  when  the  covenant  was  made,  do  now 
express  their  consent  to  it. 

Query  III.  Those  who  have  desired  to  be  received  as  free 
planters,  and  are  settled  in  the  plantation,  with  a  purpose, 
resolution  and  desire,  ^that  they  may  be  admitted  into  church 
fellowship,  according  to  Christ,  as  soon  as  God  shall  fit  them 
thereunto,  were  desired  to  express  it  by  holding  up  hands. 
Accordingly  all  did  express  this  to  be  their  desire  and  purpose 
by  holding  up  their  hands  twice,  (viz.)  at  the  proposal  of  it, 
and  after  when  these  written  words  were  read  unto  them. 

Quci-y  IV.  All  the  free  planters  were  called  upon  to  express, 
Avhctherthey  held  themselves  bound  to  establish  such  civil  or- 
der as  might  best  conduce  to  the  securing  of  the  purity  and 
peace  of  the  ordinance  to  themselves  and  their  posterity  ac- 
cording to  God  ?  In  answer  hereunto  they  expressed  by  hold- 
ing up  their  hands  twice  as  before,  that  they  held  themselves 
bound  to  establish  such  civil  order  as  might  best  conduce  to 
the  ends  aforesaid.  • 

Then  Mr.  Davenport  declared  unto  them,  by  the  scripture, 
what  kind  of  persons  might  best  be  trusted  with  matters  of  gov- 
ernment; and  by  sundry  arguments  from  scripture  proved  that 
such  men  as  were  described  in  Exod.  xviii.  2,  Deut.  i.  13, 
•with  Deut.  xvii.  15,  and  1  Cor.  vi.  1,  6,  7,  ought  to  be  intrust- 
ed by  them,  seeing  they  were  free  to  cast  themselves  into  that 
mould  and  form  of  commonwealth  which  appeared  best  for 
them  in  reference  to  the  securing  the  peace  and  peaceable  im- 
provement of  all  Christ  his  ordinances  in  the  church  according 
to  God,  whereunto  they  have  bound  themselves,  as  hath  beeu 
acknowledged. 

Having  thus  said  he  sat  down,  praying  the  company  freely  to 
consider,  whether  they  would  have  it  voted  at  this  time  or  not. 
After  some  space  of  silence,  Mr.  Theophilue  Eaton  answered, 
it  might  be  voted,  and  some  others  also  spake  to  the  same 
purpose,  none  at  all  opposing  it.  Then  it  was  propounded  to 
vote. 

Query  V.  Whether  free  burgesses  shall  be  chosen  out  of 
the  church  members,  they  that  are  in  the  foundation  work  of 
the  church  being  actually  free  burgesses,  and  to  choose  to 
themselves  out  of  the  like  estate  of  church  fellowship,  and  the 
power  of  choosing  magistrates  and  officers  from  among  them- 
-elves,  and  the  power  of  making  and  repealing  laws,  ac- 


APPENDIX.  505 

cording  to  the  word,  and  the  dividing  of  inheritances,  and  de- 
ciding of  differences  that  may  arise,  and  all  the  businesses  of 
like  nature  are  to  be  transacted  by  those  free  burgesses?  This 
was  put  to  vote  and  agreed  unto  by  lifting  up  of  hands  twice, 
as  in  the  former  it  was  done.  Then  one  man  stood  up  and  ex- 
pressed his  dissenting  from  the  rest  in  part;  yet  granting,  1. 
That  magistrates  should  be  men  fearing  God.  2.  That  the 
church  is  the  company  where,  ordinarily,  such  men  may  be 
expected.  3.  That  they  that  choose  them  ought  to  be  men 
fearing  God  :  only  at  this  he  stuck,  that  free  planters  ought  not 
to  give  this  power  out  of  their  hands.  Another  stood  Up  and 
answered,  that  nothing  was  done,  but  with  their  consent. 
The  former  answered,  that  all  the  free  planters  ought  to  re- 
sume this  power  into  their -own  hands  again,  if  things  were  not 
orderly  carried.  Mr.  Theophilus  Eaton  answered,  that  in  all 
places  they  choose  committees  in  like  manner.  The  compa- 
nies in  London  choose  the  liveries  by  whom  the  public  magis- 
trates are  chosen.  In  this  the  rest  are  not  wronged,  because 
they  expect,  in  time,  to  be  of  the  livery  themselves,  and  to 
have  the  same  power.  Some  others  intreated  the  former  to 
give  his  arguments  and  reasons  whereupon  he  dissented.  He 
refused  to  do  it,  and  said,  they  might  not  rationally  demand  it, 
seeing  he  let  the  vote  pass  on  freely  and  did  not  speak  till  after 
it  was  past,  because  he  would  not  hinder  what  they  agreed 
upon.  Then  Mr.  Davenport,  after  a  short  relation  of  some 
former  passages  between  them  two  about  this  question,  prayed 
the  company  that  nothing  might  be  concluded  by  them  on  this 
weighty  question,  but  what  themselves  were  persuaded  to  be 
agreeing  with  the  mind  of  God,  and  they  had  heard  what  had 
been  said  since  the  voting;  he  intreated  them  again  to  con- 
sider of  it,  and  put  it  again  to  vote  as  before.  Again  all  of 
them, -by  holding  up  their  hands,  did  show  their  consent  as  be- 
fore. And  some  of  them  confessed  that,  whereas  they  did  wa- 
ver before  they  came  to  the  assembly,  they  were  now  fully 
convinced,  that  it  is  the  mind  of  God.  One  of  them  said  that 
in  the  morning  before  he  carne,  reading  Deut.  xvii.  15,  he  was 
convinced  at  home.  Another  said,  that  he  came  doubting  to 
the  assembly,  but  he  blessed  God,  by  what  had  been  said,  he 
was  now  fully  satisfied,  that  the  choice  of  burgesses  out  of 
church  members,  and  to  instruct  those  with  the  power  before 
spoken  of,  is  according  to  the  mind  of  God  revealed  in  the  scrip- 
tures. All  having  spoken  their  apprehensions,  it  was  agreed 
upon,  and  Mr.  Robert  Newman  was  desired  to  write  it  as  an. 
order  whereunto  every  one  that  hereafter  should  be  admitted 
here  as  planters,  should  submit,  and  testify  the  same  by  sub- 
scribing their  names  to  the  order:  Namely,  that  church  mem-' 
bers  only  shall  be  freo  burgesses,  and  that  they  only  shall 

O  3 


506  APPENDIX. 

choose  magistrates  and  officers  among;  themselves,  to  have 
power  of  transacting  all  the  public  civil  alfairs  of  this  plantation; 
of  making  and  repealing  laws,  dividing  of  inheritance?,  decid- 
ing of  differences  that  may  arise,  and  doing  all  things  and  bu- 
sinesses of  like  nature. 

This  being  thus  settled,  ns  a  fundamental  agreement  con- 
cerning civil  government,  Mr.  Davenport  proceeded  to  pro- 
pound something  to  consideration  about  the  gathering  of  a 
church,  and  to  prevent  the  blemishing  of  the  first  beginnings 
of  the  church  work,  Mr.  Davenport  advised,  that  the  names  of 
such  as  were  to  be  admitted  might  be  publicly  propounded,  to 
the  end  that  they  who  were  most  approved  might  be  chosen  ; 
for  the  town  being  cast  into  several  private  meetings,  wherein 
they  that  lived  nearest  together  gave  their  accounts  one  to  an- 
other of  God's  gracious  work  upon  them,  and  prayed  together 
and  conferred  to  their  mutual  edification,  sundry  of  them  had 
knowledge  one  of  another  ;  and  in  every  meeting  some  one  was 
more  approved  of  all  than  any  other;  for  this  reason,  and  to- 
prevent  scandals,  the  whole  compahy  was  intreatcd  to  consider 
whom  they  found  fittest  to  nominate  for  this  work.. 

Query  VI.  Whether  are  you  all  willing  and  do  agree  in  this, 
that  twelve  men  be  chosen,  that  their  fitness  for  the  foundation 
work  may  be  tried ;  however,  there  may  be  more  named,  yet  it 
may  be  in  their  power  who  are  chosen,  to  reduce  them  to  twelve, 
and  that  it  be  in  the  power  of  those  twelve  to  choose  out  of 
themselves  seven,  that  shall  be  most  approved  of  by  the  majos 
part,  to  begin  the  church  ? 

This  was  agreed  upon  by  consent  of  all,  as  was  expressed 
by  holding  up  of  hands,  and  that  so  many  as  should  be  thought 
lit  for  the  foundation  work  of  the  church,  shall  be  propounded 
by  the  plantation,  and  written  down  and  pass  without  excep- 
tion, unless  they  had  given  public  scandal  or  offence.  Yet  so 
as  in  case  of  public  scandal  or  offence,  every  one  should  have 
liberty  to  propound  their  exception,  at  that  time,  publicly 
against  any  man,  that  should  be  nominated,  when  all  their 
names  should  be  writ  down.  But  if  the  offence  were  private, 
that  men's  names  might4)e  tendered,  so  many  as  were  offend- 
ed were  intteated  to  deal  with  the  offender  privately,  and  if  he 
gave  not  satisfaction,  to  bring  the  matter  to  the  twelve,  that 
hey  might  confer  of  it  impartially  and  in  the  fear  of  God. 


APPENDIX.  507 

NUMBER  V, 

The  first  agreement  with  George  Fenwick^  Esq.  1644. 

Articles  of  agreement  made  and  concluded  betwixt  George 
Fenwick,  Esq.  of  Saybrook  fort,  on  the  one  part,  and  Ed- 
ward Hopkins,  John  Haynes,  John  Mason,  John  Steele,  and 
James  Boosy,  for  and  on  the  behalf  of  the  jurisdiction  of 
Connecticut  river,  on  the  other  part,  the  5th  of  December, 
1644. 

THE  said  George  Fenwick,  Esq.  doth,  by  these  presents, 
convey  and  make  over  to  the  use  and  for  the  behoof  of  the  ju- 
risdiction of  Connecticut  river  aforesaid,  the  fort  at  Saybrook, 
with  the  appurtenances  hereafter  mentioned,  to  be  enjoyed  by 
them  forever.  Two  demiculvering  cast  pieces,  with  all  the 
shot  thereunto  appertaining,  except  fifty,  which  are  reserved 
for  his  own  use;  two  long  saker  cast  pieces,  with  all  the  shot 
thereunto  belonging;  one  murderer,  with  two  chambers  and 
two  hammered  pieces  {  two  barrels  of  gun  powder,  forty  mus- 
kets, with  bandoleers  and  rests,  as  also  four  carabines,  swords, 
and  such  irons  as  are  there  for  a  draw  bridge  ;  one  sow  of  lead, 
and  irons  for  the  carriages  of  ordnance,  and  all  the  housing 
within  the  palisado. 

It  is  also  provided  and  agreed,  betwixt  the  said  parties,  that 
all  the  land  upon  the  river  of  Connecticut  shall  belong  to  the 
said  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut,  and  such  lands  as  are  yet  un- 
disposed of  shall  be  ordered  and  given  out  by  a  committee  of 
five,  whereof  George  Fenwick,  Esq,  aforesaid  is  always  to  be 
one. 

It  is  further  provided  and  agreed,  that  the  town  of  Saybrook 
shall  be  carried  on  according  to  such  agreements,  and  in  that 
way  which  is  already  followed  there,  and  attended  betwixt  Mr. 
Fenwick  and  the  inhabitants  there. 

It  is  also  provided  and  agreed,  betwixt  the  said  parties,  that 
George  Fenwick,  Esq.  shall  have  liberty  to  dwell  in,  or  make 
use  of,  any  or  all  the  housing  belonging  to  the  said  fort,  for 
the  space  of  ten  years  ;  he  keeping  those  which  he  makes  use 
of  in  sufficient  repair,  (extraordinary  casualties  excepted ;) 
and  in  case  he  remove  his  dwelling  to  any  other  place,  that  he 
should  give  half  a  year's  warning  thereof,  that  provision  may 
be  made  accordingly ;  only  it  is  agreed,  that  there  shall  be 
some  convenient  part  of  the  housing  reserved  for  a  gunner, 
and  his  family  to  live  in,  if  the  jurisdiction  see  fit  to  settle  one 
there. 

It  is  further  provided  and  agreed,  betwixt  the  said  parties 
that  George  Fenwick,  Esq.  shall  enjoy  to  his  own  proper  use, 
these  particulars  following: 


508  APPENDIX. 

1st.  The  house  near  adjoining  to  the  wharf,  with  the  wharf 
and  an  acre  of  ground  thereunto  belonging :  provided,  that  the 
said  acre  of  ground  take  not  up  above  eight  rods  in  breadth  by 
the  water  side. 

2d.  The  point  of  land,  and  the  marsh  lying  under  the  barn 
already  built  by  the  said  George  Fen\vick. 

3d.  The  island  commonly  called  six  mile  island,  with  the 
meadow  thereunto  adjoining,  on  the. east  side  the  river. 

4th.  The  ground  adjoining  to  the  town  field,  which  is  alrea- 
dy taken  off  and  inclosed  with  three  rails,  by  the  said  George 
Fenwick;  only  there  is  liberty  granted  to  the  said  jurisdic- 
tion, if  they  see  fit,  to  build  a  fort  upon  the  western  point, 
whereunto  there  shall  be  allowed  an  acre  of  ground  for  a  house 
lot. 

5th.  It  is  also  provided  and  agreed,  that  the  said  George 
Fenwick,  Esq.  shall  have  free  warren  in  his  own  land,  and 
liberty  for  a  floater  for  his  own  occasions  ;  as  also  the  like 
liberty  is  reserved  for  any  others  of  the  adventurers,  that  may 
come  unto  these  parts,  with  a  double  house  lot  in  such  place 
where  they  make  choice  to  settle  their  abode. 

All  the  forementioned  grants  (except  before  exceptBd)  the 
said  George  Feivwick,  Esq.  doth  engage  himself  to  make  good 
to  the  jurisdiction  aforesaid,  against  all  claims  that  may  bo 
made,  by  any  other  to  the  premises  by  reason  of  any  disburse- 
ments made  upon  the  place. 

The  said  George  Fenwick  doth  also  promise,  that  all  the 
lands-from  Narraganset  river  to  the  fort  of  Saybrook,  mention- 
ed in  a  patent  granted  by  the  earl  of  Warwick  to  certain  no- 
bles and  gentlemen,  shall  fall  in  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Con- 
necticut, if  it  come  into  his  power.  For,  and  in  regard  of  the 
premises,  and  other  good  considerations,  the  said  Edward 
Hopkins,  John  Haynes,  John  Mason,  John  Steele,  and  James 
Boosy,  authorized  thereunto,  by  the  general  court  for  the  ju- 
risdiction of  Connecticut,  do,  in  behalf  of  the  said  jurisdiction, 
promise  and  agree,  to  and  with  the  said  George  Fenwick, 
Esquire,  that  for  and  during  the  space  of  ten  full  and  complete 
years,  to  begin  from  the  first  of  March  next  ensuing  the  date 
of  these  presents,  there  shall  he  allowed  and  paid  to  the  said 
George  Fenwick,  or  his  assigns,  the  particular  sums  hereafter 
following. 

1st.  Each  bushel  of  corn,  of  all  sorts,  or  meal,  that  sh'all  pass 
out  of  the  river's  mouth,  shall  pay  twopence  per  bushel. 

2d.  Every  hundred  of  biscuit  that  shall  in  like  manner  pass 
out  of  the  river's  mouth,  shall  pay  six  pence. 

3d.  Each  milk  cow,  and  mare,  of  three  years  or  upwards, 
within  any  of  the  towns  or  farms  upon  the  river,  shall  pay 
twelve  pence  per  annum  during  the  foresaic! 


APPENDIX.  509 

4th.  Each  hog  or  sow,  that  is  killed  by  any  particular  per- 
son, within  the  limits  of  the  river,  and  the  jurisdiction  afore- 
said, to  be  improved  either  for  his  own  particular  use,  or  to 
make  market  of,  shall  in  like  manner  pay  twelve  pence  per 
annum. 

5th.  Each  hogshead  of  beaver,  traded  out  of  this  jurisdic- 
tion, and  passed  by  water  down  the  river,  shall  pay  twenty 
shillings. 

6th.  Each  pound  of  beaver,  traded  within  the  limits  of  the 
river,  shall  pay  two  pence.  Only  it  is  provided,  that  in  case 
the  general  trade  with  the  Indians,  now  in  agitation,  proceed, 
this  tax  upon  beaver,  mentioned  in  this,  and  the  foregoing  ar- 
'ticles,  shall  fall. 

7th.  The  said  committee,  by  the  power  aforesaid,  consent 
and  agree,  to  and  with  the  said  George  Fenwick,  Esq.  that  he, 
the  said  George  Fenwick.  and  his  heirs,  shall  be  free  of  any 
impositions  or  customs,  that  may  hereafter,  by  the  jurisdiction, 
be  imposed  at  the  fort. 

It  is  agreed  that  the  aforesaid  payments  shall  be  made  in 
manner  following  :  What  shall  be  due  from  the  grain  that  is 
exported,  shall  be  paid  in  grain,  according  to  the  proportion 
of  the  several  kinds  of  grain  that  do  pa"ss  away,  at  the  common 
current  price;  neither  attending  such  prices  on  the  one  hand,  that 
the  court  may  set;  nor  yet  on  the  other  hand,  such  as  corn  may  be 
sold  at,  through  the  necessities  of  men  :  And  in  case  of  any 
difference,  then  the  price  shall  be  set  by  two  good  men,  the  one 
chosen  by  Mr.  Fenwick,  and  the  other  by  the  court.  What 
shall  be  due  otherwise,  shall  be  paid  in  beaver,  wampum,  bar- 
ley, wheat  or-pease  :  the  former  consideration  for  the  price,  to 
be  herein  also  attended.  And  it  is  provided  and  agreed,  that 
a  strict  order  and  course  shall  be  taken  in  observing  what 
grain  is  put  aboard  any  vessel  that  goeth  down  the  river,  from 
any  of  the  towns  :  and  due  notice  being  taken  thereof,  every 
boat  or  vessel  shall  be  enjoined  to  take  a  note  of  some  person 
deputed  by  the  court  in  each  town,  what  quantities  and  kinds 
of  grain  are  aboard  the  said  vessel;  and  to  deliver  to  Mr. 
Fenwick,  or  his  assigns,  at  Saybrook,  so  much  as  will  be  duo 
to  him  according  to  the  forementioned  agreements.  And  like- 
wise, for  the  other  payments,  due  care  shall  be  taken,  that  they 
be  made  at  the  place  aforesaid,  in  as  convenient  a  way  as  may 
comfortably  be  attended,  and  that  all  indirect  courses  be  pre- 
vented, whereby  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  these  agree- 
ments may  be  evaded.  In  witness  whereof  the  parties  before 
mentioned  have  hereunto  put  their  hands,  the  day  and  year 
abovesaid.  EDWARD  HOPKINS,  JOHN  HAYNES, 

JOHN  MASON,  JOHN  STEELE, 

GEORGE  FENWICK.  JAMES  Boosv.* 

*  Records  of  fee  colony  of  Connecticut,  folip  vol.11,  pp.  59,  60,61  and  62. 


,9 1Q  APPENDIX. 


NUMBER  VI. 

The  second  agreement  u-ith  George  Fentcick,  Esquire,  February 
17th,  1646. 

• 

IT  was  agreed  betwixt  Edward  Hopkins,  on  the  behalf  of 
George  Fenwick,  Esq.  and  John  Cullick,  John  Talcott,  John 
Porter,  and  Henry  Clark,  James  Boosy,  and  Samuel  Smith,  on 
the  behalf  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Connecticut,  thnt  the  agree- 
ment formerly  made  with  Mr.  Fenwick,  shall  be  afterwards, 
and  what  was  to  be  received  by  him  according  to  that,  reduc- 
ed to  the  terms  hereafter  expressed: — viz.— *There  shall  year- 
ly, for  ten  years,  be  paid  to  Mr.  Fenwick,  or  his  assigns,  one 
hundred  and  eighty  pounds  per  annum,  to  be  paid  every  year 
before  the  last  of  June,  as  it  shall  be  required  by  the  assigns 
of  the  said  George  Fenwick,  either  to  such  vessels  as  shall  be 
appointed,  or  to  such  house  or  houses,  in  Weathersfield  or 
Hartford,  as  he  shall  direct  and  order.  To  be  paid  one  third 
in  good  wheat,  at  4s,  per  bushel ;  one  third  in  pease,  at  3s.  per 
^bushel ;  one  third  in  rye  or  barley,  at  3s.  per  bushel :  And  it 
rye  or  barley  be  not  paid,  then  to  pay  it  in  wheat  and  pease, 
in  an  equal  proportion;  and  this  present  year  some  Indian  corn 
shall  be  accepted ;  but  as  little  as  may  be.  Also,  there  is  to 
be  received  by  the  said  George  Fenwick  what  is  due  from 
Springfield,  for  the  aforesaid  term  often  years.  As  also,  what 
else  may  be  due  upon  the  beaver  trade,  according  to  the  for- 
mer agreement  with  him.  Also,  whereas  the  town  of  Saybrook 
is  to  pay  in  this  sum  of  1801.  for  this  year,  101.  when  that  town 
increaseth,  so  as  they  pay  a  greater  proportion,  in  other  rates, 
in  reference  to  what  these  towns,  Windsor,  Hartford,  Weath- 
ersfield, and  Farmington  do  pay,  they  shall  increase  their  pay 
to  Mr.  Fenwick  accordingly.  Also,  whereas  Mattabeseck 
may  hereafter  be  planted,  they  shall  pay  unto  Mr.  Fenwick  iit 
the  same  proportion  they  pay  other  rates  to  these  towns. 
These  four  towns  being  accounted  at  one  hundred  and  seventy 
pounds.*  EDWARD  HOPKINS, 

JOHN  CULLICK, 
JOHN  TALCOTT. 

*  Records  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  folio  vol.  ii.  p.  63. 


APPENDIX.  511 


NUMBER  VII. 

Petition  to  his  majesty,  King  Charles  If.  1661.  for  charter  privi~ 

leges* 

The  humble  petition  of  the  General  Court,  at  Hartford  upon 

Connecticut,  in  Nevv-Englandrto  the  high  and  mighty  Prince 

Charles  the  second,  humbly  shewing: — 

THAT  whereas  your  petitioners  have  not  had,  for  many 
years  past,  since  their  possession  and  inhabiting  these  western 
and  inland  parts  of  this  wilderness,  any  opportunity,  by  reason 
of  the  calamities  of  the  late  sad  times,  to  seek  for,  and  obtain 
such  grants,  by  letters  patent  from  your  excellent  majesty, 
their  sovereign  lord  and  king,  as  might  assure  them  of  such 
liberties  and  privileges,  and -sufficient  powers,  as  might  en- 
courage them  to  go  on  through  all  difficulties,  hazards,  and'  ex- 
penses, in  so  great  a  work  of  plantation,  in  a  place  so  remote 
from  the  Christian  w«rld,  and  a  desert  so  difficultly  subdued, 
and  no  way  improveable  for  subsistence,  but  by  great  cost  and 
hard  labour,  with  much  patience  and  cares. 

And  whereas,  besides  the  great  charge  that  hath  been  ex- 
pended by  our  fathers,  and  some  of  their  associates  yet  survi- 
ving, about  the  purchases,  building,  fortifying,  and  other  mat- 
ters, of  culturing  and  improving  to  a  condition  of  safety  and 
subsistence,  in  the  places  of  our  present  abode,  among  the 
heathen,  whereby  there  is  a  considerable  and  real  addition  to 
the  honour  and  enlargement  of  his  majesty's  dominion,  by  the 
sole  disbursements  of  his  majesty's  subjects  here;  of  their  own 
proper  estates,  they  have  laid  out  a  very  great  sum  for  the 
purchasing  a  jurisdiction  right  of  Mr.  George  Fenwick,  which 
they  were  given  to  understand  was  derived  from  true  royal  au* 
ihority,  by  letters  patent,  to  certain  lords  and  gentlemen  there- 
in nominated,  a  copy  whereof  was  produced  before  the  com- 
missioners of  the  colonies,  and  approved  by  them,  as  appears 
by  their  records,  a  copy  whereof  is  ready  to  be  presented  a£ 
your  majesty's  command,  though,  either  by  fire  at  a  house 
where  it  had  been  sometimes  kept,  or  some  other  accident,  is 
now  lost;  with  which  your  poor  subjects  were  rather  willing 
to  have  contented  themselves,  in  those  afflicting  times,  than  to 
seek  for  power  or  privileges  from  any  other  than  their  lawful 
prince  and  sovereign. 

May  it,  therefore,  please  your  most  gracious  and  excellent 
majesty,  to  confer  upon  your  humble  petitioners,  who  unani- 
mously do  implore  your  highness's  favour  and  grace  therein, 
those  liberties,  rights,  authorities,  and  privileges,  which  were 
granted  by  the  aforementioned  letters  patent,  to  certain  lords 


512  APPENDIX. 

and  gentlemen,  so  purchased  as  aforesaid,  or  which  were  en- 
joyed from  those  letters  patent,  granted  to  the  Massachusetts 
plantation,  by  our  fathers,  and  some  of  us  yet  surviving,  when 
there,  in  our  beginning  inhabiting;  and  upon  which  those 
large  encouragements,  liberties,  and  privileges,  so  great  a 
transplantation  from  our  dear  England  was  undertaken,  and 
supposed  to  be  yet  our  inheritance,  till  the  running  of  that  west- 
ern line,  the  bounded  limits  of  those  letters  patent,  did,  since 
our  removal  thence,  determine  our  lot  to  be  fallen  without  the 
limits  of  that  so  bounded  authority. 

May  it  please  your  majesty  graciously  to  bestow  upon  your 
humble  supplicants  such  royal  munificence,,  according  to  the 
tenor  of  a  draft  or  instrument,  which  is  ready  here  to  be  ten- 
dered, at  your  gracious  order. 

And  whereas,  besides  those  many  other  great  disbursements 
as  aforesaid,  in  prosecution  of  this  wilderness  work,  your  poor 
petitioners  were  forced  to  maintain  a  war  against  one  nation 
of  the  heathens,  that  did  much  interrupt  the  beginnings  of  your 
servants,  by  many  bloody  and  hostile  aois.  whereby  divers  of 
our  dear  countrymen  were  treacherously  destroyed,  and  have, 
also,  been  ever  since,  and  are  still,  at  much  charge  in  keeping 
such  a  correspondence  of  peace  and  amity  with  the  divers 
forts  of  the  heathen  nations,  that  are  round  about  your  planta- 
tions, thus  far  extended  into  the  bowels  of  the  country,  besides 
the  maintenance  of  all  public  charges  for  church  and  civil  af- 
fairs, which  arc  very  great  in  respect  of  our  great  poverty. 

May  it  please  your  most  excellent  majesty,  out  of  you! 
princely  bounty,  to  grant  such  an  immunity  from  customs,  as 
may  encourage  the  merchants  to  supply  our  necessities  in  such 
commodities  as  may  be  wanting  here,  for  which  we  have  nei- 
ther silver  nor  gold  to  pay  ;  but  the  supply  in  that  kind  may 
enable,  in  due  time,  to  search  the  bowels  of  the  earth  for  some 
good  minerals,  whereof  there  seems  to  be  fair  probabilities. 
or  produce  some  such  other  staple  commodities,  as  may,  in 
future  time,  appear  to  be  good  effects  of  your  majesty's  good- 
ness and  bounty.  If  your  poor  colony  may  find  this  gracious 
acceptance  with  your  majesty,  as  to  grant  their  humble  desire, 
whereby  they  may  be  encouraged  to  go  on  cheerfully  and 
strenuously  in  their  plantation  business,  in  hope  of  a  com- 
fortable settlement  for  themselves  and  their  posterity,  that  un- 
der your  royal  protection  they  may  prosper  in  this  desert ;  they 
shail,  as  is  their  acknowledged  duty,  ever  pray  for  your  great 
tranquillity  and  perpetual  happiness;  and  humbly  craving 
leave,  they  subscribe  themselves  your  majesty's  loyal  subjects 
and  servants,  the  general  court  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut, 
iu  New-England,  per  their  order  signed.* 

Jan.  7th,  1661.;  ^DANIEL  CLAF.K,  Sec'ry. 

*  Old  Dock  of  Patent*,  Letters,  &.c.  p.  12—14. 


APPENDIX.  513 

NUMBER  VIII. 

The  letter  of  Connecticut  to  Lord  Say  and  Seal,  June  7,  1661. 

RIGHT  HONORABLE, 

THE  former  encouragements  that  our  fathers,  and  some  of 
their  yet  surviving  associates,  received  from  your  honor  to 
transplant  themselves  and  families  into  these  inland  parts  of  this 
vast  wilderness,  where  (as  we  have  been  given  to  understand) 
your  honor  was,  and  as  \ve  conceive  and  hope  are  still  inter- 
ested, by  virtue  of  patent  power  and  authority,  doth  not  only 
persuade  us,  but  assure  us  of  your  patronage  and  favor,  in 
that  which  may  come  within  your  power,  wherein  our  comfort 
and  settlement,  and  the  well  being  of  our  posterity  and  the 
whole  colony,  both  in  civil  and  ecclesiastical  policy,  is  so 
deeply  concerned :  Honorable  Sir,  not  long  after  that  some 
persons  of  note  amongst  us,  and  well  known  to  yourself,  whose 
names  in  that  respect  we  forbear  to  write,  had  settled  upon  this 
river  of  Connecticut,  and  some  plantations  up  the  river  were 
possessed,  and  in  some  measure  improved,  Mr.  George  Fen- 
wick  took  possession  of  Saybrook  fort,  there  residing  for  cer- 
tain or  several  years  ;  at  length  he  was  moved,  for  ends  best 
known  to  himself,  to  return  to  England,  and  thereupon  pro- 
pounded by  himself,  our  agent,  the  sale  of  the  fort,  with  the 
housing  there,  and  several  appurtenances,  together  with  all 
the  lands  on  the  river,  and  so  to  the  Narraganset  Bay,  with  ju- 
risdiction power  to  this  colony,  which  was  exceedingly  oppos- 
ed by  sev  eral  amongst  us,  whom  some  of  us  have  heard  to  af- 
firm that  such  a  thing  would  be  very  distasteful  to  your  honor, 
with  the  rest  of  the  noble  patentees,  who  had  very  bountiful 
intentions  to  this  colony ;  nevertheless,  though  there  was  a 
stop  for  the  present,  yet  in  some  short  time  (God  removing 
some  from  us  by  death,  that  were  interested  in  the  hearts  and 
affections  of  several  of  those  nobles  and  gentlemen  the  paten- 
tees in  England)  the  business  of  purchase  was  revived  by  Mr. 
Fenvvick,  and  expressions  to  this  purpose  given  out  by  him,  or 
his  agents,  or  both  ;  that  he  had  power  to  dispose  of  the  prem- 
ises, the  rest  of  the  patentees  deserting,  it  fell  into  his  hands 
by  agreement,  and  in  case  the  towns  on  the  river  refused  to 
comply  with  such  terms  as  he  proposed  for  the  purchasing  of 
the  said  fort,  &c.  it  was  frequently  reported  that  he  purposed 
either  to  impose  customs  on  the  river  or  make  sale  thereof  to 
the  Dutch  our  noxious  neighbours  ;  at  last,  for  our  peace,  and 
settlement,  and  security,  (as  we  hoped)  we  made,  by  our  com- 
mittee, an  agreement  with  the  said  Mr.  Fenwick,  a  copy  where- 
of is  ready  to  be  presented  unto  your  honor,  which  cost  this  riv- 

P  3 


314  APPENDIX, 

er  one  thousand  six  hundred  pounds,  or  thereabouts,  wherein 
your  honor  may  see  the  great  abuse  that  we  received  at  Mr. 
Fen  wick's  hands,  he  receiving  a  vast  sum  from  a  poor  people, 
and  we  scarcely  at  all  advantaged  thereby,  nay,  we  judge  our 
condition  worse  than  if  we  had  contented  ourselves  with  the 
patronage  of  the  grand  patentees,  for  we  have  not  so  much  as 
a  copy  of  a  patent  to  secure  our  standing  as  a  commonwealth, 
nor  to  ensure  us  of  the  continuance  of  our  rights  and  privileges 
and  immunities  which  we  thought  the  jurisdiction  power  and 
authority,  which  Mr.  Fenwick  had  engaged  to  us,  and  we  paid 
for  at  a  dear  rate,  nor  any  thing  under  his  hand  to  engage  him 
and  his  heirs,  to  the  performance  of  that  which  was  aimed  at 
and  intended  in  our  purchase:  the  lands  up  the  river,  fora 
long  tract,  the  Massachusetts  colony  doth  challenge,  and  have 
run  the  line,  which,  as  they  say,  falls  into  one  of  our  towns  t 
on  the  other  side  towards  Narraganset,  we  know  not  how  to 
claim,  being  destitute  of  patent  and  a  copy  to  decide  the  bounds. 
Be  pleased,  noble  sir,  to  consider  our  condition,  who  have  ta- 
ken upon  us  this  boldness  to  address  to  his  majesty,  our  sove- 
reign lord,  and  to  petition  his  grace  and  favor  towards  us,  in 
granting  us  the  continuance  of  las  protection  and  the  continu- 
ance of  those  privileges  and  immunities,  that  we  have  hitherto- 
enjoyed  in  thi&  remote  western  part  of  the  world  ;  and  like- 
wise fora  patent  whereby  we  may  be  encouraged  and  strength- 
ened in  our  proceedings..  Right  honorable,  our  humble  re- 
quest to  yourself  is,  that  you  would  be  pleased  to-  counte- 
nance our  enterprise,  and  so  far  to  favor  us  as  to  counsel  and 
advise  our  agent,  who  is  to  represent  this  poor  colony  and  to 
act  in  our  behalf,  John  Winthrop,  Esq.  our  honored  governor, 
whom  we  have  commissioned  and  also  directed  to  await  your 
honor's  pleasure  for  advice  and  counsel,,  both  respecting  our 
petition  to  the  king's  majesty,  as  also  respecting  the  case  fore- 
mentioned,  that  if  there  be  any  relief  for  us,  we  may  not  lose 
such  a  considerable  sum  of  money,  and  be  exposed  to  further 
expense  for  the  obtaining  a  patent.  If  we  may  find  this  favor- 
with  your  honor  to  afford  your  advice  and  counsel,  and  help- 
fulness to  bring  to  pass  our  desires,  we  shall  still  acknowledge 
your  enlarged  bounty  and  favorable  respect  to  us  and  ours, 
and  ever  pray  an  inundation  of  mercies  may  flow  in  upon  your 
lordship  from  the  AUTHOR  and  FOUNTAIN  of  blessing.  With 
all  due  respects,  we  subscribe,  sir,  your  lordship's  humble  ser- 
vants, the  general  assembly  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut.  Per 
their  order  signed, 

Per  DANIEL  CLARK,  Secretary,* 
*  Old  book  ofletters,  &c.  p.  9— IK 


APPENDIX.  515 


NUMBER  IX. 

teller  of  Lord  Say  and  Seal  to  Governor  Winthrop,  December 
1HA,  1661. 

MR.  WIXTHROP., 

I  RECEIVED  your  letter,  by  Mr.  Richards,  and  I  would 
have  been  glad  to  have  had  an  opportunity  of  being  at  Lon- 
don myself  to  have  done  you  ancf  my  good  friends,  in  New- 
England,  the  best  service  I  could  ;  but  my  weakness  hath  been 
such,  and  my  old  disease  of  the  gout  falling  upon  me,  I  did 
desire  leave  not  -to  come  up  this  winter,  but  I  have  wrote  to 
the  Earl  of  Manchester,  lord  chamberlain  of  his  majesty's 
household,  to  give  you  -the  best  assistance  he  may ;  and  in- 
deed he  is  a  noble  and  worthy  lord,  and  one  that  loves  thos2 
that  are  godly.  And  he  and  1  did  join  together,  that  our  godly 
friends  of  New-England  might  enjoy  their  just  rights  and  liber- 
ties ;  and  this  colonel  Crowne,  who,  I  hear,  is  still  in  London, 
can  fully  inform  you.  Concerning  that  of  Connecticut,  I  am 
not  able  to  remember  all  the  particulars ;  but  I  have  written 
to  my  lord  chamberlain,  that  when  you  shall  attecd  him, 
(which  I  think  will  be  best  for  you  to  do,  and  therefore  I  have 
inclosed  a  letter  to  him,  in  yours)  that  you  may  deliver  it,  and 
I  have  desired  him  to  acquaint  you  where  you  may  speak  with 
Mr.  Jesup,  who,  when  we  had  the  patent,  was  our  clerk,  and 
he  I  believe,  is  able  to  inform  you  best  about  it,  and  I  have 
desired  my  lord  to  wish  him  so  to  do.  1  do  think  he  is  now  in 
London.  My  love  remembered  unto  you,  I  shall  remain, 
Your  very  loving  friend, 

W.  SAY  and  SEAL. 

NUMBER  X. 

Letter  of  New- Haven  to  Connecticut,  November  5th,  1662. 

HONORED  GENT. 

WE  have  heard  both  the  patent  and  that  writing  read,  which 
those  gentlemen  (who  said  they  were  sent  from  your  general 
assembly)  left  with  our  committee,  and  have  considered  the 
contents  according  to  our  capacities.  By  the  one  we  take  no- 
tice of  their  declared  sense  of  the  patent,  and  also  of  your  de- 
sire of  our  uniting  with  yourselves  upon  that  account ;  by  the 
other,  we  understand,  that  his  majesty  hath  been  graciously 
pleased  (at  your  earnest  petition)  to  grant  liberty  to  the  colo- 
ny of  Connecticut,  to  acquire,  have,  possess,  purchase,  dfec. 
whatever  lands,  &c.  you  have  gained  or  shall  gain  by  lawful 
jneans,  within  the  precincts  or  lines  therein  mentioned :  And 


APPENDIX. 

also,  of  his  abundant  grace,  to  allow  and  establish  you  to  b.e 
one  bo  ly  politic  for  managing  all  your  public  affairs  and  gov- 
ernment, in  a  religious  and  peaceable  manner,  to  the  intents 
and  purposes  by  his  majesty,  and  the  adventurers  therein  pro- 
fessed, over  all  persons,  matters,  and  things,  so  gained  by  pur- 
chase or  conquest,  at  your  own  proper  costs  and  -charges,  ac- 
cording as  yourselves  informed  you  had  already  done.  Now 
whatever  is  so  yours,  we  have  neither  purpose  nor  desire  to 
oppose,  hurt,  or  hinder  ip  the  least ;  but  what  ourselves  (by 
like  lawful  means)  have  attained,  as  to  inheritances,  or  juris* 
diction,  as  a  distinct  colony,  upon  our  most  solemn  and  reli- 
gious covenants,  so  well  known  to  his  majesty,  and  to  all,  \ve 
must  s/ay,  that  we  do  not  find  in  the  patent  any  command  given 
to  you,  nor  prohibition  to  us,  to  dissolve  covenants,  or  alter 
the  orderly  settlements  of  New-England,  nor  any  sufficient  rea- 
son, why  we  may  not  so  remain  to  be  as  formerly ;  also  your 
beginning  to  procure,  and  proceeding  to  improve  the  patent 
without  us,  doth  confirm  this  belief;  but  rather  it  seems  that  a 
way  is  left  open  to  us  to  petition  for  the  like  favor,  and  to  enter 
our  appeal  from  your  declared  sense  of  the  patent,  and  signify 
our  grievances.  Yet,  if  it  shall  appear  (after  a  due  and  full  in- 
formation of  our  state)  to  have  been  his  majesty's  pleasure  so 
to  unite  us,  as  you  understand  the  patent,  we  must  submit  ac- 
cording to  GOD  ;  but,  for  the  present,  we  cannot  answer  oth- 
erwise than  our  committee  hath  done,  and  likewise  to  make  the 
same  request  unto  you,  that  we  may  remain  distinct  as  former- 
ly, and  may  be  succoured  by  you  as  confederates  ;  at  .least, 
that  none  occasion  be  given  by  yourselves  for  any  to  disturb 
us  in  our  ancient  settlements,  until  that,  either  by  the  honored 
Mr.  Winthrop,  by  our  other  confederates,  or  from  his  majesty, 
we  may  be  resojved  herein :  All  which  means  are  in  our  thoughts 
to  use,  except  you  prevent,  for  the  gaining  of  a  right  under- 
standing, and  to  bring  a  peaceable  issue  or  reconcilement  of 
this  matter;  and  we  wish  you  had  better  considered  than  to 
act  so  suddenly,  to  seclude  us  from  patent  privileges  at  first, 
if  we  are  included,  as  you  say,  and  to  have  so  proceeded  since, 
as  may  seem  to  give  advantage  unto  disaffected  persons  to 
slight  or  disregard  oath  and  covenants,  and  thereby  to  rend 
and  make  division,  manage  contention  and  troubles  in  the 
townships  and  societies  of  this  colony,  and  that  about  religious 
worships,  as  the  inclosed  complaint  may  declare,  which  seems 
to  us  a  great  scandal  to  religion  before  the  natives,  and  preju- 
dicial to  his  majesty's  pious  intention,  as  also  to  hold  forth  a 
Aeries  of  means  very  opposite  to  the  end  pretended,  and  very 
much  obscured  from  the  beauty  of  such  a  religious  and  peace* 
able  walking  among  English  brethren,  as  may  either  invite  the, 
to  the  Christian  faith,  or  unite  our  spirits  in  this  junc= 


APPENDIX.  ilT 

turc  ;  and  this  occasion  given  before  any  conviction  tendered, 
or  publication  of  the  patent  among  us,  or  so  much  as  a  treaty 
with  us  in  a  Christian,  neighbourly  way.  No  pretence  for  our 
dissolution  of  government,  till  then  could  rationally  be  imagin- 
ed. Such  carriage  may  seem  to  be  against  the  advice  and 
mind  of  his  majesty  in  the  patent ;  as  also  of  your  honored 
governor,  and  to  cast  reflection  upon  him,  when  we  compare 
these  things  with  his  letters  to  some  here ;  for  the  avoiding 
whereof,  we  earnestly  request  that  the  whole  of  what  he  hath 
written  to  yourselves,  so  far  as  it  may  respect  us  in  this  busi- 
ness, may  be  fully  communicated  to  our  view  in  a  true  copy  or 
transcript  of  the  same.  We  must  profess  ourselves  grieved 
hereat,  and  must  desire  and  expect  your  effectual  endeavours 
to  repair  these  breaches,  and  restore  us  to  our  former  condi- 
tion as  confederates,  until  that  by  all,  or  some  of  these  ways 
intimated,  we  may  attain  a  clear  resolution  in  this  matter.  Un- 
to what  we  have  herein  propounded,  we  shall  add,  that  we  do 
not,  in  the  least,  intend  any  dislike  to  his  majesty's  act,  but 
show  our  sense  of  your  actings,  first  and  last,  so  much  to  our 
detriment,  and  to  manifest  the  consequent  effects  to  God's  dis- 
honour, as  also  to  give  you  to  know  how  we  understand  the 
patent,  hoping  that  you  will  both  candidly  construe,  and  friend- 
ly comply,  with  our  desires  herein,  and  so  remove  the  cause 
of  our  distraction  and  sad  affliction,  that  you  have  brought  up- 
on this  poor  colony;  then  shall  \ve  forbear  to  give  you  further 
trouble,  and  shall  pray  to  the  God  of  spirits  to  grant  us  all  hu- 
mility, and  to  guide  us  by  his  heavenly  wisdom  to  a  happy 
issue  of  this  affair,  in  love  and  peace.  Resting, 
Gentlemen,  your  very  loving 

friends  and  neighbours, 
The  Freemen  of  the  colony  of  New-Haven. 
Per  James  Bishop,  Secretary,  in  the  name,  and  by  order  and 

consent  of  the  committee  and  freemen  of  New-Haven 

colony. 

NUMBER  XI. 

New-Haven's  remonstrance  against  Connecticut,  May  6lk,  1663. 

GENTLEMEN, 

THE  professed  grounds  and  ends  of  your  and  our  coming  in- 
to these  parts  are  not  unknown,  being  plainly  expressed  in  the 
prologue  to  that  solemn  confederation  entered  into  by  the  four 
colonies  of  New-England,  printed  and  published  to  the  world, 
viz.  to  advance  the  kingdom  of  our  LORD  JESUS  CHRIST,  and 
to  enjoy  the  liberties  of  the  gospel  in  purity  with  peace,  for 
we  left  our  dear  native  country,  and  were  willing  to  un^ 


518  APPENDIX. 

dergo  the  difficulties  we  have  since  met  with,  in  this  wilder- 
ness, yet  fresh  in  our  remembrance;  being  the  only  ends  \v< 
still  pursue,  having  hitherto  found  by  experience  so  much  of 
the  presence  of  God  with  us,  and  of  his  goodness  and  compas- 
sion towards  us  in  so  doing,  for  these  many  years.  Yet,  con- 
sidering how  unanswerable  our  returns  have  been  to  GOD,  how 
unfruitful,  unthankful,  and  unholy,  under  so  much  means  of 
grace,  and  such  liberties,  we  cannot  but  lament  the  same, 
judge  ourselves,  and  justify  God,  should  he  now  at  last  (after 
so  long  patience  towards  us)  bring  desolating  judgments  upon 
us,  and  make  us  drink  of  the  dregs  of  that  cup  of  indignation, 
he  hath  put  into  the  hands  of  his  people  in  other  parts  of  the 
world,  or  suffer  such  contentions  (in  just  displeasure)  to  arise 
among  us,  as  may  hasten  our  calamity,  and  increase  our  wo; 
which  we  pray  the  Lord  in  mercy  to  prevent.  And  whereas, 
in  the  pursuance  of  the  said  ends,  and  upon,  other  religious  and 
civil  considerations,  as  the  security  of  the  interest  of  each  col- 
ony, within  itself  in  ways  of  righteousness  and  peace,  and  all 
and  every  of  the  said  colonies  from  the  Indians  and  other  ene- 
mies, they  did  judge  it  to  be  their  bounden  duty,  lor  mutual 
strength  and  helpfulness,  for  the  future,  in  all  their  said  con- 
cernments to  enter  into  a  consociation  among  ihemselve:, 
thereupon  fully  agreed  and  concluded  by  and  between  the. 
parties  or  jurisdictions,  in  divers  and  sundry  articles,  and  at 
last  ratified  as  a  perpetual  confederation  by  their  several  sub- 
scriptions :  Whereunto  we  conceived  ourselves  bound  to  ad- 
here, until  with  satisfaction  to  our  judgments  and  consciences, 
we  sec  our  duty,  with  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  confedc 
rates,  orderly  to  recede,  leaving  the  issue  unto  the  most  wise 
and  righteous  GOD.  As  for  the  patent,  upon  your  petition, 
granted  to  you  by  his  majesty,  as  Connecticut  colony,  so  far} 
and  in  that  sense  we  object  not  against  it,  much  less  against  his 
majesty's  act  in  so  doing,  the  same  being  a  real  encouragement 
to  other  of  his  subjects  to  obtain  the  like  favor,  upon  their  hum- 
ble petition  to  his  royal  highness,  in  the  protection  of  their  per- 
sons and  purchased  rights  and  interests,  is  also  a  ground  of 
hope  to  us.  But  if  the  line  of  your  patent  doth  circumscribe 
this  colony  by  your  contrivenaent,  without  our  cognizance,  or 
consent,  or  regard  to  the  said  confederation  on  your  parts,  we 
have,  and  must  still  testify  against  it,  as  not  consistent  (incur 
judgment)  with  brotherly  love,  righteousness  and  peace  :  And 
that  this  colony  (for  so  long  time  a  confederate  jurisdiction, 
distinct  from  yours  and  the  other  colonies)  is  taken  in  under 
the  administration  of  the  said  patent,  in  your  hands,  and  so  its 
former  being  dissolved,  and  distinction  ceasing,  there  being  no 
one  line  or  letter  in  the  patent,  expressing  his  majesty's  plea- 
sure that  way.  Although  it  is  your  sense  of  it,  yet  wo  cannor 


APPENDIX. 

f«o  apprehend  ;  of  which  we  having  already  given  cnir  grounds 
at  large  in  writing,  we  shall  not  need  to  say  much  more  ;  nor 
have  we  met  with  any  argumentative  or  rational  convictions 
from  you,  nor  do  we  yet  see  cause  to  be  of  another  mind. 

As  for  your  proceedings  upon  pretence  of  the  patent  towards 
us,  or  rather  against  us,  in  taking  in  sundry  of  the  inhabitants 
of  this  colony  under  your  protection  and  government,  who,  as 
you  say,  ottered  themselves,  from  which  a  good  conscience, 
and  the  obligation  under  which  most  of  them  stood  to  this  colo- 
ny, should  have  restrained  them,  without  the  consent  of  the 
body  of  this  colony  first  had,  and  in  concurrence  with  them, 
upon  mature  deliberation  and  conviction  of  duty  yet  wanting, 
we  cannot  but  again  testify  against  as  disorderly  in  them,  and 
which  admission,  on  your  parts,  we  conceive,  your  Christian 
prudence  might  have  easily  suspended,  for  prevention  of  that 
great  offence  to  the  consciences  of  your  confederate  brethren,, 
and  those  sad  consequences  which  have  followed,  disturbing 
the  peace  of  our  towns,  destroying  our  comforts,  hazard  of 
our  lives  and  liberties,  by  their  frequent  threats  and  unsufier- 
able  provocations,  hath  been,  and  is,  with  us,  matter  of  com- 
plaint, both  to  God  and  man;  especially  when  we  considerT 
that  thus  you  admitted  them  and  put  power  into  their  hands, 
before  you  had  made  any  overture  to  us,  or  had  any  treaty 
with  us,  about  so  weighty  a  business,  as  if  you  were  in  haste 
to  make  us  miserable,  as  indeed,  in  these  things,  we  are  at  this 
day. 

And  seeing  upon  the  answer  returned  to  your  propositions 
made  by  you  afterwards,  of  joining  with  you  in  your  govern- 
ment, finding  ourselves  already  so  dismembered,  and  the 
weighty  grounds  and  reasons  vfc  then  presented  to  you,  we 
could  not  prevail  so  far  with  you,  as  to  procure  a  respite  of 
your  further  proceedings,  until  Mr.  Winthrop's  return  from 
England,  or  the  grant  of  any  time  that  way,  which  was  thought 
but  reasonable  by  some  of  yourselves,  and  the  like  seldom  de- 
nied in  war  to  very  enemies,  we  saw  it  then  high  time  and  ne- 
cessary (fearing  these  beginnings)  to  appeal  unto  his  majest}^ 
and  so  we  did,  concluding  according  to  the  law  of  appeals,  in 
all  cases  and  among  all  nations,  that  the  same,  upon  your  alle- 
giance to  his  majesty,  would  have  obliged  you  to  forbear  &1! 
further  process  in  this  business;  for  our  own  parts  resolving 
(notwithstanding  all  that  \ve  had  formerly  suffered)  to  sit  down 
patient  under  the  same,  waiting  upon  God  for  the  issue  of  our 
said  appeal.  But  seeing  that,  notwithstanding  all  that  we  had 
presented  to  you  by  word  and  writing — notwithstanding  our 
appeal  to  his  majesty — notwithstanding  all  that  we  have  suf- 
fered, (by  means  of  that  power  you  have,  set  up,\i7,.  a  consta- 
ble at  Stamford.)  of  which  informations  hsv*  been  given  you> 


520  APPENDIX. 

yet  you  have  gone  further,  to  place  a  constable  at  Guilford,  in 
like  manner,  over  a  party  there,  to  the  further  disturbance  of 
our  peace  and  quiet,  a  narrative  whereof,  and  of  the  provoca- 
tions and  wrongs  we  have  met  with  at  Stamford,  we  have  re- 
ceived, attested  to  us  by  divers  witnesses,  honest  men.  We 
cannot  but,  on  behalf  of  our  appeal  to  his  majesty,  whose  hon- 
our is  highly  concerned  therein,  and  of  our  just  rights,  but  (as 
men  exceedingly  afflicted  and  grieved)  testily  in  the  sight  of 
God,  angels,  and  men,  against  these  things.  Our  end  therein 
being  not  to  provoke  or  further  any  offence,  but  rather  as  a 
discharge  of  duty,  on  our  parts,  as  brethren  and  Christian  con- 
federates, to  call  upon  you,  to  take  some  effectual  course  to 
ease  and  right  us,  in  a  due  redress  of  the  grievances  you  have 
caused  by  these  proceedings ;  and  that  after  you  had  compli- 
mented us  with  large  offers  of  patent  privileges,  with  desire  of 
a  treaty  with  us  for  union  of  our  colonies;  and  you  know,  as 
your  good  words  were  kindly  accepted,  so  your  motion  was 
fairly  answered  by  our  committee.  That  in  regard  we  were 
under  an  appeal  to  his  majesty,  that  being  limited  by  our  free- 
men, not  to  conclude  any  thing  for  altering  our  distinct  colony 
state  and  government,  without  their  consent,  and  without  the 
approbation  of  the  other  confederate  colonies,  they  were  not 
in  present  capacity  so  to  treat ;  but  did  little  suspect  such  a 
design  on  foot  against  us,  the  effect  whereof  quickly  appeared 
at  Guilford,  before  mentioned. 

But  we  shall  say  no  more  at  this  time,  only  tell  yon,  what- 
ever we  suffer  by  your  means,  we  pray  the  Lord  would  help 
us  to  choose  it,  rather  than  to  sin  against  our  consciences,  ho- 
ping the  righteous  God  will,  in  due  time,  look  upon  our  afflic- 
tion, and  incline  his  majesty's  heart  to  favour  our  righteous 
cause. 

Subscribed  in  the  name,  and  by  order  of 

the  general  court  of  New-Haven  colony. 

Per  JAMES  BISHOP,  Secretary. 

New-Haven,  May  6th,  1663. 

NUMBER  XII. 

Governor  Wlnthrop^s  letter  to  Connecticut,  March  3d,  1663. 

GENTLEMEN, 

I  AM  informed  by  some  gentlemen,  (who  are  authorized  to 
seek  remedy  here.)  that  since  you  had  the  late  patent,  there 
hath  been  injury  done  to  the  government  of  New-Haven,  and, 
in  particular,  at  Guilford  and  Stamford,  in  admitting  of  several 
of  the  inhabitants  there  unto  freedom  with  you,  and  appointing 
officers,  which  hath  caused  divisions  in  the  said  towns,  which 


APPENDIX.  521 

may  prove  of  dangerous  consequence,  if  not  timely  prevented ; 
though  I  do  hope  the  rise  of  it  is  from  misunderstanding,  and 
not  in  design  of  prejudice  to  that  colony,  for  whom  I  gave  as- 
surance to  their  friends  that  their  rights  and  interests  should 
not  be  disquieted,  or  prejudiced  by  the  patent,  but  if  both  gov- 
ernments would,  with  unanimous  agreement,  unite  in  one,  their 
friends  judged  it  for  advantage  to  both  :  And  further  I  must  let 
you  know,  that  testimony  here  doth  affirm,  that  I  gave  assu- 
rance before  authority  here,  that  it  was  not  intended  to  meddle 
ivith  any  town  or  plantation  that  was  settled  under  any  other 
government :  had  it  been  any  otherwise  intended,  or  declared, 
it  had  been  injurious,  in  taking  out  the  patent,  not  to  have  in- 
serted a  proportionable  number  of  their  names  in  it.  Now, 
upon  the  whole,  having  had  serious  conference  with  their 
friends,  authorized  by  them,  and  with  others  who  are  friends 
to  both,  to  prevent  a  tedious  and  chargeable  trial,  and  uncer- 
tain event  here,  I  promised  them,  to  give  you  speedily  this  re- 
presentation, how  far  you  are  engaged.  If  any  injury  have 
been  done,  by  admitting  of  freemen,  or  appointing  officers,  or 
other  unjust  intermeddling  with  New-Haven  colony,  in  one 
kind  or  other,  without  the  approbation  of  the  government,  that 
it  be  forthwith  recalled,  and  that,  for  the  future,  there  will  be 
no  imposing  in  any  kind  upon  them,  nor  admitting  of  any 
members  without  mutual  consent ;  but  that  all  things  be  acted 
as  loving  neighbouring  colonies,  as  before  such  patent  grant- 
ed, and  unto  this  I  judge  you  are  obliged,  I  having  engaged  to 
their  agent  here,  that  this  will  be  by  you  performed,  and  they 
have  thereupon  forborne  to  give  you  or  me  any  trouble;  but 
they  do  not  doubt,  but  upon  future  consideration,  there  may 
be  such  a  right  understanding  between  both  governments,  that 
an  union  and  friendly  joining  may  be  established,  to  the  satis- 
faction of  all ;  which,  at  my  arrival,  I  shall  also  endeavour 
(God  willing)  to  promote.  Not  having  more  at  present,  in. 
this  case,  I  rest,  Your  humble  servant, 

,JOHN  WlNTHROP. 

London,  March  3d,  1662.* 
*  This,  according  to  the  present  way  of  dating,  was  March  3d,  1663, 

Q3 


522  APPENDIX. 


NUMBER  XHI. 


Ifis  majesty"*!;  commission  to  Colonel  Niciiols,  Sir  Robert  Carr, 
knight,  and  others,  for  the  settlement  of  boundaries,  <$/-c.  April 
26/A,  1664. 

CHARLES  R. 

Charles  the  second,  by  the  grace  of  God,  king"  of  England, 
Scotland,  France,  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith,  &c. 

To  all  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come,  Greeting. 
WHEREAS  we  have  received  several  addresses  from  our 
subjects  of  several  colonies  of  New-England,  all  full  of  duty 
and  affection,  and  expressions  of  loyalty  and  allegiance  to  us, 
with  their  humble  desires  to  us,  that  we  would  renew  their 
several  charters,  and  receive  them  into  our  favourable  opinion 
and  protection:  And  several  of  ouf  colonies  there,  and  other 
our  loving  subjects,  have,  likewise  complained  of  differences 
and  disputes  arisen  upon  the  limits  and  bounds  of  their  several 
charters  and  jurisdictions,  whereby  unneighbourly  and  un- 
brotherly  contentions  have  and  may  arise,  to  the  damage  and 
discredit  of  the  English  interest  ;  and  that  all  our  good  sub- 
jects residing  there,  and  being  planters  within  the  several  colo- 
nies, do  not  enjoy  the  liberties  and  privileges  granted  unto 
them  by  our  several  charters,  upon  confidence  and  assurance 
of  which  they  transported  themselves  and  their  estates  into 
those  parts  :  And  we  having  received  some  addresses  from  the 
great  men  and  natives  of  those  countries,  in  which  they  com- 
plain of  breach  of  faith,  and  acts  of  violence  and  injustice, 
which  they  have  been  forced  to  undergo  from  our  subjects, 
whereby  not  only  our  government  is  traduced,  but  the  reputa- 
tion and  credit  of  the  Christian  religion  brought  into  prejudice 
and  reproach,  with  the  Gentiles  and  inhabitants  of  those  coun- 
tries, who  know  not  God,  the  reduction  of  whom  to  the  triif- 
knowledge  and  fear  of  God,  is  the  most  worthy  and  glorious 
end  of  these  plantations.  Upon  all  which  motives,  and  as  an 
evidence  and  manifestation  of  our  fatherly  affection  towards 
all  our  subjects  in  those  several  colonies  of  New-England, 
(that  is  to  say,)  of  the  Massachusetts,  Connecticot,  New-Ply- 
mouth, Rhode-Island,  and  Providence  plantations,  and  all  oth- 
er plantations  which  are  in  that  tract  of  land  known  under  the 
appellation  of  New-England  ;  and  to  the  end  that  we  may  be 
truly  informed  of  the  state  and  condition  of  our  good  subjects 
there,  that  so  we  may  the  better  know  how  to  contribute  to  the 
further  improvement  of  their  happiness  and  prosperity  : 

Know  ye,   therefore,  that  we,  reposing  especial  trust  and 
confidence  in  the  fidelity,  wisdom,  and  circumspection  of  our 


APPENDIX.  523 

trusty  and  well  beloved  colonel  Richard  Nichols,  Sir  Robert 
Carr,  knight,  George  Cartwright,  Esq.  and  Samuel  Maverick, 
Esq.  of  our  especial,grace,  certain  knowledge,  and  mere  mo- 
tion, have  made,  ordained,  constituted,  and  appointed,  and  do 
by  these  presents  make,  ordain,  constitute,  and  appoint  the 
said  colonel  Richard  Nichols,  Sir  Robert  Carr,  knight,  George 
Cartwright,  and  Samuel.  Maverick,  Esquires,  our  commission- 
ers ;  and  do  hereby  give  and  grant  unto  them,  or  any  tiaree  or 
two  of  them,  or  of  the  survivors  of  them,  (of  whom  we  will  the 
said  colonel  Richard  Nichols,  during  his  life,  shall  be  always 
one,  and  upon  equal  division  of  opinions,  to  have  the  casting 
and  decisive  voice,)  in  our  name,  to  visit  all  and  every  the  se- 
veral colonies  aforesaid,  and  also  full  power  to  hear  and  re- 
ceive, and  to  examine  and  determine  all  complaints  and  ap- 
peals, in  all  causes  and  matters,  as  well  military  as  criminal 
and  civil,  and  proceed  in  all  things  for  the  providing  for  and 
settling  the  peace  and  security  of  the  said  country,  according 
to  .th/eir  good  and  sound  discretions,  and  to  such  instructions 
as  they  or  the  survivors  of  them  have,  or  shall,  from  time  to 
time,  receive  from  us  in  that  behalf,  and  from  time  to  time,  as 
they  shall  find  expedient,  to  certify  us  or  our  privy  council,  of 
their  actings  or  proceedings  touching  the  premises;  and  for 
the  doing  thereof,  or  any  other  matter  or  thing  relating  there- 
unto, these  presents,  or  the  enrolment  thereof,  shall  be  unto 
them,  and  every  of  them,  a  sufficient  warrant  and  discharge  in 
that  behalf.  In  witness  whereof,  we  have  caused  these  our 
letters  to  be  made  patent.  Given  at  the  court  at  Whitehall, 
the  26th  day  of  April,  1664,  and  in  the  sixteenth  year  of  our 
reign.  BARKER. 

NUMBER  XIV, 

His  majesty^s  gracious  letter  to  the  governor  and  company  of 
Connecticut,  accompanying  the  commission,  April  23c?,  1664. 

CHARLES  R. 

TRUSTY  and  well  beloved,  we  greet  you  well,  having,  ac- 
cording to  the  resolution  we  declared  to  Mr.  John  Winthrop, 
at  the  time  when  we  renewed  your  charter,  now  sent  these  per- 
sons of  known  abilities  and  affections  to  us,  that  is  to  say, 
colonel  Richard  Nichols,  Sir  Robert  Carr,  knight,  George 
Cartwright,  Esq.  and  Samuel  Maverick,  Esq.  our  commission- 
ers, to  visit  those  our  several  colonies  and  plantations  in  New- 
England,  to  the  end  that  we  may  be  the  better  informed  of  the 
state  and  welfare  of  our  good  subjects,  whose  prosperity  is 
very  dear  to  us  ;  we  can  make  no  question  but  that  they  shall 
that  reception  from  you  which  may  testify  your  respect  to 


524  APPENDIX. 

us,  from  whom  they  are  sent  for  your  good.  We  need  not  tell 
you  how  careful  we  are  of  your  liberties  and  privileges,  wheth- 
er ecclesiastical  or  civil,  which  we  will  Hot  suffer  to  be  vio- 
lated in  the  least  degree;  and  that  they  inay  not  be  is  the  prin- 
cipal business  of  our  said  commissioners,  as  likewise  to  take 
care  that  the  bounds  and  jurisdictions  of  our  several  colonies 
there  may  be  clearly  agreed  upon  ;  that  every  one  may  enjoy 
what  of  right  belongeth  unto  them,  without  strife  or  conten- 
tion;  and  especially  that  the  natives  of  that  country,  who  are 
•willing  to  live  peaceably  and  neighbourly  with  our  English 
subjects,  may  receive  such  justice  and  civil  treatment  from 
them,  as  may  make  them  the  more  in  love  with  their  religion 
and  manners ;  so  not  doubting  of  your  full  compliance  and 
submission  to  our  desire,  we  bid  you  farewell.  Given  at  our 
court  at  Whitehall,  the  23d  day  of  April,  1664,  in  the  sixteenth 
year  of  our  reign. 

By  his  majesty's  command, 

HENRY  BENXIT. 

NUMBER  XV. 

The  Duke  and  Dur.hess  of  Hamilton's  petition  to  King  Charles 
second,  and  his  majesty^s  reference  of  the  case  to  his  commis- 
sioners, May  6th,  1664. 

To  the  King?s  most  excellent  majesty. 
The  humble  petition  of  William,  Duke  of  Hamilton,  and  Anne. 

Duchess  of  Hamilton  ;  Sheweth, 

THAT  whereas  in  the  eleventh  year  of  the  reign  of  your 
royal  father,  of  ever  blessed  memory,  the  council  established 
at  Plymouth  in  the  county  of  Devon,  for  planting,  ordering 
and  governing  of  New-England  in  America  (according  to  the 
power  given  them  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  the 
late  king  James,  by  his  letters  patent,  bearing  date  the  third 
day  of  November)  did  for  a  competent  sum  of  money  and  other 
valuable  considerations,  bargain  and  sell  unto  the  petitioners' 
father,  by  the  name  of  James,  Marquis  Hamilton,  his  heirs 
and  assigns,  all  that  part  and  portion  of  the  main  lands  in  New- 
England,  lying  and  beginning,  at  the  middle  part  of  the  mouth 
of  the  river  Connecticut,  to  proceed  along  the  sea  coast  to  be 
accounted  about,  sixty  miles,  and  so  up  to  the  westward  arm  of 
the  river  into  the  land  northwestward  till  sixty  miles  be  finish- 
ed, and  so  to  cross  sor.thwestward  till  sixty  miles,  all  which 
part  and  portion  of  lands  were  to  be  called  by  the  name  of  the 
county  of  New-Cambridge,  with  several  other  lands  and  privi- 
leges as  by  the  saiu  deed  of  feoffmcnt  doth  more  fully  appear, 
a  copy  whereof  is  hereunto  annexed.  Sine.?  v.-hich  time  and 


APPENDIX.  52s 

by  reason  of  the  late  unhappy  war  several  persons  have  pos- 
sessed themselves  of  the  best  and  most  considerable  parts  of 
the  said  lands,  without  any  acknowledgment  of  your  petition- 
ers' right.  Your  petitioners  therefore  most  humbly  pray,  that 
your  majesty  will  be  graciously  pleased  to  recommend  the 
premises  to  your  majesty's  commissioners  for  New-England, 
and, that  care  may  be  taken  that  your  petitioners  may  be  restor- 
ed to  their  just  right,  and  that  nothing  be  done  to  their  prejur 
dice. 

At  the  court  at  Whitehall,  the  6th  May,  1664. 
His  majesty  is  graciously  pleased  to  refer  this  petition  to 
the  commissioners  now  employed  by  his  majesty  to  settle  the 
affairs  of  New-England,  who  are  to  examine  the  allegations 
thereof,  and  upon  due  consideration  had,  to  preserve  and  re- 
store to  the  petitioners  their  just  right  and  interest,  or  other- 
wise to  report  their  opinions  thereupon  to  his  majesty,  who  will 
then  declare  his  further  pleasure,  for  the  honorable  petitioners' 
just  satisfaction.* 

HENRY  BENNIT. 

NUMBER  XVI. 

The  determination  of  his  majesty'' *s  commissioners,  relative  to  the 
boundaries  of  his  royal  highness  the  Duke  of  York^s  patent 
and  of  the  patent  of  Connecticut,  November  30th,  1664. 

BY  virtue  of  his  majesty's  commission,  we  have  heard  the 
differences  about  the  bounds  of  the  patents  granted  to  his  royal 
highness  the  Duke  of  York,  and  his  majesty's  colony  of  Con- 
necticut— and  having  deliberately  considered  all  the  reasons 
alledged  by  Mr.  Allen,  senior,  Mr.  Gould,  Mr.  Richards,  and 
captain  Winthrop,  appointed  by  the  assembly  held  at  Hart- 
ford, the  13th  day  of  October,  1664,  to  accompany  John  Win- 
throp, Esq.  the  governorof  his  majesty's  colony  of  Connecticut, 
to  New- York,  and  by  Mr.  Howell  and  captain  Young,  of  Long- 
Island,  why  the  said  Long-Island  should  be  under  the  govern- 
ment of  Connecticut  ;  which  are  loo  long  here  to  be  recited  : 
WE  do  declare  and  order,  that  the  southern  bounds  of  his  ma- 
jesty's colony  of  Connecticut,  is  the  sea ;  and  that  Long-Isl- 
and is  to  be  under  the  government  of  his  royal  highness  the 
Duke  of  York  ;  as  is  expressed  by  plain  words  in  the  said  pa- 
tents respectively.  And  .also  by  virtue  of  his  majesty's  com- 
mission and  by  the  consent  of  both  the  governor  and  the  gen- 
tlemen above  named,  we  also  order  and  declare,  that  the  creek 
or  river  called  Momoronock,  which  is  reputed  to  be  about 
twelve  miles  to  the  east  of  West-Chester,  and  a  line  drawn 
*  Old  Book  of  Letters,  &c,  p.  133, 


526  APPENDIX. 

from  the  east  point  or  side,  where  the  fresh  water  falls  into 
the  salt,  at  highwater  mark,  north-nortlnvest  to  the  line  of  the 
Massachusetts,  be  the  western  bounds  of  the  said  colony  of 
Connecticut,  and  the  plantations  lying  westward  ofthatcreekj 
and  line  so  drawn,  to  be  under  his  royal  highnesses  govern- 
ment ;  and  all  plantations  lying  eastward  of  that  creek,  and 
line  to  be  under  the  government  of  Connecticut.  Given  un- 
der our  hands  at  Fort  James,  in  New- York,  on  Manhattans 
Island,  this  30th  day  of  Nov.  1664. 

RICHARD  NICHOLS, 
GEORGE  CARTWRIGHT, 
SAMUEL  MAVERICK. 

We  underwittcn,  on  behalf  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut, 
have  assented  unto  this  determination  of  his  majesty's  commis- 
sioners, in  relation  to  the  bounds  and  limits  of  his  royal  high-, 
ness  the  duke's  patent,  and  the  patent  of  Connecticut.* 

JOHN  WINTHROP, 
MATTHEW  ALLEN, 
NATHAN  GOULD, 
JAMES  RICHARDS, 

JOHN  WlNTHROFc 

November  30,  1664. 

NUMBER  XVII. 

Letter  of  New- Haven  to  Connecticut,   December  14,  1664, 

HONORED  GENTLEMEN, 

WE  have  been  silent  hitherto,  as  to  the  making  of  any  griev- 
ance known  unto  the  king's  commissioners,  notwithstanding 
•what  may  be  with  us  of  such  nature,  from  the  several  transac- 
tions that  have  been  among  us,  and  are  desirous  so  to  continue 
the  managing  of  these  affairs  in  ways  consistent  with  the  an- 
cient confederation  of  the  united  colonies,  choosing  rather  to 
suffer,  than  to  begin  any  motion  hazardful  to  New-England  set- 
tlements ;  in  pursuance  whereof  (according  to  our  promise  to 
your  gentlemen,  sent  lately  to  demand  our  submission,  though 
in  a  divided  if  not  dividing  way,  within  our  towns,  severally 
seeking  to  bring  us  under  the  government  of  yourselves  alrea- 
dy settled,  wherein  we  have  had  no  hand  to  settle  the  same, 
and  before  we  had  cleared  to  our  conviction,  the  certain  limits 
of  your  charter,  which  may  justly  increase  the  scruple  of  too 
much  haste  in  that  and  former  actings  upon  us)  the  generality 
of  our  undivided  people  have  orderly  met  this  13th  of  the  tenth 
month  (64)  and  by  the  vote  endorsed,  have  prepared  for  thi? 
answer  to  be  given  of  our  submission,  which  being  done  l~ 
*  Old  Book,  &c.  p.  2. 


APPENDIX.  527 

us,  then  for  the  accommodation  of  matters  betwixt  us  in  an  am- 
icable way,  by  a  committee  irapowered  to  issue  with  you  on 
their  behalf,  and  in  the  behalf  of  all  concerned,  according  to 
instructions  given  to  the  said  committee.  We  ne.ver  did,  nor 
even  do  intend  to  damnify  your  moral  rights  or  just  privileges, 
consistent  with  our  like  honest  enjoyments,  and  we  would, 
hope  that  you  have  no  further  step  towards  us,  not  to  violate 
our  government  interest,  but  to  accommodate  us  with  that  we 
shall  desire,  and  the  patent  bear,  as  hath  been  often  said  you 
would  do ;  and  surely  you  have  the  more  reason  to  be  full  with 
us  herein,  seeing  that  your  success  for  patent  bounds  with 
those  gentlemen  now  obtained,  seems  to  be  debtor  unto  our 
silence  before  them,  when  as  you  thus  by  single  application 
and  audience  issued  that  matter  :  you  thus  performing  to  satis- 
faction, we  may  still  rest  silent,  and  according  to  profession, 
by  a  studious  and  cordial  endeavour  with  us  to  advance  the  in- 
terest of  Christ  in  this  wilderness,  and  by  the  Lord's  blessing 
thereupon,  love  and  union  between  us  may  be  greatly  confirm- 
ed, and  all  our  comforts  enlarged,  which  is  the  earnest  prayer 
of,  gentlemen,  your  loving  friends  and  neighbours,  the  commit- 
tee, appointed  by  the  freemen  and  inhabitants  of  New-Haven 
colony,  now  assembled. 

JAMES  BISHOP,  Secretary. 
New-Haven,  Dec.  14,  1664. 

NUMBER  XVIII. 

Letter  of  Connecticut  to  New-Haven,  in  an*~eer  to  the  preceding 
letter,  December  2L«fi,  1664. 

Hartford,  Dec.  21s/,  1664. 
HONORED  GENTLEMEN, 

WE  have  received  yours,  dated  the  14th  of  this  instant, 
signed  by  James  Bishop,  &c.  wherein  you  are  pleased  to  men- 
tion your  silence  hitherto,  as  to  the  making  any  grievance 
known  to  his  majesty's  commissioners,  notwithstanding  what 
may  be  with  you,  &c.  we  can  say  the  same,  though  we  had  fair 
opportunities  to  present  any  thing  of  that  nature;  as  for  your 
desire  to  manage  affairs  consistent  with  the  confederation,  the 
present  motion  will,  we  hope,  upon  a  candid  review,  not  ap- 
pear any  ways  dissonant  therefrom  ;  for  besides  the  provision 
made  in  one  of  the  articles  of  confederation  for  two  colonies 
uniting  in  one,  there  was  special  provision,  ns  you  well  know, 
made  at  the  last  session  of  the  commissioners  to  that  purpose, 
conjoined  with  patheticat" advice  and  counsel,  to  an  amicable 
union.  Our  too  much  forwardness,  with  New-Haven,  &c.  is 
not  so  clear,  seeing  those  plantations  you  inhabit  are  much  a- 


528  APPENDIX. 

bout  the  center  of  our  patent,  which  our  charter  limits,  as 
also  the  inclosed  determination  of  his  majesty's  honorable  com- 
missioners, will,  to  your  conviction,  be  apparent;  that  our 
success  for  patent  bounds  with  the  king's  commissioners  is 
debtor  to  your  silence,  seems  to  us  strange,  when  your  non- 
compliance  was  so  abundantly  known  to  those  gentlemen,  yea, 
the  news  of  your  motions,  when  Mr.  Joseph  Allen  was  last  with 
you,  was  at  New- York,  before  our  governor's  departure 
thence  ;  notwithstanding  your  silence,  and  yet  so  good  an  is- 
sue obtained,  we  desire  such  reflections  may  be  buried  in  per- 
petual silence,  which  only  yourselves  necessitating  thereunto, 
shall  revive  them,  being  willing  to  pursue  truth  and  peace  as 
much  as  may  be  with  all  men,  especially  with  our  dear  breth- 
ren in  the  fellowship  of  the  gospel,  and  fellow-members  of  the 
same  civil  corporation,  accommodated  with  so  many  choice 
privileges,  which  we  are  willing,  after  all  is  prepared  to  your 
hands,  to  confer  upon  you  equal  with  ourselves,  which  we  wish 
may  at  last  produce  the  long  desired  effect  of  your  free  and 
cordial  closure  with  us,  not  attributing  any  necessity  imposed 
by  us,  further  than  the  situation  of  those  plantations  in  the 
heart  of  our  colony,  and  therein  the  peace  of  posterity  in 
these  parts  of  the  country  is  necessarily  included,  and  that  af- 
ter so  long  liberty  to  present  your  plea  when  you  have  seen 
meet.  Gentlemen,  we  desire  a  full  answer  as  speedily  as  may 
be,  whether  those  lately  empowered,  accept  to  govern  accord- 
ing to  their  commission,  if  not,  other  meet  persons  to  govern 
may  by  us  be  empowered  in  their  room  ;  thus  desiring  the 
Lord  to  unite  our  hearts  and  spirits  in  ways  well  pleasing  in 
his  sight,  which  is  the  prayer  of  your  very  loving  friends,  the 
council  of  the  colony  of  Connecticut. 

Signed  by  their  order,  by  me, 

JOHN  ALLEN,  Secretary. 

NUMBER  XIX. 

The  final  reply  of  New-Haven  to  Connecticut. 

New-Haven,  Jan.  5,  1664-5. 
HONORED  GENTLEMEN, 

WHEREAS  by  yours,  dated  December  21st,  1664.  you 
please  to  say,  that  you  did  the  same  as  we,  not  making  any 
grievances  known  to  the  commissioners,  &c.  unto  that  may  be 
returned,  that  you  had  not  the  same  cause  so  to  do  from  any 
pretence  of  injury,  by  our  intermeddling  with  your  colony  or 
government  interest,  unto  which  we'tefer  that  passage  for  our 
expressing  desires  to  manage  all  our  matters  in  confederacy 
tr ith  the  confederation,  we  hope  you  will  not  blame  us.  How 


APPENDIX.  S29 

dissonant  os  consonant  your  actings  with  us  have  been,  we 
leave  to  the  confederation  to  judge,  as  their  records  may  show 
— that  article,  which  allows  two  colonies  to  join,  doth  also, 
with  others,  assert  the  justness  of  each  colony's  distinct  rights, 
until  joined  to  mutual  satisfaction,  and  the  provision  made  in 
such  case  the  last  session,  we  gainsay  not,  when  the  union  is 
so  completed,  and  a  new  settlement  of  the  confederation,  by 
the  respective  general  courts,  accomplished.  Their  pathetical 
advice  for  an  amicable  union,  we  wish  may  be  so  attended — in 
order  thereunto,  we  gave  you  notice  of  a  committee  prepared 
to  treat  with  you,  for  such  an  accommodation,  unto  which  you 
gave  us  no  auswer,  but  instead  thereof,  sent  forth  your  edict 
from  authority  upon  us,  before  our  conviction  for  submission, 
was  declared  to  you.  The  argument  from  our  intermixt  situa- 
tion, is  the  same  now  as  it  was  before  our  confederating  and 
ever  since,  and  affords  no  more  ground  now  to  disannul  the 
government  than  before.  We  might  marvel  at  your  strange, 
why  we  should  think  your  success  should  be  debtor  to  our  si- 
lence, and  that  because  the  news  of  our  non-compliance  was 
with  the  commissioners,  as  if  the  mere  news  of  such  a  thing 
contained  the  strength  of  all  we  had  to  say  or  plead.  Gentle- 
men, we  intreat  you  to  consider,  that  there  is  more  in  it  than 
so,  yea,  that  still  we  have  to  alledge  things  of  weight,  and  know 
where  and  how,  if  we  chose  not  rather  to  abate  and  suffer,  than 
by  striving  to  hazard  the  hurting  yourselves  or  the  common 
cause.  We  scope  not  at  reflections,  but  conviction  and  con- 
science satisfaction,  that  so  brethren  in  the  fellowship  of  the 
gospel  might  come  to  a  cordial  and  regular  closure,  and  so  to 
walk  together  in  love  and  peace,  to  advance  Christ  his  interest 
among  them,  which  is  all  our  design  :  But  how  those  high  and 
holy  ends  are  like  so  to  be  promoved  between  us,  without  a 
treaty  for  accommodation  we  have  cause  to  doubt ;  yet  that  we 
may  not  fail  in  the  least  to  perform  whatever  we  have  said,  we 
now  signify,  that  having  seen  the  copy  of  his  majesty's  commis- 
sioners' determination  (deciding  the  bounds  betwixt  his  high- 
ness the  Duke  of  York,  and  Connecticut  charter)  we  do  de- 
clare submission  thereunto  according  to  the  true  intent  of  oar 
vote,  unto  which  we  refer  you.  As  to  that  part  of  yours  con- 
cerning our  magistrates  and  officers  acceptance,  their  answer 
is,  that  they  having  been  chosen  by  the  people  here  to  such 
trust  and  sworn  thereunto,  for  the  year  ensuing,  and  until  new 
be  orderly  chosen,  and  being  again  desired  to  continue  that 
trust,  they  shall  goon  in  due  observance  thereof  according  to 
the  declaration  left  with  us  by  Mr.  John  Allen  and  Mr.  Samuel 
Sherman,  bearing  date  November  19th,  1664  ;  in  hopes  to  find 
that  in  a  loving  treaty  for  accommodating  matters  to  the  ends 
professed  by  you  ;  unto  which  our  committee  stands  ready  to 

B  3 


530  APPENDIX. 

attend,  upon  notice  from  you ;  that  so  truth  anc^ peace  ma/v 
be  maintained.  So  shall  we  not  give  you  further  trouble,  but 
remain,  gentlemen,  your  very  loving  friends  and  neighbours, 
the  committee  appointed  by  the  freemen  and  inhabitants  of 
New-Haven  colony. 

Signed  per  their  order,  per  me, 

JAMES  BISHOP.  Secretary. 

NUMBER  XX. 

The  answer  of  Connecticut  to  the  claim  and  petition  of  the  Duke 
and  Duchess  of  Hamilton,  March  2othj  1665.  * 

THE  king's  commissioners  had  written  to  the  colony,  re- 
questing, "That  they  might  have  something  in  writing  to  re- 
turn to  the  kingr  concerning  the  grant  of  sixty  miles  square  on 
the  eastern  side  of  Connecticut  river,  to  James,  Marquis  of 
Hamilton,  from  the  council  of  Plymouth  in  Devon,  1631,  and 
to  know  in  what  particulars  it  was  desired,  that  they  should  be 
solicitors  to  his  majesty  for  the  advantage  of  the  colony  ,'r 
which  they  declared  they  would  cordially  endeavour. 

In  consequence  of  whkh  the  following  answer  was  given. 
To  the   Honorable   Sir   Robert  Carr,   knight,  George  Cart- 
wright,  Esq.  and  Samuel  Maverick,  Esq.  his  majesty's  hon- 
orable commissioners. 

IN  answer  to  Duke  Hamilton's  petition,  respecting  a  gran-t 
of  land  of  sixty  miles  square,,  on  the  east  side  the  river  Corv 
verticu. 

1.  We  are  wholly  ignorant  of  any  river  within  the  extent  of 
our  charter,   that  is  known   under  such  an  appellation,   and 
therefore  cannot  conceive  that  any  part  or  tract  of  land,  under 
this  government,,  is-  concerned  in  this  demand. 

2.  Yet  upon  supposition  that  it  may  be  conceived  to  intend 
Connecticut  river,  we  humbly  conceive  that  the  original  patent 
grant,  from  royal  authority  to  the  Lord   Say  and  other  noble? 
and  gentlemen,  which  we  purchased  at  a  dear  rate,  is  lately 
ratified  and  confirmed  by  our  gracious  sovereign,  under   the 
broad  seal  of  England  (the  most  absolute  and  unquestionable 
security  of  the  English  subjects)  in  which  grants  the  lands  fore- 
mentioned  are  comprised.     The  grant  to  Connecticut  was  pre- 
cedent to  that  of  Duke  Hamilton's  several  years,  which  gives 
us  to  conclude,  that  priority  of  title  will  be  settled  by  priority 
of  grant. 

3»  A  considerable  tract  of  this  land  which  the  duke's  peti- 
tion refers  to  (if  as  before  supposed,  it  be  determined  Connec- 
ticut) was  possessed  by  a  people  most  malignantly  spirited  a- 
gainst  his  majesty's  English  subjects,  and  at  our  first  settling 


APPENDIX.  531 

here,  when  we  were  weak  and  few,  they  grew  very  insolent 
against  us,  making  invasion  upon  us,  murdering  many  of  our 
people,  thereby  necessitating  us  to  a  hazardous  undertaking, 
to  cast  ourselves  into  the  arms  of  God's  providence,  in  .endeav- 
ouring to  suppress  those  bloody  heathen  ;  and  through  divine 
benediction  we  found  a  good  success  ;  and  though  that  wilder- 
ness land  would  not  afford  any  considerable  recompence  for 
the  loss  of  lives  and  great  expenses,  yet  our  peace  attained  by 
that  conquest  did  greatly  rejoice  us. 

4.  We  have  had  peaceable  possession  this  thirty  years,  free 
from  the  least  claim  of  any  other,  that  we  heard  of,  to  this  day  ; 
which  persuades  us  that  if  the  duke's  highness  had  ever  rea- 
son, by  virtue  of  his  grant,  to  make  claim,  yet  that  right  pre- 
tended is  extinct  in  law  many  years  since. 

His  majesty,  our  gracious  sovereign,  was  pleased  of  his  a- 
bundant  favor  and  gcace.  to  his  subjects  of  this  colony,  so  far 
to  declare  his  free  reception  of  the  reasons  forementioned,  of 
our  purchase  made,  and  conquest  recovered,  and  likewise  of 
our  improvement  and  labor  bestowed  upon  those  lands,  as  to 
Insert  them  as  motives  to  that  late  renewal  of  our  charter. 

We  humbly  crave,  that  as  it  hath  been  his  majesty's  royal 
pleasure  to  manifest  his  tender  affection  to,  and  care  of  his  sub- 
jects' welfare  in  these  his  colonies  of  New-England,  in  sending 
over  his  honorable  commissioners  to  compose  and  issue  those 
things  that  might  be  of  ill  consequence  between  the  several 
colonies,  so  likewise  that  it  be  well  pleasing  to  his  majesty, 
that  this  his  colony  of  Connecticut  might  be  freed  from  further 
trouble  or  inconvenience  by  this  claim,  that  we  understand 
hath  been  presented  by  the  Marquis  Hamilton. 

And  whereas,  your  honors  are  pleased  so  far  to  exercise 
your  thoughts  about  the  promotion  of  the  welfare  of  his  ma- 
jesty's subjects  in  this  his  colony,  as  to  vouchsafe  us  so  favora- 
ble a  tender  to  be  solicitors  in  our  behalf  to  his  majesty  our 
gracious  sovereign,  in  any  particulars  wherein  we  may  be  ad- 
vantaged, we  crave  your  honors'  assistance  as  followeth. 

1.  That  his  majesty  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  silence 
the  claim  of  Duke  Hamilton,  if  any  be  by  him  pretended   or 
presented,   to  any  tract  of  land  lying  or  being  within  the  pre- 
cincts of  our  charter  (renewed  and  established  to  us  by  our 
royal  sovereign)  and  possessed  and  improved  by  several  poor 
people,  whose  progress   in  their  labors  and  endeavours   for 
their  subsistence  (at  the  best  very  mean)  will  be  impeded  and 
obstructed  through  fear  of  the  event  of  such  claims. 

2.  Whereas,  the  colony  is  at  a  very  low  ebb  in  respect  of 
traffick,  and  although,   out  of  a  respect  to  our  relation  to  the 
English  nation,  and  that  we  might  be  accounted  a  people  un- 
Jer  the  sovereignty  and  protection  of  his  majesty  the  king  of 


332  APPENDIX. 

England,  we  presumed  to  put  the  name  or  appellation  of  New- 
London  upon  one  of  our  towns,  which  nature  hath  furnished 
with  a  safe  and  commodious  harbour,  though  but  a  poor  peo- 
ple, and  discapacitated  in  several  respects  to  promote  traf- 
fick  ;  we  humbly  crave  of  our  gracious  sovereign,  that  he 
would  be  pleased  out  of  his  princely  bounty,  to  grant  it  be  a 
place  of  free  trade  for  seven,  ten,  or  twelve  years,  as  his  royal 
heart  shall  incline  to  confer  as  a  boon  upon  his  poor,  yet  loyal 
subjects. 

3.  We  request  of  your  honors,  1.  That  you  will  please  to 
represent  unto  his  majesty  our  allegiance,  with  our  ready  ac- 
knowledgment of  his  princely  grace  in  the  late  renewal  of  our 
charter.  2.  His  more  abundant  grace  in  re-ratifying  our  privi- 
leges both  civil  and  ecclesiastic,  in  his  late  gracious  letter  sent 
to  us  by  your  honors.  3.  Our  ready  compliance  wjlh  his  ma- 
jesty's royal  will  and  pleasure  therein  expressed.  4.  Our 
Christian  moderation  to  men  of  different  persuasions.  5.  We 
humbly  implore  the  continuance  of  the  shines  of  his  royal  fa- 
vor upon  our  mean  beginnings,  that  so  we  may  flourish  under 
the  benign  aspect  of  our  lord  the  king.* 

NUMBER  XXI. 

The  Reverend  Mr.  John  Davenports  resignation  of  Governor 
Hopkins'1  s  donation  to  the  general  court  of  New-Haven,  May 
4th,  1660. 

Quod  felix  faustumque  sit ! 

On  the  4th  day  of  the  fourth  month,  1660,  John  Davenport, 
pastor  of  the  church  of  Christ  at  New-Haven,  presented  to  the 
honorable  general  court  at  New-Haven,  as  followeth  ; 
MEMORANDUM, 

I.  That,  sundry  years   past,  it  was  concluded  by  the  said 
general  court,  that  a  small  college,  such  as  the  day  of  small 
things  will  permit,  should  be  settled  in  New-Haven,  for  the 
education  of  youth  in  good  literature,  to  fit  them  for  public  ser- 
vices, in  church  and  commonwealth,  as  it  will  appear  in  the 
public  records. 

II.  Thereupon,  the  said  John  Davenport,   wrote  unto  our 
honored  friend,  Edward  Hopkins,  Esq.  then  living  in  London, 
the  result  of  those  consultations.     In  answer  whereunto,  the 
said  Edward  Hopkins  wrote  unto  the  said  John  Davenport,  a 
letter,  dated  the  30th  of  the  second  month,  called  April,   1656, 
beginning  with  these  words, 

MOST  DEAR  SIR, 

The  long  continued  respects  I  have  received  from  you,   but 
*.  This  is  aa  attested  copy,  in  the  old  letter  book,  p.  128,  129,  130. 


APPENDIX.  533 

^specialty,  the  speakings  of  the  Lord  to  my  heart,  by  you, 
have  put  me  under  deep  obligations  to  love  and  a  return  of 
thanks  beyond  what  I  have  or  can  express,  &c.  Then  after 
other  passages  (which  being  secrets  hinder  me  from  shewing 
his  letters)  he  added  a  declaration  of  his  purpose  in  reference 
-to  the  college  about  which  I  wrote  unto  him,  That  which  the 
Lord  hath  given  me  in  those  parts,  I  ever  designed,  the  great- 
est part  of  it,  for  the  furtherance  of  the  work  of  Christ  in  those 
ends  of  the  earth,  and  if  1  understand  that  a  college  is  begun 
and  like  to  be  carried  on,  at  New-Haven,  for  the  good  of  pos- 
terity, I  shall  give  some  encouragement  thereunto.  These  are 
the  very  words  of  his  letter.  But, 

III.  Before  Mr.  Hopkins  could  return  an  answer  to  my  next 
Jetter  it  pleased  God  to  finish  his  days  in  this  world  :    There- 
fore, by  his  last  will  and  testament  (as  the  copy  thereof  trans- 
cribed and  attested,  by  Mr.  Thomas  Yale,  doth  shew)  he  com- 
mitted the  whole  trust  of  disposing  his  estate   in  these  coun- 
tries  (after  some  personal  legacies    were  paid  out)   unto  the 
public  uses  mentioned,  and  bequeathed  it  to  our  late  honored 
governor,  Theophilus  Eaton,  Esq.  his  father  in  law,  and  to  the 
aforesaid  John  Davenport,  and  joined  with  them,  in  the  same 
trust,  captain  John  Cullick,  and  Mr.  William  Goodwin. 

IV.  It  having  pleased  the  most   high  to  afflict  this  colony 
greatly  by  taking  from  it  to  himself,  our  former  ever  honored 
governor,  Mr.  Eaton,  the  surviving  trustees  and  legatees  met 
together,  to  consider  what  course  they  should  take  for  the  dis- 
charge of  their  trust,  and  agreed  that  each  of  them  should  have 
an  inventory  of  the  aforesaid  testator's  estate  in  New-England, 
in  houses  and  goods  and  lands,  (which  were  prized  by  some  in 
Hartford  intrusted  by  captain  Cullick  and  Mr.  Goodwin)  and 
in   debts,  for  the  gathering  in  whereof  some  attorneys   were 
constituted,  empowered  and  employed  by  the  three  surviving" 
trustees,  as  the  writing  in  the  magistrates'  hand  will  shew. 

V.  Afterwards,  at  another  meeting  of  the  said  trustees,  they 
considering  that  by  the  will  of  the  dead,    they  are  joined  to- 
gether in  one  common  trust,  agreed  to  act  together,  with  mu- 
tual consent,  in  performance  thereof;  and  considering,  that 
by  the  will  of  the  testator,  two  of  New-Haven  were  joined 
\vith  two  of  Hartford,  and  that  Mr.  Hopkins  had  declared  his 
purpose  to  further  the  college  intended  at  New-Haven,  they 
agreed  that  one  half  of  that  estate  which  should  be  gathered 
in,   should  be  paid  unto  Mr.  Davenport  for  New-Haven,  the 
other  half  to  captain  Cullick  and  Mr.  Goodwin,  to  be  improv- 
ed for  the  uses  and  ends  fore  noted  where  they  should  have 
power  to  perform  their  trust,  which,  because  they  would  not  ex- 
pect to  have  at  Hartford,  they  concluded  it  would  be  best  done 
by  them  in  that  new  plantation  unto  which  sundry  of  HartforcJ 


S34  APPENDIX. 

were  to  remove,  and  were  now  gone  :  yet  they  agreed  that  out 
of  the  whole  1001.  should  be  given  to  the  college  at  Cam- 
bridge, in  the  bay ;  the  estate  being  10001.  as  captain  Cullick 
believed  it  would  be,  which  we  now  see  cause  to  doubt,  by  rea- 
son of  the  sequestrations  laid  upon  that  estate,  and  still  con- 
tinued by  the  general  court  at  Hartford,  whereupon  some  re- 
fuse to  pay  their  debts,  and  others  forsake  the  purchases  they 
had  made,  to  their  great  hindrance  of  performing  the  will  of  the 
deceased,  according  to  the  trust  committed  to  them,  and  to  the 
great  endamagement  of  the  estate. 

VI.  The  said  John  Davenport  acquainted  the  other  two 
trustees  with  his  purpose,  to  interest  the  honored  magistrates 
and  elders  of  this  colony  in  the  disposal  of  that  part  of  the  es- 
tate, that  was  by  their  agreement  to  be  paid  thereunto,  for  the 
promoving  the  college  work  in  a  gradual  way,  for  the  education 
of  youth  in  good  literature,  so  far  as  he  might,  with  preserving 
in  himself,  the  power  committed  to  him  for  the  discharge  of  his 
trust:  they  consented  thereunto.  Accordingly,  on  the  elec- 
tion day,  it  being  the  30th  day  of  the  third  month,  he  delivered 
up  unto  the  hands  of  the  honored  governor  and  magistrates  the 
writings  that  concern  this  business :  (viz.  the  copy  of  Mr. 
Hopkins  his  last  will  and  testament,  and  thq  inventory  of  his 
estate  in  New-England,  and  the  appraisement  of  his  goods,  and 
the  writings  signed  by  the  surviving  trustees  for  their  attornies, 
and  some  letters  between  the  other  trustees  and  himself,)  ad- 
ding also  his  desire  of  some  particulars  for  the  well  performing 
the  trust  as  followeth  : 

1.  He  desireth  of  New-Haven  town, 

First,  That  the  rent  of  the  oyster  shell  fields,  formerly  sepa- 
rated and  reserved  for  the  use  and  benefit  of  a  college,  be  paid 
from  this  time  forward,  towards  the  making  of  some  stock  for 
disbursements  of  necessary  charges  towards  the  college  till  it 
be  set  up,  and  afterwards  to  continue  for  a  yearly  rent  as  be- 
longing to  it,  under  the  name  and  title  of  college  land. 

Secondly,  That  if  no  place  can  be  found  more  convenient, 
Mrs.  Eldred's  lot  be  given  for  the  use  of  the  college,  and  of 
the  colony  grammar  school,  if  it  be  in  this  town,  else  only  for 
the  college. 

Thirdly,  That  parents  will  keep  such  of  their  sons  constantly 
to  learning  in  the  schools,  whom  they  intend  to  train  up  for 
public  serviceableness,  and  that  all  their  sons  may  learn,  at 
least,  to  write  and  cast  up  accounts  competently,  and  may  make 
some  entrance  into  the  latin  tongue. 

Fourthly,  That  if  the  colony  settle  401.  per  annum,  for  a 
common  school,  and  shall  add  1001.  to  be  paid  towards  the 
building  or  buying  of  a  school  house  and  library  in  this  town, 
seeing  thereby  this  town  will  be  freed  from  the  charges  which 


APPENDIX. 

they  have  been  at  hitherto  to  maintain  a  town  school,  they 
would  consider  what  part  of  their  former  salary  may  be  still 
continued  for  future  supplies  towards  a  stock  for  necessary  ex- 
penses about  the  college  or  school. 

2.  He  humbly  desireth  the  honored  general  court  of  the  col- 
ony of  New-Haven, 

First,  That  the  401.  per  annum  formerly  agreed  upon,  to  be 
paid  by  the  several  plantations,  for  a  common  grammar  school, 
be  now  settled  in  one  of  the  plantations  which  they  shall  judge 
fittest,  and  that  a  school  master  may  forthwith  be  provided  to 
.teach  the  three  languages,  Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew,  so  far 
as  shall  be  necessary  to  prepare  them  for  the  college,  and  that 
if  it  can  be  accomplished,  that  such  a  school  master  be  settled 
by  the  end  of  this  summer,  or  the  beginning  of  winter.  The 
payments  from  the  several  plantations  may  begin  from  this 
time. 

Secondly.,  That  if  the  common  school  be  settled  in  this  town, 
the  honored  governor,  magistrates,  elders,  and  dep  ities,  would 
solemnly  and  together  visit  the  grammar  school  once  every 
year,  at  the  court  for  elections,  to  examine  the  scholars'  profi- 
ciency in  learning* 

Thirdly,  That  for  the  payments  to  be  made  by  the  planta- 
tions, for  the  school,  or  out  of  Mr.  Hopkins'  estate,  towards 
the  college,  one  be  chosen  by  themselves,  under  the  name  and 
title  of  steward,  or  receiver,  for  the  school  and  college,  to  whom 
such  payments  may  be  made,  with  full  power  given  him  by 
the  court  to  demand  what  is  due,  and  to  prosecute  in  case  of 
neglect,  and  to  give  acquittances  in  case  of  due  payments  re- 
ceived, and  to  give  his  account  yearly  to  the  court,  and  to  dis- 
pose of  what  he  receiveth  in  such  provisions  as  cannot  be  well 
kept,  in  the  best  way  for  the  aforesaid  uses  according  to  ad- 
vice. 

Fourthly,  That  unto  that  end  a  committee  of  church  mem- 
bers be  chosen  to  meet  together  and  consult  and  advise,  in 
emergent  difficult  cases,  that  may  concern  the  school  or  col- 
lege, and  which  cannot  be  well  delayed  till  the  meeting  of  the 
general  court,  the  governor  being  always  the  chief  of  that  com- 
mittee. 

Fifthly,  The  said  John  Davenport  desireth,  that  while  it 
may  please  GOD  to  continue  his  life,  and  abode  in  this  place, 
(to  the  end  that  he  may  the  better  perform  his  trust)  in  refer- 
ence to  the  college,  that  he  be  always  consulted  in  difficult 
cases,  and  have  the  power  of  a  negative  vote,  to  hinder  any 
thing  from  being  acted  which  he  shall  prove  by  good  reason  to 
be  prejudicial  to  the  true  intendment  of  the  testator,  and  to  the 
true  end  of  this  work. 

Sixthly,  That  certain   orders   be   speedily  made   for  the 


530  APPENDIX. 

school,  and  when  the  college  shall  proceed,  for  it  also  ;  that  the 
education  of  youth  may  be  carried  on  suitably  to  CHRIST'S 
ends,  by  the  counsel  of  the  teaching  elders  in  this  colony;  and 
that  what  they  shall  conclude  with  consent,  being  approved  by 
the  honored  magistrates,  be  ratified  by  the  general  court. 

Seventhly,  Because  it  is  requisite  that  the  writings  which 
concern  Mr.  Hopkins  his  estate  be  safely  kept ;  in  order  there- 
unto, the  said  John  Davenport  desireth  that  a  convenient  chest 
be  made,  with  two  locks  and  two  keys,  and  be  placed  in  the 
house  of  the  governor,  or  of  the  steward,  in  some  safe  room, 
till  a  more  public  place  (as  a  library  or  the  like)  may  be  pre- 
pared ;  and  that  one  key  be  in  the  hands  of  the  governor,  the 
other  in  the  steward's  hands.  That  in  this  chest  all  the  writ- 
ings now  delivered  by  him  to  the  magistrates  may  be  kept ; 
and  all  other  bills,  bonds,  acquittances,  orders,  or  whatsoever 
writings  that  may  concern  this  business  be  put  and  kept  there  ; 
and  that  some  place  may  be  agreed  on  where  the  steward  or  re- 
ceiver may  lay  up  such  provisions  as  may  be  paid  in,  till  they 
may  be  disposed  of  for  the  good  of  the  school  or  college. 

Eighthly,  Because  our  sight  is  narrow  and  weak,  in  viewing 
and  discerning  the  compass  of  things  that  are  before  us,  much 
more  in  foreseeing  future  contingencies,  he  further  craveth  lib- 
erty for  himself  and  other  elders  of  this  colony,  to  propound  to 
the  honored  governor  and  magistrates  what  hereafter  may  be 
found  to  be  conducible  to  the  well  carrying  011  of  this  trust,  ac- 
cording to  the  ends  proposed,  and  that  such  proposals  may  be 
added  unto  these,  under  the  name  and  title  of  USEFUL  ADDI- 
TIONALS  ;  and  confirmed  by  the  general  court. 

Lastly,  He  hopeth  he  shall  not  need  to  add,  what  he  ex- 
pressed by  word  of  mouth,  that  the  honored  general  court  will 
not  suffer  this  gift  to  be  lost  from  the  colony,  but  as  it  becom- 
eth  fathers  of  the  commonwealth,  will  use  all  good  endeavours 
to  get  it  into  their  hands,  and  to  assert  their  right  in  it  for  the 
common  good  ;  that  posterity  may  reap  the  good  fruit  of  their 
labors,  and  wisdom,  and  faithfulness  ;  and  that  JESUS  CHRIST 
may  have  the  service  and  honor  of  such  provision  made  for  his 
people  ;  in  whom  I  rest. 

JOHN  DAVENPORT. 

NUMBER  XXII. 

Letter  of  his  majesty  king  Charles  II.  to  Connecticut,  April  I  O'lht 

1666. 

CHARLES  R. 

TRUSTY  and  well  beloved,  we  greet  you  well,  having  re- 
ceived so  full  and  satisfactory  an  account  from  our  cornmis- 


APPENDIX.  537 

sioncrs,  both  of  the  good  reception  you  have  given  them,  and 
also  of  your  dutifulness  and  obedience  to  us,  we  cannot  bdt  let 
you  know  how  much  we  are  pleased  therewith,  judging  that 
respect  of  yours  towards  our  officers  to  be  the  true  and  natural 
fruit  which  demonstrates  what  fidelity  and  affection  towards  us 
is  rooted  in  your  hearts ;  and  although  your  carriage  doth  of 
itself  most  justly  deserve  our  praise  and  approbation,  yet  it 
seems  to  be  set  off  with  the  more  lustre  by  the  contrary  de- 
portment of  the  colony  of  the  Massachusetts,  as  if  by  their  re- 
fractoriness they  had  designed  to  recommend  and  heighten  the 
merit  of  your  compliance  with  our  directions,  for  the  peacea- 
ble and  good  government  of  our  subjects  in  those  parts :  you 
may  therefore  assure  yourselves  that  we  shall  never  be  un- 
mindful of  this  your  loyal  and  dutiful  behaviour,  but  shall,  upon 
all  occasions,  take  notice  of  it  to  your  advantage,  promising 
you  our  constant  protection  and  royal  favor,  in  all  things  that 
may  concern  your  safety,  peace  and  welfare  ;  and  so  we  bid 
you  farewell.  Given  at  our  court,  at  Whitehall,  the  10th  day 
of  April,  1666,  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  our  reign.  By  his  ma- 
jesty's  command, 

WILLIAM  MORRICE. 
Supercribed  to  our  trusty  and  well  beloved, 

the  governor  and  council  of  the  colony  of 

Connecticut,  in  New-England. 

NUMBER  XXIII. 

An  address  taking  William,  June,  13th,  1689. 

To  the  king's  most  excellent  majesty. 

The  humble  address  of  your  majesty's  dutiful  and  loyal  sub- 
jects, the  governor  and  company  of  your  majesty's  colony  of 
Connecticut,  in  New-England. 

GREAT  SOVEREIGN, 

GREAT  was  that  day,  when  the  Lord,  who  sitteth  upon, 
the  floods,  and  sitteth  king  forever^  did  divide  his  and  your  ad- 
versaries from  one  another,  like  the  waters  of  Jordan  forced 
to  stand  upon  an  heap,  and  did  begin  to  magnify  you  like  Josh- 
ua, in  the  sight  of  all  Israel,  by  those  great  actions  that  were 
so  much  for  the  honor  of  God,  and  the  deliverance  of  the  Eng- 
lish dominions  from  popery  and  slavery,  and  all  this  separated 
from  those  sorrows  that  usually  attend  the  introducing  of  a 
peaceable  settlement  in  any  troubled  state  ;  all  which  doth  af- 
fect us  with  the  sense  of  our  duty  to  return  the  highest  praise 
unto  the  KING  of  KINGS,  and  LORD  of  HOSTS,  and  bless  HIM, 
who  hath  delighted  in  you,  to  sit  you  on  the  throne  of  his  Js- 
ra^l.  and  *o  say  because  the  LORD  loved  ISRAEL  forever,  there- 

S  3 


i*3&'  APPENDIX. 

lore  hath  he  made  you  king  to  do  justice  and  judgment,  i!<a  . 
;tlso  humble  and  hearty  acknowledgment  for  that  great  zeal, 
that  by  your  majesty  hath  been  expressed  in  those  hazards, 
you  have  put  your  royal  person  to,  and  in  the  expense  of  so 
great  treasure  in  the  defence  of  the  protestant  interest.  In  the 
consideration  of  all  which,  we,  your  majesty's  dutiful  and  loy- 
al subjects  of  your  said  colony,  are  encouraged  humbly  to  inti- 
mate that  we,  with  much  favor,  obtained  a  charter  of  king 
Charles  the  II.  of  happy  memory,  bearing  date  April  23d, 
1662,  in  the  14th  year  of  his  reign,  granted  to  the  governor 
and  company  of  his  majesty's  colony  of  Connecticut,  the  ad- 
vantages and  privileges  whereof  made  us  indeed  a  very  happy 
people,  and  by  the  blessing  of  GOD  upon  our  endeavours,  we 
have  made  a  considerable  improvement  of  your  dominions 
here  ;  which,  with  the  defence  of  ourselves  from  the  force  ot 
both  foreign  and  intestine  enemies,  has  cost  us  much  expense 
of  treasure  and  blood  ;  yet  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign  ot 
his  late  majesty  king  James  the  II.  we  had  a  quo-warranto  serv- 
ed upon  us  by  Edward  Randolph,  .requiring  our  appearance 
before  his  majesty's  court,  in  England  ;  and  although  the  time 
of  our  appearance  was  elapsed  before  the  serving  the  said  quo- 
zoarranto,  yet  we  humbly  petitioned  his  majesty  foe  his  favor, 
and  the  continuance  of  our  charter,  with  the  privileges  there- 
of; but  we  received  no  other  favor  but  a  second  quo-warranto^ 
and  we  well  observing  that  the  charter  of  London,  and  other 
considerable  cities  in  England  were  condemned,  and  that  the 
charter  of  the  Massachusetts  had  undergone  the  like  fate,  plain- 
ly saw  what  we  might  expect,  yet  we  not  judging  it  good  or 
lawful  to  be  active  in  surrendering  what  had  cost  us  so  dear, 
nor  to  be  altogether  silent,  we  empowered  an  attorney  to  ap- 
pear on  our  behalf,  and  to  prefer  our  humble  address  to  hi  - 
majesty,  to  entreat  his  favor  quickly  upon  it ;  but  as  Sir  Ed- 
inond  Andross  informed  us  he  was  impowered  by  his  majesty 
to  regain  the  surrender  of  our  charter,  if  we  saw  meet  so  to  do, 
and  to  take  ourselves  ander  his  government;  also  colonel 
Thomas  Dungan,  his  majesty's  governor  of  New- York,  labor- 
ed to  gain  us  over  to  his  government :  we  withstood  all  these 
motions,  and  in  our  reiterated  addresses,  we  petitioned  his 
majesty  to  continue  us  in  the  full  and  free  enjoyment  of  our 
liberties  and  property,  civil  and  sacred,  according  to  our  char- 
ter. We  also  petitioned,  that  if  his  majesty  should  not  see 
meet  to  continue  us  as  we  were,  but  was  resolved  to  annex  us 
to  some  other  government,  we  then  desired,  that  (in  as  much  as 
Boston  had  been  our  old  correspondents,  and  people  whose 
principles  and  manners  we  had  been  acquainted  with)  we 
might  be  annexed  rather  to  Sir  Edmund  Andross  his  govern- 
ment, than  to  colonel  Dungan's,  which  choice  of  ours  was. 


APPENDIX.  539 

taken  for  a  resignation  of  our  government,  though  that  was 
never  intended  by  us  for  such,  nor  had  it  the  formalities  in  law 
to  make  it  a  resignation,  as  we  humbly  conceive,  yet  Sir  Ed- 
mund Andross  was  commissioned,  by  his  majesty,  to  take  us 
under  his  government ;  pursuant  to  which  about  the  end  of  Oc- 
tober, 1687,  he  with  a  company  of  gentlemen  and  grenadiers, 
to  the  number  of  sixty  or  upwards  came  to  Hartford  (the  chief 
seat  of  this  government)  caused  his  commission  to  be  read  and 
declared  our  government  to  be  dissolved,  and  put  into  com- 
mission, both  civil  and  military  officers  through  our  colony,  as 
he  pleased,  where  he  passed  through  the  principal  parts  there- 
of. The  good  people  of  the  colony,  though  they  were  under 
a  great  sense  of  the  injuries  they  sustained  hereby,  yet  chose 
rather  to  be  silent  and  patient  than  to  oppose,  being  indeed 
surprised  into  an  involuntary  submission  to  an  arbitary  power, 
but  when  the  government  we  were  thus  put  under,  seemed  to 
us,  to  be  determined,  and  we  being  in  daily  fear  and  hazard  of 
those  many  inconveniences,  that  will  arise  from  a  people  in 
want  of  government,  being  also  in  continual  danger  of  our  lives 
by  reason  of  the  natives  being  at  war  with  us,  with  whom  we 
had  just  fears  of  our  neighbouring  French  to  join,  not  receiving 
any  order  or  direction  what  method  to  take  for  our  security,  we 
were  necessitated  to  put  ourselves  into  some  form  of  govern- 
ment, and  there  being  none  so  familiar  to  us  as  that  of  our 
charter,  nor  what  we  cotfld  make  so  effectual  for  the  gaining 
the  universal  compliance  of  the  people,  and  having  never  re- 
ceived any  intimation  of  an  enrolment  of  that,  which  was  in- 
terpreted a  resignation  of 'our  charter,  we  have  presumed,  by 
the  consent  of  the  major  part  of  the  freemen,  assembled  for 
that  end,  May  9th,  -1689,  to  resume  our  government,  according 
to  the  rules  of  our  charter,  and  this  to  continue  till  further  or- 
der, yet  as  we  have  thus  presumed  to  dispose  ourselves,  not- 
waiting  orders  from  your  majesty,  we  humbly  submit  ourselves 
herein,  intreating  your  majesty's  most  gracious  pardon,  and 
that  what  our  urgent  necessity  hath  put  upon  us,  may  no  ways 
interrupt  your  majesty's  grace  and  favor  towards  us,  your 
most  humble  and  dutiful  subjects,  but  that  in  your  clemency 
yo'u  would  be  pleased  to  grant  us  such  directions  as  to  your 
princely  wisdom  may  seem  meet,  with  such  ratifications  and 
confirmations  of  our  charter,  in  the  full  and  free  enjoyment  of 
all  our  properties,  privileges,  and  liberties  both  civil  and  sa- 
cred, as  therein  granted  to  us,  by  your  royal  predecessor,  king 
Charles  the  II.  which  may  yet  further  insure  it  an  inheritance 
to  us  and  our  posterities  after  us,  with  what  farther  grace  and 
favor  your  royal  and  enlarged  heart  may  be  moved  to  confer 
•ipon  us ;  which,  we  trust,  we  shall  not  forget  rior  be  unprofita- 
ble under;  but  as  we  have  this  day  with  f.hejn^nte&t  ^x> 


540  APPENDIX. 

si-;ns  of  joy,  proclaimed  your  majesty  and  royal  consort  king 
and  queen  of  England.  France,  and  Ireland,  with  the  dominions 
thereto  belonging,  so  we  shall  ever  pray,  that  God  would  grant 
your  majesties  long  to  live,  and  prosperously  to  reign  over  all 
your  dominions,  and  that  great  and  happy  work  you  have  be- 
gun may  be  prospered  here  and  graciously  rewarded  with  a 
crown  of  glory  hereafter. 

ROBERT  TREAT,  Governor. 
Per  order  of  the  general  court  of  Connecticut,  signed, 

JOHN  ALLEN,  Secretary. 

NUMBER  XXIV. 

Letter  to  governor  Leister,  requiring  the  release  of  major-gene^ 
ral  Winthrop,$rc.  September  1st,  1690. 

HARTFORD,  Sept.  1st,  1690. 
HONORABLE  SIR, 

BY  an  express  from  our  captains,  at  Albany,  of  the  27th 
August  last,  we  are  certified,  that  major-general  Winthrop  is 
made  a  prisoner,  and  that  on  our  officers'  request  to  the  com- 
mander of  the  fort  for  his  liberty  to  officiate  in  the  army,  your- 
self being  present  at  Albany,  their  answer  was,  that  if  they 
would  speak  with  the  general,  they  might  go  to  York  ;  also  that 
our  commissary  is  under  restraint;  these  are  very  unexpected 
and  surprising  as  well  as  grievous  tidings  to  us,  and  put  us  upon 
signifying  to  you,  that  it  was  upon  a  certain  knowledge  of  ma- 
jor Winthrop's  fidelity,  prudence,  and  valor,  that  we  did  solicit 
him  to  undertake  this  service,  and  used  our  interest  in  the  Mas- 
sachusetts gentlemen  to  prevail  with  him  therein,  who  having 
the  same  confidence  in  his  virtues  did  so,  and  we  thereon  re- 
commended him  to  you,  who  gave  us  to  understand  as  great  a 
value  of  him,  and  therefore  desired  his  acceptance,  which  his 
honor  accepting,  though  he  were  worthy  of  a  tenfold  greater 
command,  he  waited  on  you  and  his  country  ;  sir,  these  things 
are  so  radicated  in  all  New-England,  that  your  thus  dealing 
cannot  raise  a  jealousy  in  us  of  any  thing  unworthy  so  gener- 
ous a  soul,  as  is  this  gentleman,  and  though  in  honor  to  you, 
in  your  present  capacity,  we  will  suspend  any  censures  which 
%ve  might  make  on  your  unadvisedness  in  this  action,  yet  we 
must  in  justice  remember  you  of  that  article  concluded  by  the 
commissioners  at  York,  whereof  you  were  one,  namely,  what 
was  referred  to  the  commander  in  chief  and  his  council  of  war, 
which  you  in  particular  are  not  to  overrule;  if  the  return  from 
Wood  Creek,  done  by  a  council  of  war,  be  the  matter  which 
offends  you,  as  it  is  generally  said  to  be,  consider  how  far  that 
article,  and  the  reason  it  is  grounded  on,  lead  fo  it;  also,,  that 


APPENDIX.  541 

the  army  being>  confederate,  if  you  be  concerned  so  are  we, 
and  the  rest,  and  that  you  alone  should  judge  upon  the  gene- 
ral's and  council  of  war's  actions,  will  infringe  our  liberty  ; 
but  that  which  is  worst  in  event  is,  that  such  actions  will  ren- 
der our  friendly  correspondence  too  weak,  to  join  in  future  at- 
tempts, which  we  may  have  but  too  much  occasion  for  ;  for  if 
our  sending  our  best  friends  to  join  with  you,  prove  a  pitfall 
to  them,  it  will  necessitate  our  future  forbearance,  whatever  the 
consequence  be. 

And  sir,  you  necessitate  us  to  tell  you,  that  a  prison  is  not  a 
catholicon  for  all  state  maladies,  though  so  much  used  by  you, 
nor  are  you  incapable  of  need  of,  nor  aid  from  their  majesty's 
subjects  in  New-England  ;  nor  could  you  in  any  one  action 
have  more  disobliged  all  New-England,  and  if  you  shall  pro- 
ceed in  this  way,  you  will  certainly  put  all  that  gentleman's 
friends  on  his  vindication,  be  the  matter  controverted  what  it 
will,  he  is  of  such  estate  and  repute,  as  could  not  shun  a  just 
trial,  and  if  your  adherence  to  Mr.  Milborn  (whose  spirit  we 
have  sufficient  testimony  of,)  and  other  emulators  of  the  ma- 
jor's honor,  be  greater  than  to  ourselves  and  the  gentlemen  of 
the  bay,  you  may  boast  of  the  exchange,  by  what  profit  you 
find.  Sir,  you  cannot  expect  but  we  shall  be  warm  with  these 
matters,  unless  you  prevent  us  by  a  timely  and  honorable  re- 
lease of  the  major,  which  is  the  thing  we  advise  unto,  and  de- 
sire to  hear  from  you  with  all  speed,  what  our  expectations 
may  be  on  this  account.  We  are  giving  account  of  this  matter 
to  the  governor  and  council  of  Massachusetts,  it  is  justly  ex- 
pected that  your  declaration  to  us  all  of  the  grounds  of  this 
your  action,  should  have  been  as  forward  as  the  thing  itself. 
We  also  move  you  to  set  our  commissary  at  liberty,  since  he  is 
of  such  use  to  our  soldiers  as  he  cannot  be  spared. 

NUMBER  XXV. 

The  determination  of  the  king,  in  council,  relative  to  the  militia 
of  Connecticut,  April  19th,  1694. 

A  PETITION  having  been  presented  to  his  majesty,  by  ma- 
jor-general Fitz  John  Winthrop,  agent  for  the  English  colony 
of  Connecticut,  in  New-England,  in  America,  in  behalf  of  the 
said  colony,  by  the  name  of  the  governor  and  company  of  the 
English  colony  of  Connecticut,  in  New-England,  in  America 
setting  forth,  that  the  petitioners  by  letters  patents,  under  the 
great  seal  of  England,  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  the  reign  'of  the 
late  king  Charles  the  second,  were  incorporated  by  the  name 
of  the  governor  and  company  of  the  English  colony  of  Connec- 
ticut, in  America,  with  powers  as  well  for  the  civil  adminis-trp. 


542  APPENDIX. 

tion  of  affaics,  as  the  lieutenancy  for  the  ordering,  arraying, 
modelling,  and  conducting  the  militia,  for  the  special  defence 
of  the  colony  ;  that  from  the  date  of  the  said  grant,  until  the 
month  of  October  last,  they  have  enjoyed  the  said  liberties  and 
privileges,  without  forfeiture  or  molestation,  except  some  inter- 
ruption they  received  in  the  reign  of  king  James  the  second ; 
that  colonel  Fletcher,  governor  of  New- York,  in  October  last, 
by  color  of  his  majesty's  commission,  whereby  for  the  uniting 
the  forces  of  the  said  province  and  colony,  he  was  created  com- 
mander in  chief  of  the  militia  of  the  said  colony,  did  demand  of 
the  petitioners  not  only  to  submit  to  him,  as  lieutenant  general 
and  commander  in  chief  over  the  full  quota  of  the  militia  of 
that  colony,  in  conjunction  with  those  of  New- York  and  the 
adjacent  governments,  but  likewise  the  particular  lieutenancy 
of  the  said  colony  and  the  power  of  assessing,  modelling,  and 
establishing  the  militia  thereof,  the  petitioners  therefore  num- 
bly praying  the  said  commission  may  receive  such  explana- 
tion and  restriction,  as  to  his  majesty  in  his  royal  justice  and 
wisdom  shall  seem  meet ;  and  his  majesty  having  been  pleased 
to  refer  the  said  petition  to  the  right  honorable  the  lords  of  the 
committee  of  trade  and  plantations  to  consider  the  matter  of 
the  said  petition,  and  to  report  what  they  conceive  fit  for  his 
majesty  to  do  therein  ;  and  the  lords  of  the  committee  having 
received  the  report  of  their  majesty's  attorney  general  and  so- 
licitor general  upon  the  matter  of  the  said  petition,  together 
with  the  address  of  the  colony  of  Rhode-Island,  and  touching 
the  uniting  the  strength  of  those  colonies  against  the  French, 
•which  report  is  in  the  words  following, 

May  it  please  your  lordships, 

In  obedience  to  your  lordship's  commands  fignified  to  us  by 
Mr.  Blathwait,  the  2d  of  January  and  the  3d  of  February  last, 
by  which  we  were  to  consider  the  several  charters  of  Connec- 
ticut and  Rhode-Island,  and  the  grants  of  east  and  west  New- 
Jersey,  and  to  report  our  opinion  upon  the  whole  matter  what 
may  be  done  for  the  uniting  the  strength  of  those  colonies  and 
New- York  under  a  chief  commander,  to  be  commissioned  by 
their  majesties,  for  the  defence  of  their  majesty's  subjects  in 
those  parts  against  the  French,  and"  also  to  consider  the  an- 
nexed copy  of  the  petition  of  the  governor  and  company  of 
Connecticut,  and  to  report  our  opinion  thereupon,  we  have 
considered  the  matter  to  us  referred,  and  do  find  that  king 
Charles  the  II.  by  his  charter,  dated  the  23d  of  April,  in  the 
14th  year  of  his  reign,  did  incorporate  John  Winthrop,  and 
several  other  persons  therein  named  and  all  others  who  then 
were  or  after  should  be  admitted  and  made  free  of  the  compa- 
ny, to  be  a  corporation  by  the  name  of  the  governor  and  com- 
pany of  the  English  colony  of  Connecticut  in  New-England  in. 


APPENDIX.  543 

America,  with  such  powers,  privileges  and  capacities,  as  are 
usually  granted  to  corporations  of  like  nature,  and  to  have  con- 
tinuance and  succession  forever,  and  therein  the  bounds  01 
the  colony  are  described  and  a  grant  thereby  made  to  the  cor- 
poration of  all  land,  soil,  ground,  havens,  ports,  jurisdictions, 
royalties,  privileges,  franchises  and  hereditaments,  within  the 
same  or  thereunto  belonging,  TO  BE  HOLDEN  to  the  corporation 
and  their  successors  in  trust  for  the  benefit  of  themselves  and 
their  associates,  freemen  of  that  colony,  their  heirs  and  assigns 
of  the  kings  of  England,  as  of  the  manor  of  East-Greenwich,  by 
the  5th  part  of  the  ore  of  gold  and  silver  there  found,  with  pow- 
er to  the  corporation  to  make  laws,  elect  governors,  deputy 
governors  and  assistants,  erect  judicatures  and  courts,  and 
choose  officers  for  the  civil  government,  and  thereby  also  pow- 
er is  granted  to  the  chief  commanders,  governors  and  officers 
of  the  company  and  others  inhabiting  there,  by  their  leave  or 
direction  for  their  special  defence  and  safety,  to  assemble,  mar- 
tially array  and  put  in  warlike  posture  the  inhabitants  of  the 
colony,  and  to  commission  such  persons  as  they  should  think 
fit  to  lead  and  conduct  the  inhabitants,  and  to  encounter,  resist, 
kill  and  slay  all  that  should  attempt  or  interpose  the  invasion 
or  annoyance  of  the  inhabitants  or  plantations,  and  to  exercise 
martial  laws  and  take  and  surprise  the  invaders  or  attemptors 
of  the  plantation  or  hurt  of  the  company  and  inhabitants,  and7 
on  just  occasion,  to  invade  and  destroy  the  natives  or  other 
enemies  of  the  colony. 

We  also  find  that  king  Charles  the  II.  in  the  15th  year  of  his 
reign  did  incorporate  divers  persons  by  name,  and  such  others 
as  then  were,  or  after  should  be  admitted  and  free  of  the  com- 
pany by  the  name  of  the  governor  and  company  of  the  English 
colony  of  Rhode-Island  and  Providence  plantation,  in  New- 
England  in  America,  and  granted  them  in  effect  the  like  pow- 
ers aud  authorities  both  civil  and  military,  as  are  before  men- 
lioned  to  be  granted  to  Connecticut. 

We  find  that  the  civil  government,  in  those  plantations  or 
colonies,  executed  the  military  powers  conferred  by  the  char- 
ters ;  but  that  their  majesties,  in  the  third  year  of  their  reign^ 
by  their  commission,  constituted  Sir  William  Phipps,  lieuten- 
ant and  commander  in  chief  of  the  militia  and  of  the  forces  by 
sea  and  land  within  the  colonies  of  Connecticut,  Rhode-Island 
and  Providence  plantation,  king's  province  and  province  of 
New-Hampshire,  and  all  forts  and  places  of  strength  in  the 
same  with  several  powers  and  authorities,  and  that  their  majes- 
Ues  by  their  commission  under  the  great  seal,  dated  the  10th. 
of  June,  1693,  revoked  so  much  of  Sir  William  Phipps  his 
Commission  and  p.owers,  as  related  to  the  colony  of  Connecti- 
cut, and  by  the  same  commission  constituted  Benjamin  Fletch- 


544  APPENDIX. 

er,  Esq.  their  majesty's  captain  general  and  Commander  in 
chief  of  New-York,  Pennsylvania,  New-Castle,  and  the  terri- 
tories and  tracts  of  land  depending  thereupon,  to  be  the  com- 
mander in  chief  of  the  militia  and  of  all  the  forces  by  sea  and 
land  within  the  colony  of  Connecticut  and  of  all  forts  and  pla- 
ces of  strength  within  the  same,  with  power  to  levy,  arm,  mus- 
ter, command,  or  employ  the  militia  of  the  said  colony,  and 
upon  any  necessary  and  urgent  occasion,  during  this  war,  to 
transfer  to  the  province  of  New- York,  and  frontiers  of  the 
same,  for  resisting  and  withstanding  enemies,  pirates  and  re- 
bels, both  at  land  and  sea,  and  defence  of  that  province  and 
colony,  of  which  commission  and  the  large  powers  therein  con- 
tained as  to  Connecticut,  the  colony  of  Connecticut  by  their 
annexed  petition  do  complain  and  pray  redress  against  the 
exercise  of  it,  in  such  manner  over  the  whole  militia,  and 
therein  shew  their  reasons  against  it.  We  have  heard  colonel 
Winthrop  and  his  council,  on  the  behalf  of  the  colony  of  Con- 
necticut, and  Mr.  Almey  and  his  council,  on  the  behalf  of 
Rhode-Island  and  Providence  plantation,  and  Dr.  Cox  ap- 
peared on  the  behalf  of  east  and  west  New-Jersey,  and  pro- 
duced some  writings,  shewing  how  the  same  were  granted  out 
from  the  crown  to  the  duke  of  York,  and  by  the  duke  of  York 
to  others,  but  the  Dr.  not  claiming  any  title  to  himself  it  doth 
not  appear  to  us  in  whom  the  estate  in  law  of  those  places  or 
of  the  government  thereof,  civil  or  military,  doth  now  reside, 
nor  how  the  same  is  exercised.  But  having  read  the  annexed 
estimate  from  Mr.  Blathwait,  we  communicated  the  same  to  the 
agents  for  Connecticut,  Rhode-Island  and  Providence  planta- 
tion, who  declared  their  readiness  during  times  of  danger  to 
provide  their  respective  quotas  .therein  contained,  and  in  case 
of  increase  of  danger,  or  other  necessary  occasions,  during  the 
continuance  thereof,  their  respective  quotas  to  be  proportion- 
ably  increased  with  other  colonies  ;  but  as  to  the  remaining 
militia  beyond  the  quotas  (which  it  seems  in  those  countries 
consists  of  all  males  between  sixteen  and  sixty  years  of  age) 
they  humbly  desire  that  it  may  remain  under  the  ordinary  and 
usual  government  and  command  of  the  colonies  according  to 
their  charters,  and  not  to  be  commanded  out,  unless  in  times 
of  actual  invasion  or  imminent  danger,  for  the  necessary  pre- 
servation of  some  of  the  colonies,  and  at  such  times  only 
when  such  of  the  colonies  whereout  the  forces  shall  be  drawn, 
m-e  not  in  danger,  and  that  at  all  times  a  sufficient  power  of 
the  militia  may  be  always  kept  in  each  colony  under  the  power 
of  the  government  of  it,  for  the  safety  and  necessary  preserva- 
tion thereof. 

We  are  humbly  of  opinion  that  the  charters  and  grants  of 
vhose  colonies  do  give  the  ordinary  power  of  the  militia  to  the 


APPENDIX.  545 

respective  governments  thereof;  but  do  also  conceive  that 
their  majesties  may  constitute  a  chief  commander,  who  may 
have  authority,  at  all  times,  to  command  or  order  such  propor- 
tion of  the  forces  of  such  colony  or  plantation,  as  their  majes- 
ties shall  think  fit;  and  farther,  in  times  of  invasion  aud  ap- 
proach of  the  enemy,  with  the  advice  and  assistance  of  the 
governors  of  the  colonies,  to  conduct  and  command  the  rest  of 
the  forces  for  the  preservation  and  defence  of  such  of  those 
colonies  as  shall  most  stand  in  need  thereof,  not  leaving  the 
rest  unprovided  of  a  competent  force  for  their  defence  and 
safety  ;  but  in  time  of  peace,  and  when  the  danger  is  over,  the 
militia  within  each  of  the  said  provirrces  ought,  as  we  humbly 
conceive,  to  be  under  the  government  and  dispositions  of  the 
respective  governors  of  the  said  colonies,  according  to  their 
charters. 

All  which,  nevertheless,  is  most  humbly  submitted  to  your 
lordships'  great  wisdom. 

EDWARD  WARD, 
THOMAS  TREVES. 

2d  April,  1G94, 

And  the  lords  of  the  committee  having  presented  to  his  ma- 
jesty's council  the  report  of  Mr.  attorney  and  Mr.  solicitor 
general  upon  the  matters  above  mentioned,  his  majesty,  in 
council,  is  pleased  to  approve  the  said  report,  and  to  signify 
his  pleasure,  that  the  quota,  not  exceeding  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men,  be  the  measure  of  the  assistance  to  be  given  by 
the  colony  of  Connecticut,  and  all  times  during  war  to  be 
commanded  by  the  governor  of  New- York ;  and  the  right  hon- 
orable Sir  John  Trenchard,  his  majesty's  principal  secretary 
of  state,  is  to  prepare  letters  for  his  majesty's  royal  signature, 
for  the  signification  of  his  majesty's  pleasure  herein  to  the 
governor  of  New-York  and  Connecticut  accordingly. 

WILLIAM  BRIDGEMAN. 


Ta 


NUMBER  XXVI. 


THE  GREAT  PATENT  OF  NEW-ENGLAND. 

£4J\fES,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King   of  England,    Scotland; 
France,  and  Ireland,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  <^c. 

TO  all  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come,  greeting  :— - 
Whereas,  upon  the  humble  petition  of  divers  of  our  well 
disposed  subjects,  that  intended  to  make  several  plantations 
in  the  parts  of  America,  between  the  degrees  of  thirty-four  and 
forty-five,  WE.  according  to  our  princely  inclination,  favouring 
much  their  worthy  disposition,  in  hope  thereby  to  advance  the 
enlargement  of  the  Christian  religion,  to  the  glory  of  God  Al- 
mighty, as  also  by  that  means  to  stretch  out  the  bounds  of  our 
dominions,  and  to  replenish  those  deserts  with  people,  govern- 
ed by  laws  and  magistrates,  for  the  more  peaceable  commerce- 
of  all  that  in  time  to  come  shall  have  occasion  to  traffic  into 
those  territories,  granted  unto  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Sir  George 
Summers,  knights,  Thomas  Hamon,  and  Raleigh  Gilbert, 
Esquires,  and  others  their  associates,  for  the  more  speedy  ac- 
complishment thereof,  by  our  letters  patents,  bearing  date  the 
10th  day  of  April,  in  the  fourth  year  of  our  reign  of  England. 
France,  and  Ireland,  and  of  Scotland  the  fortieth,  free  liberty 
to  divide  themselves  into  two  several  colonies  ;  the  one  called 
the  first  colony,  to  be  undertaken  and  advanced  by  certain 
knights,  gentlemen,  and  merchants,  in  arid  about  our  city  of 
London  ;  the  other,  called  the  second  colony,  to  be  underta- 
ken and  advanced  by  certain  knights,  gentlemen,  merchants, 
and  their  associates,  in  or  about  our  cities  of  Bristol,  Exon. 
and  our  town  of  Plymouth,  and  other  places,  as  in  and  by  our 
said  letters  patents,  amongst  other  things  more  at  large,  it  doth 
and  may  appear. 

And  whereas,  since  that  time,  upon  the  humble  petition  of 
the  said  adventurers  and  planters  of  the  said  first  colony,  we 
have  been  graciously  pleased  to  make  them  one  distinct  and 
entire  body  by  themselves,  giving  unto  them  their  distinct  lim- 
its and  bounds : 

And  have,  upon  their  like  humble  request,  granted  unto 
them  divers  liberties,  privileges,  enlargements,  and  immuni- 


APPENDIX.  547 

ues,  as  in  and  by  our  several  letters  patents,  it  doth  and  may 
more  at  large  appear. 

Now  forasmuch  as  we  have  been,  in  like  manner,  humbly 
petitioned  unto  by  our  trusty  and  well  beloved  servant,  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  knight,  captain  of  our  fort  and  island,  by 
Plymouth,  and  by  certain  the  principal  knights  and  gentlemen 
adventurers  of  the  said  second  colony,  and  by  divers  other 
persons  of  quality,  who  now  intend  to  be  their  associates,  di- 
vers of  which  have  been  at  great  and  extraordinary  charges, 
and  sustained  many  losses,  in  seeking  and  discovering  a  place 
fit  and  convenient  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  hopeful  planta- 
tion, and  have,  divers  years  past,  by  Cod's  assistance,  and 
their  own  endeavours,  taken  actual  possession  of  the  continent 
hereafter  mentioned,  in  our  name,  .and  to  our  use,  as  sovereign 
lord  thereof,  and  have  settled  already  some  of  our  people  in 
places  agreeable  to  their  desires  in  those  parts,  and  in  confi- 
dence of  prosperous  success  therein,  by  the  continuance  of 
God's  divine  blessing,  and  our  royal  permission,  have  resolved, 
in  a  more  plentiful  and  effectual  manner,  to  prosecute  the 
same ;  and  to  that  purpose  and  intent,  have  desired  of  us,  for 
their  better  encouragement  and  satisfaction  therein,  and  that 
they  may  avoid  all  confusion,  questions,  or  differences  between 
themselves  and  those  of  the  said  first  colony,  that  we  would 
likewise  be  graciously  pleased  to  make  certain  adventurers, 
intending  to  erect  and  establish  fishery,  trade,  and  plantation, 
within  the  territories,  precincts,  and  limits  of  the  said  second 
colony,  and  their  successors,  one  several  distinct  and  entire 
body,  and  to  grant  unto  them  such  estate,  liberties,  privileges, 
enlargements,  and  immunities  there,  as  are  in  those,  our  letters 
patents,  hereafter  particularly  expressed  and  declared. 

And  forasmuch  as  we  have  been  certainly  given  to  under- 
stand, by  divers  of  our  good  subjects,  that  have,  for  these  many 
years  past,  frequented  those  coasts  and  territories  between  the 
degrees  of  forty  and  forty-eight,  that  there  is  no  other  the  sub- 
jects of  any  Christian  king  or  state,  by  any  authority  from  their 
sovereign  lords  or  princes,  actually  in  possession  of  any  the 
said  lands  or  precincts,  whereby  any  right,  claim,  interest,  or 
title,  may,  might,  or  ought,  by  that  means  accrue,  belong,  or 
appertain  unto  them,  or  any  of  them. 

And  also,  for  that  we  have  been  further  given  certainly  to 
know,  that  within  these  late  years,  there  hath,  by  God's  visit- 
ation, reigned  a  wonderful  plague,  together  with  many  horrible 
vslaughters  and  murders,  committed  amongst  the  savages  and 
British  people  there  heretofore  inhabiting,  in  a  manner  to  the 
utter  destruction,  devastation,  and  depopulation  of  that  whole 
territory,  so  as  there  is  not  left,  for  many  leagues  together,  in 
a  manner,  any  that  do  claim  or  challenge  any  kind  of  interest 


64«  APPENDIX. 

therein,  nor  any  other  superior  lord  or  sovereign,  to  make 
claim  thereunto,  whereby  we,  in  our  judgment,  are  persuaded 
and  satisfied,  that  the  appointed  time  is  come  in  which  Almigh- 
ty God,  in  his  great  goodness  and  bounty  towards  us,  and  our 
people,  hath  thought  fit  and  determined,  that  those  large  and 
goodly  territories,  deserted  as  it  were  by  their  natural  inhabit- 
ants, should  be  possessed  and  enjoyed  by  such  of  our  subjects 
and  people,  as  heretofore  have,  and  hereafter  shall,  by  his 
mercy  and  favour,  and  by  his  powerful  arm,  be  directed  and 
conducted  thither ;  in  the  contemplation  and  serious  considera- 
tion whereof,  we  have  thought  it  fit,  according  to  our  kingly 
duty,  so  much  as  in  us  lieth,  to  second  and  follow  God's  sa- 
cred will,  rendering  reverend  thanks  to  his  Divine  Majesty, 
for  his  gracious  favour  in  laying  open  and  revealing  the 
same  unto  us.  before  any  other  Christian  prince  or  state;  by 
•which  means,  without  offence,  and,  as  we  trust,  to  his  glory, 
we  may  with  boldness  go  on  to  the  settling  of  so  hopeful  a 
work,  which  tendeth  to  the  reducing  and  conversion  of  such 
savages  as  remain  wandering  in  desolation  and  distress,  to 
civil  society  and  Christian  religion,  to  the  enlargement  of  our 
own  dominions,  and  the  advancement  of  the  fortunes  of  such 
of  our  good  subjects  as  shall  willingly  interest  themselves  in 
the  said  employment,  to  whom  we  cannot  but  give  singular 
commendations  for  their  so  worthy  intention  and  enterprize. 

We,  therefore,  of  our  special  grace,  mere  motion,  and  cer- 
tain knowledge,  by  the  advice  of  the  lords  and  others  of  our 
privy  council,  have,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  granted, 
ordained,  and  established,  and,  in  and  by  these  presents,  do, 
for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  grant,  ordain,  and  establish, 
that  all  that  circuit,  continent,  precincts,  and  limits,  in  Ameri- 
ca, lying  and  being  in  breadth  from  forty  degrees  of  northerly 
•latitude  from  the  equinoctial  line,  to  forty-eight  degrees  of  the 
said  northerly  latitude,  and  in  length  by  all  the  breadth  afore- 
said, throughout  the  main  land,  from  sea  to  sea,  with  all  the 
seas,  rivers,  islands,  creeks,  inlets,  ports,  and  havens,  within 
the  degrees,  precincts,  and  limits  of  the  said  latitude  and  longi- 
tude, shall  be  the  limits,  and  bounds,  and  precincts  of  the  said 
second  colony. 

And  to  the  end  that  the  said  territories  may  for  ever  here- 
after be  more  particularly  and  certainly  known  and  distin- 
guished, our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  the  same  shall,  from 
henceforth, 'be  nominated,  termed,  and  called  by  the  name  of 
New-England,  in  America,  and  by  that  name  of  New-England, 
in  America,  the  said  circuit,  precinct,  limit,  continent,  islands, 
and  places  in  America  aforesaid,  we  do,  by  these  presents,  fot» 
•us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  name,  call,  erect,  found,  ancl^ 
•establish,  and  by  that  name  to  have  continuance  for  ever. 


APPENDIX.  549 

And  for  the  better  plantation,  ruling,  and  governing  of  the 
aforesaid  New-England,  in  America,  we  will,  ordain,  consti- 
tute, assign,  limit,  and  appoint,  and  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  suc- 
cessors, we,  by  the  advice  of  the  lords,  and  others  of  the  said 
privy  council,  do,  by  these  presents,  ordain,  constitute,  limit, 
and  appoint,  that  from  henceforth  there  shall  be  for  ever  here- 
after, in  our  town  of  Plymonth,  in  the  county  of  Devon,  one 
body  politic  and  corporate,  which  shall  have  perpetual  succes- 
sion ;  which  shall  consist  of  the  number  of  forty  persons,  and 
no  more;  which  shall  be,  and  shall  be  called  and  known  by 
the  name  of  the  council  established  at  Plymouth,  in  the  county 
of  Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling,  ordering,  and  governing  of 
New-England,  in  America,  and  for  that  purpose,  we  have,  at 
and  by  the  nomination  and  request  of  the  said  petitioners, 
granted,  ordained,  established,  and  confirmed,  and,  by  these 
presents,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  do  grant,  ordain, 
establish,  and  confirm  our  right  trusty  and  right  well  beloved 
cousins  and  counsellors,  Lodowick,  duke  of  Lenox,  lord  stew- 
ard of  our  household  ;  George,  lord  Marquis  Buckingham,  our 
high  admiral  of  England;  James,  marquis  Hamiliton  ;  William, 
earl  of  Pembroke,  lord  chamberlain  of  our  household;  Thom- 
as, earl  of  Arundel ;  and  our  right  trusty  and  right  well  belov- 
ed cousin,  William,  earl  of  Bath ;  and  our  right  trusty  and 
right  well  beloved  cousin  and  counsellor,  Henry,  earl  of  South- 
ampton ;  and  our  right  trusty  and  right  well  beloved  cousins, 
William,  earl  of  Salisbury,  and  Robert,  earl  of  Warwick  ;  and 
our  right  trusty  and  right  well  beloved  John,  viscount  Had- 
dington ;  and  our  right  trusty  and  well  beloved  counsellor, 
Edward,  lord  Zouch,  lord  warden  of  our  cinque  ports;  and 
our  trusty  and  well  beloved  Edmond,  lord  Sheffield,  Edward, 
lore!  Gorges ;   and  our  well   beloved    Sir  Edward  Seymor, 
knight  and  baronet ;  Sir  Robert  Mansel ;  Sir  Edward  Zouch, 
our  knight  marshal ;  Sir  Dudley  Diggs,  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  Sir  Francis  Popharn,  Sir  John  Brooks,  Sir 
Thomas  Gates,  Sir  Richard  Hawkins,  Sir  Richard  Edgecomb, 
Sir  Allen  Apsley,  Sir  Warwick  Heale,  Sir  Richard  Catchmay, 
Sir  John  Bourgchier,  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  Sir  Edward  Giles, 
Sir  Giles  Mompesson,  Sir  Thomas  Worth,  knights ;  and  our 
well  beloved  Matthew  Sutcliff,  dean  of  Exeter;  Robert  Heath. 
Esq.  recorder  of  our  city  of  London  ;  Henry  Bourgchier,  John 
Drake,  Raleigh  Gilbert,  George  Chudley,  Thomas  Hamon. 
and  John  Argall,  Esquires,   to  be,   and  in  and  by  these  pre- 
sents, we  do  appoint  them  to  be,  the  first  modern  and  present 
council,  established  at  Plymouth,  in  the  county  of  Devon,  for 
t.he  planting,  ruling,  ordering,  and  governing  of  New-England, 
in  America ;  and  that  they,  and  the  survivors  of  them,  and 
3i\ch  a,s  the  survivors  and  survivor  of  them,  shall,  from  time  to 


450  APPENDIX. 

time,  elect  and  choose  to  make  up  the  foresaid  number  orv 
forty  persons,  when  and  as  often  as  any  of  them,  or  any  of 
their  successors,  shall  happen  to  decease,  or  to  be  removed 
from  being  of  the  said  council,  shall  be,  in  and  by  these  pre- 
sents, incorporated,  to  have  a  perpetual  succession  for  ever, 
in  deed,  fact,  and  name,  and  shall  be  one  body  corporate  and 
politic ;  and  that  those,  and  such  said  persons,  and  their  suc- 
cessors, and  such  as  shall  be  elected  and  chosen  to  succeed 
them,  as  aforesaid,  shall  be,  and,  by  these  presents,  are  and  be 
incorporated,  named,  and  called  by  the  name  of  the  council 
established  at  Plymouth,  in  the  county  of  Devon,  for  the  plant- 
ing, ruling,  and  governing  of  New-England,  in  America;  and 
them,  the  said  duke  of  Lenox,  marquis  Buckingham,  marquis 
Hamilton,  earl  of  Pembroke,  earl  of  Arundel,  earl  of  Bath,  earl 
of  Southampton,  earl  of  Salisbury,  earl  of  Warwick,  viscount 
Haddington,  lord  Zouch,  lord  Sheffield,  lord  Gorges,  Sir  Ed- 
ward Seymor,  Sir  Robert  Mansel,  Sir  Edward  Zouch,  Sir 
Dudley  Diggs,  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  Sir 
Francis  Popham,  Sir  John  Brooks,  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Sir 
Richard  Hawkins,  Sir  Richard  Edgecomb,  Sir  Allen  Apsley, 
Sir  Warwick  Heale,  Sir  Richard  Catchmay,  Sir  John  Bourg- 
chier,  Sir  Nathaniel  Rich,  Sir  Edward  Giles,  Sir  Giles  Mom- 
pesson,  Sir  Thomas  Worth,  knights;  Matthew  Sutcliff,  Robert 
Heath,  Henry  Bourgchier,  John  Drake,  Raleigh  Gilbert, 
George  Chudley,  Thomas  Hamon,  and  John  Afgall,  Esquires, 
and  their  successors,  one  body  corporate  and  politic,  in  deed 
and  in  name,  by  the  name  of  the  council  established  at  Ply- 
mouth, in  the  county  of  Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling,  and 
governing  of  New-England,  in  America. 

We  do,  by  these  presents,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors, 
really  and  fully  incorporate,  erect,  ordain,  name,  constitute, 
and  establish,  and  that,  by  the  same  name  of  the  said  council, 
they,  and  their  successors,  for  ever  hereafter  be  incorporated, 
named,  and  called,  and  shall,  by  the  same  name,  have  per- 
petual succession. 

And  further,  we  do  hereby,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors, 
grant  unto  the  said  council  established  at  Plymouth,  that  they, 
and  their  successors,  by  the  same  name,  be,  and  shall  be,  and 
shall  continue  persons  able  and  capable  in  the  law,  from  time 
to  time,  and  shall,  by  that  name  of  council  aforesaid,  have  full 
power  and  authority,  and  lawful  capacity  and  ability,  as  well 
to  purchase,  take,  hold,  receive,  enjoy,  and  to  have  to  them 
and  their  successors,  for  ever,  any  manors,  lands,  tenements, 
rents,  royalties,  privileges,  immunities,  reversions,  annuities, 
hereditaments,  goods,  and  chattels  whatsoever,  of,  or  from  us, 
our  heirs,  and  successors,  and  of,  or  from  any  other  person  or 
persons  whatsoever,  as  well  in  and  within  this  our  realm  of 


APPENDIX.  551 

England,  as  in  and  within  any  other  place  or  places  whatso- 
ever or  wheresoever;  and  the  same  manors,  lands,  tenements, 
and  hereditaments,  goods,  or  chattels,  or  any  of  them,  by  the. 
same  name,  to  alien  and  sell,  or.  to  do,  execute,  or  ordain  and 
perform  all  other  matters  and  things  whatsoever,  to  the  said 
incorporation  and  plantation  concerning  and  belonging. 

And  further,  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  the  said  council, 
for  the  time  being,  and  their  successors,  shall  have  full  power 
and  lawful  authority,  by  the  name  aforesaid,  to  sue  and  to  be 
sued,  implcad  and  to  be  impleaded,  answer  and  to  be  answer- 
ed unto,  in  all  manner  of  courts  and  places  that  now  are,  or 
hereafter  shall  be,  within  this  our  realm,  and  elsewhere,  as  well 
temporal  as  spiritual,  in  all  manner  of  suits  and  matters  what- 
soever, and  of  what  nature  or  kind  soever  such  suits  or  actions 
be  or  shall  be. 

And  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  the  said  forty  persons,  or 
the  greater  number  of  them,  shall,  and  may,  from  time  to  time, 
and  at  any  time  hereafter,  at  their  own  will  and  pleasure,  ac- 
cording to  the  laws,  ordinances,  and  orders  of,  or  by  them,  or 
by  the  greater  part  of  them  hereafter,  in  manner  and  form  in. 
these  presents  mentioned  to  be  agreed  upon,  to  elect  and 
choose,  amongst  themselves,  one  of  the  said  forty  persons,  for 
the  time  being,  to  be  president  of  the  said  council,  which  pre- 
sident, so  elected  and  chosen,  we  will  shall  continue  and  be 
president  of  the  said  council,  for  so  long  time  as  by  the  orders 
of  the  said  council,  from  time  to  time  to  be  made,  as  hereafter 
is  mentioned,  shall  be  thought  fit,  and  no  longer 5  unto  which 
president,  or,  in  his  absence,  to  any  such  person  as,  by  the  or- 
ders of  the  said  council,  shall  be  thereunto  appointed,  we  do 
give  authority  to  give  order  for  the  warning  of  the  said  coun- 
cil, and  summoning  the  company  to  their  meetings. 

And  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that,  from  time  to  time,  when, 
and  so  often  as  any  of  the  said  council  shall  happen  to  decease^ 
or  to  be  removed  from  being  of  the  said  council,  that  then,  and 
so  often,  the  survivors  of  them  of  the  said  council,  and  no  other, 
or  the  greater  number  of  them,  who  then  shall  be,  from  time 
to  time,  left  and  remaining,  and  who  shall,  or  the  greater  num- 
ber of  which  that  shall  be  assembled  at  a  public  court,  or  meet- 
ing, to  be  held  for  the  said  company,  shall  elect  and  choose 
one  or  more  other  person  or  persons,  to  be  of  the  said  council", 
and  which,  from  time  to  time,  shall  be  of  the  said  council,  so 
that  the  number  of  forty  persons  of  the  said  council  may,  from 
time  to  time,  be  supplied. 

Provided  always,  that  as  wTell  the  persons  herein  named  to 
be  of  the  said  council,  as  every  other  counsellor  hereafter  to 
be  elected,  shall  be  presented  to  the  lord  chancellor  of  Eng- 
land, or  to  the  lord  high  treasurer  of  England,  or  to  the  Jord 


APPENDIX, 

chamberlain  of  the  household,  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  .ruccessors, 
for  the  time  being,  to  take  his  and  their  oath  and  oaths,  of  a 
counsellor  and  counsellors,  to  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors, 
for  the  said  company  and  colony  in  New-England. 

And  further,  we  will  and  grant,  by  these  presents,  for  us,  our 
heirs,  and  successors,  unto  the  said  council,  and  their  succes- 
sors, that  they,  and  their  successors,  shall  have  and  enjoy  for 
ever,  a  common  seal,  to  be  engraven  according  to  their  discre- 
tions. 

And  that  it  shall  be  lawful  for  them  to  appoint  what  other 
seal,  or  seals,  they  shall  think  most  meet  and  necessary,  either 
for  their  use,  as  they  are  one  united  body,  incorporate  here^ 
or  for  the  public  use  of  their  government  and  ministers  in  New- 
England  aforesaid,  whereby  the  said  incorporation  may  or 
shall  seal  any  manner  of  instrument,  touching  the  same  corpo- 
ration, and  the  manors,  lands,  tenements,  rents^  reversions, 
annuities,  hereditaments,  goods,  chattels,  affairs,  and  any  other 
things,  belonging  unto,  or  in  any  wise  appertaining,  touching 
or  concerning  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  or  con- 
cerning the  said  corporation  and  plantation,  in  and  by  these 
our  letters  patents,  as  aforesaid,  founded,  erected,  and  estab- 
lished. 

And  we  do  further,  by  these  presents,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and 
successors,  grant  unto  the  said  council,  and  their  successors, 
that  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  to  and  for  the  said  council,  and 
their  successors,  for  the  time  being,  in  their  discretions,  from 
time  to  time,  to  admit  such  and  so  many  person  and  persons 
to  be  made  free,  and  enabled  to  trade  and  traffic  unto,  within, 
and  in  New-England,  aforesaid,  and  unto  every  part  and  par- 
cel thereof,  or  to  have,  possess,  and  enjoy  any  lands  or  here- 
ditaments in  New-England  aforesaid,  as  they  shall  think  fit, 
according  to  the  laws,  orders,  constitutions,  and  ordinances, 
by  the  said  council  and  their  successors,  from  time  to  time,  to 
be  made  and  established,  by  virtue  of,  and  according  to  the 
true  intent  of  these  presents,  and  under  such  conditions,  reser- 
vations, and  agreements,  as  the  said  council  shall  set  down, 
order,  and  direct,  and  not  otherwise. 

And  further,  of  our  especial  grace,  certain  knowledge,  and 
mere  motion,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  we  do,  by  these 
presents,  give  and  grant  full  power  and  authority  to  the  said 
council,  and  their  successors,  that  the  said  council,  for  the  time 
I'cing,  or  the  greater  part  of  them,  shall  and  may,  from  time  to 
time,  nominate,  make,  constitute,  ordain,  and  confirm,  by  such 
name  or  names,  style  or  styles,  as  to  them  shall  seem  good, 
and,  likewise,  to  revoke  and  discharge,  change  and  alter,  as 
well  all  and  singular,  governors,  officers,  and  ministers,  which 
hereafter  shall  be  by  them  thought  (it  ?p,d  needful  to  be  iaade 


APPENDIX.  553 

or  used,  as  well  to  attend  the  business  of  the  said  company 
here,  as  for  the  government  of  the  said  colony  and  plantation. 

And  also,  to  make,  ordain,  and  establish  all  manner  of  orders, 
laws,  directions,  instructions,  forms,  and  ceremonies  of  govern- 
ment and  magistracy,  fit  and  necessary  for  and  concerning  the 
government  of  the  said  colony  and  plantation,  so  always  as 
the  same  be  not  contrary  to  the  laws  and  statutes  of  this  our 
realm  of  England,  and  the  same  at  all  times  hereafter,  to  abro- 
gate, revoke,  or  change,  not  only  within  the  precincts  of  the 
said  colony,  but  also  upon  the  seas,  in  going  and  coming  to 
and  from  the  said  colony,  as  they,  in  their  good  discretion, 
shall  think  to  be  fittest  for  the  good  of  the  a'dventurers  and  in- 
habitants there. 

And  we  do  further,  of  our  special  grace,  certain  knowledge, 
and  mere  motion,  grant,  declare,  and  ordain,  that  such  princi- 
pal governor  as,  from  time  to  time,  shall  be  authorized  and  ap- 
pointed, in  manner  and  form  in  these  presents  heretofore  ex- 
pressed, shall  have  full  power  and  authority  to  use  and  exer- 
cise martial  laws,  in  cases  of  rebellion,  insurrection,  and  mu- 
tiny, in  as  large  and  ample  manner,  as  our  lieutenants  in  our 
counties  within  our  realm  of  England,  have,  or  ought  to  have, 
by  force  of  their  commission  of  lieutenancy. 

And  forasmuch  as  it  shall  be  necessary  for  all  such  our  lov- 
ing subjects  as  shall  inhabit  within  the  said  precincts  of  New- 
England  aforesaid,  to  determine  to  live  together,  in  the  fear 
and  true  worship  of  Almighty  God,  Christian  peace,  and  civil 
quietness,  each  with  other,  whereby  every  one  may,  with 
more  safety,  pleasure,  and  profit,  enjoy  that,  whereunto  they 
shall  attain  with  great  pain  and  peril. 

We,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  are  likewise  pleased 
and  contented,  and,  by  these  presents,  do  give  and  grant  unto 
the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  and  to  such  governors, 
officers,  and  ministers,  as  shall  be,  by  the  said  council,  con- 
stituted and  appointed  according  to  the  natures  and  limits  of 
their  offices  and  places  respectively,  that  they  shall  and  may, 
from  time  to  time,  for  ever  hereafter,  within  the  said  precincts 
of  New-England,  or  in  the  way  by  the  seas  thither  and  from 
thence,  have  full  and  absolute  power  and  authority  to  correct, 
punish,  pardon,  govern,  and  rule  all  such  the  subjects  of  us, 
our  heirs,  and  successors,  as  shall,  from  time  to  time,  adven- 
ture themselves  in  any  voyage  thither,  or  that  shall,  at  any 
time  hereafter,  inhabit  in  the  precincts  and  territories  of  the 
said  colony  as  aforesaid,  according  to  such  laws,  orders,  ordi- 
nances, directions,  and  instructions,  as  by  the  said  council 
aforesaid,  shall  be  established ;  and,  in  defect  thereof,  in  cases 
of  necessity,  according  to  the  good  discretions  of  the  said  gov- 
ernors and  officers  respectively,  as  well  in  cases  capital  and 

U3 


554  APPENDIX. 

criminal  as  civil,  both  marine  and  others ;  so  always  as  the 
said  statutes,  ordinances,  and  proceedings,  as  near  as  conven- 
iently may  be  agreeable  to  the  laws,  statutes,  government,  and 
policy  of  this  our  realm  of  England. 

And  furthermore,  if  any  person,  or  persons,  adventurers,  or 
planters,  of  the  said  colony,  or  any  other,  at  any  time  or  times 
hereafter,  shall  transport  any  monies,  goods,  or  merchandizes, 
out  of  any  our  kingdoms,  with  a  pretence  and  purpose  to  land, 
set,  or  otherwise  to  dispose  the  same,  within  the  limits  and 
bounds  of  the  said  colony,  and  yet,  nevertheless,  being  at  sea,. 
or  after  he  hath  landed  within  any  part  of  the  said  colony, 
shall  carry  the  same  into  any  other  foreign  country,  with  a 
purpose  there  to  set  and  dispose  thereof,  that  then  all  the 
goods  and  chattels  of  the  said  person,  or  persons,  so  offending, 
and  transported,  together  with  the  ship  or  vessel  wherein  such 
transportation  was  made,  shall  be  forfeited  to  us,  our  heirs,  and 
successors. 

And  we  do  further,  of  our  special  grace,  certain  knowledge, 
and  mere  motion,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  for,  and  in 
respect  of  the  considerations  aforesaid,  and  for  divers  other 
good  causes  and  considerations,  us  thereunto  especially  mov- 
ing, and  by  the  advice  of  the  lords  and  others  of  our  said  privy 
council,  have  absolutely  given,  granted,  and  confirmed,  and,, 
by  these  presents,  do  absolutely  giver  grant,  and  confirm,  unto 
the  said  council,  called  the  council  established  at  Plymouth, 
in  the  county  of  Devon,  for  the  planting,  ruling,  and  governing 
of  New-England,  in  America,  and  unto  their  successors,  for 
ever,  all  the  aforesaid  lands  and  grounds,  continent,  precincts, 
place,  places,  and  territories,  (viz.)  the  aforesaid  part  of  Ame- 
rica, lying  and  being  in  breadth  from  forty  degrees  of  norther- 
ly latitude  from  the  equinoctial  line,  to  forty-eight  degrees  ot 
the  said  northerly  latitude  inclusively,  and  in  length  of,  and 
within  all  the  breadth  aforesaid,  throughout  the  main  land, 
from  sea  to  sea,  together  also  with  all  the  firm  land,  soils, 
grounds,  havens,  ports,  rivers,  waters,  fishings,  mines,  and 
minerals,  as  well  royal  mines  of  gold  and  silver,  as  other  mines 
and  minerals,  precious  stones,  quarries,  and  all  and  singular 
other  commodities,  jurisdictions,  royalties,  privileges,  franchi- 
ses, and  pre-eminences,  both  within  the  said  tract  of  land,  upon 
the  main,  and  also  within  the  said  island  and  seas  adjoining. 

Provided  always,  that  the  said  islands,  or  any  the  premises 
herein  before  mentioned,  and,  by  these  presents,  intended  and 
meant  to  be  granted,  be  not  actually  possessed,  or  inhabited 
by  any  other  Christian  prince  or  state,  nor  be  within  the  bounds, 
limits,  or  territories  of  that  southern  colony,  heretofore,  by  us, 
granted  to  be  planted  by  divers  of  our  loving  subjects  in  the 
south  parts. 


APPENDIX.  505 

To  have  and  to  hold,  possess,  and  enjoy  all  and  singular  the 
aforesaid  continent,  lands,  territories,  islands,  hereditaments, 
and  precincts,  sea  waters,  fishings,  with  all  and  all  manner 
their  commodities,  royalties,  liberties,  pre-eminences,  and 
profits,  that  shall  arise  from  thence,  with  all  and  singular  their 
appurtenances,  and  every  part  and  parcel  thereof,  and  of  them 
to,  and  unto  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  and  assigns, 
for  ever,  to  the  sole,  only  and  proper  use,  benefit,  and  behoof 
of  them,  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  and  assigns, 
for  ever,  to  be  holden  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  as  of 
our  manor  of  East-Greenwich,  in  our  county  of  Kent,  in  free 
and  common  socage,  and  not  in  capite,  nor  by  knights'  ser- 
vices. 

Yielding  and  paying,  therefore,  to  us,  our  heirs,  and  succes- 
sors, the  fifth  part  of  the  ores  of  gold  and  silver  which,  from 
time  to  time,  and  at  all  times  hereafter,  shall  happen  to  be 
found,  gotten  and  obtained  in,  at,  or  within  any  the  said  lands, 
limits,  territories,  and  precincts,  or  in,  or  within  any  part,  or 
parcels  thereof,  for,  or  in  respect  of  all  and  all  manner  of  du- 
ties, demands,  and  services  whatsoever,  to  be  done,  made,  or 
paid  to  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors. 

And  we  do  further,  of  our  especial  grace,  certain  knowledge, 
and  mere  motion,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  give  and 
grant  to  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  for  ever,  by 
these  presents,  that  it  shall  be  lawful  and  free  for  them,  and 
their  assigns,  at  all  and  every  time  and  times  hereafter,  out  of 
any  our  realms  or  dominions  whatsoever,  to  take,  lead,  carry, 
and  transport,  in  and  into  their  voyages,  and  for  and  towards 
the  said  plantation  in  New-England,  all  such  and  so  many  of 
our  loving  subjects,  or  any  other  strangers  that  will  become 
our  loving  subjects,  and  live  under  our  allegiance,  or  shall 
willingly  accompany  them  in  the  said  voyages  and  plantation, 
with  shipping,  armour,  weapons,  ordnances,  munition  powder, 
shot,  victuals,  and  all  manner  of  clothing,  implements,  furni- 
ture, beasts,  cattle,  horses,  mares,  and  all  other  things  neces- 
sary for  the  said  plantation,  and  for  their  use  and  defence,  and 
for  trade  with  the  people  there,  and  in  passing  and  returning 
to  and  fro,  without  paying  or  yielding  any  custom  or  subsidy, 
either  inwards  or  outwards,  to  us,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  for 
the  same,  for  the  space  of  seven  years  from  the  day  of  the  date 
of  these  presents. 

Provided,  that  none  of  the  said  persons  be  such  as  shall  be 
hereafter,  by  special  name,  restrained  by  us,  our  heirs,  or  suc- 
cessors. 

And.  for  their  further  encouragement,  of  our  special  grace 
and  favour,  we  do,  by  these  presents,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and 
.successors,  yield  and  grant  to.  and  with  the  said  council,  and 


APPENDIX. 

their  successors,  and  every  of  them,  their  factors  and  assigns, 
that  they,  and  every  of  them,  shall  be  free  and  quiet  from  all 
subsidies  and  customs,  in  New-England,  for  the  space  of  seven 
years,  and  from  all  taxes  and  impositions  for  the  space  of 
twenty  and  one  years,  upon  all  goods  or  merchandize,  at  any 
time  or  times  hereafter,  either  upon  importation  thither,  or  ex- 
portation from  thence,  into  our  realm  of  England,  or  into  any 
other  our  dominions,  by  the  said  council,  and  their  successors, 
their  deputies,  factors,  and  assigns,  or  any  of  them,  except 
only  the  five  pounds  per  cent,  due  for  custom  upon  all  such 
goods  and  merchandizes  as  shall  be  brought  or  imported  into 
our  realm  of  England,  or  any  other  of  our  dominions,  accord- 
ing to  the  ancient  trade  of  merchants ;  which  five  pounds  per 
centum  only  being  paid,  it  shall  be  thenceforth  lawful  and  free 
for  the  said  adventurers,  the  same  goods  and  merchandize,  to 
export  and  carry  out  of  our  said  dominions  into  foreign  parts, 
without  any  custom,  tax,  or  other  duty,  to  be  paid  to  us,  our 
heirs,  or  successors,  or  to  any  other  officers  or  ministers  of  us, 
our  heirs,  and  successors.  Provided,  that  the  said  goods  and 
inerchandizes  be  shipped  out  within  thirteen  months  after 
their  first  landing,  within  any  part  of  those  dominions. 

And  further,  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  and  we  do,  by  these 
presents,  charge,  command,  warrant,  and  authorize  the  said 
council,  and  their  successors,  or  the  major  part  of  them,  which 
shall  be  present  and  assembled  for  that  purpose,  shall,  from 
time  to  time,  under  their  common  seal,  distribute,  convey,  as- 
sign, and  set  over  such  particular  portions  of  lands,  tenements, 
and  hereditaments,  as  arc,  by  these  presents,  formerly  granted 
unto  each  our  loving  subjects,  naturally  born,  or  denizens,  or 
others,  as  well  adventurers  as  planters,  as,  by  the  said  com- 
pany, upon  a  commission  of  survey  and  distribution,  executed 
and  returned  for  that  purpose,  shall  be  named,  appointed,  and 
allowed,  wherein  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that  respect  be  had, 
as  well  to  the  proportion  of  the  adventurers,  as  to  the  special 
service,  hazard,  exploit,  or  merit,  of  any  person  so  to  be  re- 
compensed, advanced,  or  rewarded. 

And  we  do  also,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  grant  to 
the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  and  to  all  and  every 
such  governors,  or  other  officers,  or  ministers,  as,  by  the  said 
council,  shall  be  appointed,  to  have  power  and  authority  of 
government  and  command,  in  or  over  the  said  colony  and  plan- 
tation, that  they,  and  every  of  them,  shall,  and  lawfully  may, 
from  time  to  time,  and  at  all  times  hereafter,  for  ever,  for  their 
several  defence  and  safety,  encounter,  expulse,  repel,  and  re- 
sist, by  force  of  arms,- as  well  by  sea  as  by  land,  and  all  ways 
and  means  whatsoever,  all  such  person  and  persons  as,  with- 
Dut  the  special  license  of  the  said  council,  and  their  successors^ 


APPENDIX.  557 

or  the  greater  part  of  them,  shall  aUempt  to  inhabit  within  the 
said  several  precincts  arid  limits  of  the  said  colony  and  planta- 
tion. 

And  also,  all  and  every  such  person  and  persons  whatsoever, 
as  shall  enterprise  or  attempt,  at  any  time  hereafter,  destruc- 
tion, invasion,  detriment,  or  annoyance  to  the  said  colony  and 
plantation. 

And  that  it  shall  be  lawful  for  the  said  council,  and  their 
successors,  and  every  of  them,  from  time  to  time,  and  at  all 
times  hereafter,  and  they  shall  have  full  power  and  authority 
to  take  and  surprise,  by  all  ways  and  means  whatsoever,  all 
and  every  such  person  or  persons  whatsoever,  with  their  ships, 
goods,  and  other  furniture,  trafficking  in  any  harbour,  creek, 
or  place,  within  the  limits  and  precincts  of  the  said  colony  and 
plantation,  and  not  being  allowed  by  the  said  council  to  be  ad- 
venturers or  planters  of  the  said  colony. 

And  of  our  further  royal  favour,  we  have  granted,  and  for  us, 
our  heirs,  and  successors,  we  do  grant  unto  the  said  council, 
and  their  successors,  that  the  said  territories,  lands,  rivers,  and 
places  aforesaid,  or  any  of  them,  shall  not  be  visited,  frequent- 
ed, or  traded  unto  by  any  other  of  our  subjects,  or  the  subjects 
of  us,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  either  from  any  of  the  ports  and 
havens,  belonging,  or  appertaining,  or  which  shall  belong  or 
appertain  unto  us,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  or  to  any  foreign 
prince,  state,  or  potentate  whatsoever. 

And  therefore,  we  do  hereby,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  succes- 
sors, charge,  command,  prohibit,  and  forbid  all  the  subjects  of 
us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  of  what  degree  or  quality  soever 
they  be,  that  none  of  them,  directly  or  indirectly  presume  to 
visit,  frequent,  trade,  or  adventure  to  traffic  into,  or  from  the 
said  territories,  lands,  rivers,  and  places  aforesaid,  or  any  of 
them,  other  than  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  factors, 
deputies,  and  assigns,  unless  it  be  with  the  license  and  con- 
sent of  the  said  council  and  company,  first  had  and  obtained 
in  writing,  under  their  common  seal,  upon  pain  of  our  indigna- 
tion, and  imprisonment  of  their  bodies,  during  the  pleasure  of 
us,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  and  the  forfeiture  and  loss,  both 
of  their  ship  and  goods,  wheresoever  they  shall  be  found,  either 
within  any  of  our  kingdoms  or  dominions,  or  any  the  place  or 
places  out  of  our  dominions,  and  for  the  better  effecting  of  our 
said  pleasure  herein,  we  do  hereby,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  suc- 
cessors, give  and  grant  full  power  and  authority  unto  the  said 
council,  and  their  successors,  for  the  time  being,  that  they,  by 
themselves,  their  factors,  deputies,  or  assigns,  shall  and  may, 
from  time  to  time,  and  at  all  times  hereafter,  attach,  arrest, 
take,  and  seize  all  and  all  manner  of  ship  and  ships,  goods, 
j  and  merchandizes  whatsoever,  which  shall  be  brought 


558  APPENDIX. 

from,  or  carried  to  the  places  before  mentioned,  or  any  of  them, 
contrary  to  our  will  and  pleasure,  before  in  these  presents  ex- 
pressed, the  moiety,  or  one  half  of  all  which  forfeitures,  we  do 
hereby,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  give  and  grant  unto 
the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  to  their  own  proper  use. 
•without  accompt,  and  the  other  moiety,  or  half  part  thereof, 
we  will  shall  be  and  remain  to  the  use  of  us,  our  heirs,  and 
successors. 

And  we,  likewise,  have  condescended  and  granted,  and,  by 
these  presents,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  do  conde- 
scend, and  grant  to,  and  with  the  said  council,  and  their  sue 
cessors,  that  we,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  shall  not,  or  will  not, 
give  and  grant  any  liberty,  license,  or  authority  to  any  person 
or  persons  whatsover,  to  sail,  trade,  or  traffic  unto  the  afore- 
said plantations  of  New-England,  without  the  good  will  and 
liking  of  the  said  council,  or  the  greater  part  of  them,  for  the. 
time  being,  at  any  their  courts  to  be  assembled. 

Arid  we  do,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  give  and  grant 
unto  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  that  whensoever,  or 
so  often  as  any  custom  or  subsidy  shall  grow  due  or  payable, 
unto  us,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  according  to  the  limitation 
and  appointment  aforesaid,  by  reason  of  any  goods,  wares, 
or  merchandize,  to  be  shipped  out,  or  any  return  to  be  made, 
of  any  goods,  wares,  or  merchandize,  unto,  or  from  New-Eng- 
land, or  any  the  lands  or  territories  aforesaid,  that  then,  so  of- 
ten, and  in  such  case,  the  farmers,  customers,  and  officers  of 
our  customs  of  England  and  Ireland,  and  every  of  them,  for 
the  time  being,  upon  request  made  unto  them  by  the  said  coun- 
cil, their  successors,  factors,  or  assigns,  and  upon  convenient 
security  to  be  given  in  that  behalf,  shall  give  and  allow  unto 
the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  and  to  all  person  and 
persons  free  of  the  said  company  as  aforesaid,  six  months  time, 
for  the  payment  of  the  one  half  of  all  such  customs  and  subsi- 
dy, as  shall  be  due  and  payable  unto  us,  our  heirs,  and  succes- 
sors, for  the  same ;  for  which  these,  our  letters  patents,  or  the 
duplicate,  or  the  enrolment  thereof,  shall  be,  unto  our  said  offi- 
cers, a  sufficient  warrant  and  discharge. 

Nevertheless,  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  that,  if  any  of  the  said 
goods,  wares,  and  merchandizes,  which  be,  or  shall  be,  at  any 
time  hereafter,  landed  and  exported  out  of  any  our  realms 
aforesaid,  and  shall  be  shipped  with  a  purpose  not  to  be  carried 
to  New-England  aforesaid,  that  then  such  payment,  duty,  cus- 
tom, imposition,  or  forfeiture,  shall  be  paid  and  belong  to  us, 
our  heirs,  and  successors,  for  the  said  goods,  wares,  and  mer- 
chandizes, so  fraudulently  sought  to  be  transported,  as  if  this 
pur  grant  had  not  been  made  nor  granted. 

And  we  do,  for  us,  oar  heirs,  and  successors,  give  and  grant 


APPENDIX.  559 

unto  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  for  ever,  by  these 
presents,  that  the  said  president  of  the  said  company,  or  his 
deputy,  for  the  time  being,  or  any  two  others  of  the  said  coun- 
cil, for  the  said  colony  in  New-England,  for  the  time  being, 
shall  and  may,  at  all  times  hereafter,  and  from  time  to  time, 
have  full  power  and  authority  to  minister,  and  give  the  oath 
and  oaths  of  allegiance  and  supremacy,  or  either  of  them,  to 
all  and  every  person  and  persons,  which  shall,  at  anytime  and 
limes  hereafter,  go  arid  pass  to  the  said  colony  in  New-Eng- 
land. 

And  further,  that  it  shall  be,  likewise,  lawful  for  the  said 
president,  or  his  deputy,  for  the  time  being,  or  any  t\vo  others 
of  ihe  said  council,  for  the  said  colony  in  New-England,  for  the 
time  being,  from  time  to  time,  and  at  all  times  hereafter,  to 
minister  such  a  formal  oath,  as  by  their  discretions  shall  be 
reasonably  devised,  as  well  unto  any  person  or  persons  em- 
ployed, or  to  be  employed  in,  for,  or  touching  the  said  plan- 
tation, for  their  honest,  faithful,  arid  just  discharge  of  their 
service,  in  all  such  matters  as  shall  be  committed  unto  them, 
for  the  good  and  benefit  of  the  said  company,  colony,  and  plan- 
tation, as  also  unto  such  other  person  or  persons  as  the  said 
president,  or  his  deputy,  with  two  others  of  the  said  council, 
.shall  think  meet,  for  the  examination  or  clearing  of  the  truth, 
in  any  cause  whatsoever  concerning  the  said  plantation,  or 
any  business  from  thence  proceeding,  or  thereunto  belonging. 

And  to  the  end  that  no  lewd  or  ill  disposed' persons,  sailors, 
soldiers,  artificers,  husbandmen,  labourers,  or  others  which 
shall  receive  wares,  apparel,  or  other  entertainment  from  the 
said  council,  or  contract  and  agree  with  the  said  council,  to 
go,  and  to  serve,  and  to  be  employed  in  the  said  plantation,  in 
the  colony  in  New-England,,  do  afterwards  withdraw,  hide, 
and  conceal  themselves,  or  refuse  to  go  thither,  after  they  have 
been  so  entertained  and  agreed  withal,  and  that  no  persons 
which  shall  be  sent  and  employed  in  the  said  plantation  of  the 
said  colony  in  New-England,  upon  the  charge  of  the  said 
council,  do  misbehave  themselves  by  mutinous,  seditious,  or 
other  notorious  misdemeanours,  or  which  shall  be  employed, 
or  sent  abroad  by  the  governor  of  New-England,  or  his  depu- 
ty, with  any  ship  or  pinnace,  for  provision  of  the  said  colony, 
or  for  some  discovery,  or  other  business  and  affairs  concerning 
the  same,  do,  from  thence,  treacherously  either  come  back 
again,  or  return  into  the  realm  of-England,  by  stealth,  or  with- 
out license  of  the  governor  of  the  said  colony  in  New-England, 
for  the  time  being,  or  be  sent  hither  as  misdoers  or  offenders, 
and  that  none  of  those  persons,  after  their  return  from  thencer 
being  questioned  by  the  said  council  here  for  such  their  misbe- 
haviours nnd  offences,  do,  by  indolent  and  contemptuous  car- 


560  APPENDIX. 

riage,  in  the  presence  of  the  said  council,  shew  fittle  respect 
and  reverence,  either  to  the  place  or  authority  in  which  we 
have  placed  and  appointed  them,  and  others,  for  the  clearing 
of  their  lewdness  and  misdemeanours,  committed  in  New-Eng- 
land, divulge  vile  and  slanderous  reports  of  the  country  of 
New-England,  or  of  the  government  or  estate  of  the  said  plan- 
tation and  colony,  to  bring  the  said  voyages  and  plantation  in- 
to disgrace  and  contempt,  by  means  whereof,  not  only  the  ad- 
venturers and  planters  already  engaged  in  the  said  plantation, 
may  be  exceedingly  abused,  and  hindered,  and  a  great  num- 
ber of  our  loving  and  well  disposed  subjects,  otherwise  well 
affected,  and  inclined  to  join  and  adventure  in  so  noble  a 
Christian  and  worthy  an  action,  may  be  discouraged  from  the 
same,  but  also  the  enterprise  itself,  may  be  overthrown,  which 
cannot  miscarry,  without  some  dishonour  to  us  and  our  king- 
dom. 

We,  therefore,  for  preventing  of  so  great  and  enormous 
abuses  and  misdemeanours,  do,  by  these  presents,  for  us,  our 
heirs,  and  successors,  give  and  grant  unto  the  said  president, 
or  his  deputy,  or  such  other  person,  or  persons,  as,  by  the  or- 
ders of  the  said  council,  shall  be  appointed,  by  warrant,  under 
his  or  their  hand  or  hands,  to  send  for,  or  cause  to  be  appre- 
hended, all  and  every  such  person  and  persons,  who  shall  be 
noted,  or  accused,  or  found,  at  any  time  or  times  hereafter,  to 
offend,  or  misbehave  themselves,  in  any  the  affairs  before  men- 
tioned and  expressed  ;  and,  upon  the  examination  of  any  such 
offender  or  offenders,  and  just  proof,  made  by  oath,  taken  be- 
fore the  said  council,  of  any  such  notorious  misdemeanours,  by 
them  to  be  committed,  as  aforesaid,  and  also,  upon  any  inso- 
lent, contemptuous,  or  unreverent  carriage,  or  misbehaviour, 
to,  or  against  the  said  council,  to  be  shewed  or  used,  by  any 
such  person  or  persons,  so  called,  convinced,  and  appearing 
before  them,  as  aforesaid,  that,  in  all  such  cases,  our  said 
council,  or  any  two,  or  more  of  them,  for  the  time  being,  shall, 
and  may  have  full  power  and  authority,  either  here  to  bind 
them  over  with  good  securities  for  their  good  behaviour,  and 
further  therein  to  proceed,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  it  is 
used  in  other  like  cases  within  our  realm  of  England,  or  else, 
at  their  discretions,  to  remand  and  send  back  the  said  offenders, 
or  any  of  them,  to  the  said  colony  of  New-England,  there  to  be- 
proceeded  against  and  punished,  as  the  governors,  deputy,  or 
council  there,  for  the  time  being,  shall  think  meet,  or  otherwise, 
according  to  such  laws  and  ordinances,  as  are,  and  shall  be  in 
use  there,  for  the  well  ordering  and  good  government  of  the 
said  colony. 

And  our  will  and  pleasure  is,  and  we  do  hereby  declare,  to 
•all  Christian  kings,  princes,  and  states,  that,  if  any  person  or 


APPENDIX.  561 

persons,  which  shall  hereafter  be  of  the  said  colony  or  planta- 
tion, or  any  other,  by  license  or  appointment  of  the  said  coun- 
cil, or  their  successors,  or  otherwise,  shall,  at  any  time  or 
times  hereafter,  rob,  or  spoil,  by  sea  or  by  land,  or  do  any 
hurt,  violence,  or  unlawful  hostility,  to  any  of  the  subjects  of 
us,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  or  any  of  the  subjects  of  any  king, 
prince,  ruler,  or  governor,  or  state,  being  then  in  league  and 
amity  with  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors  ;  and  that,  upon  such 
injury,  or  upon  just  complaint  of  such  prince,  ruler,  governor, 
or  state,  or  their  subjects,  we,  our  heirs,  or  successors,  shall 
make  open  proclamation,  within  any  of  the  parts  of  our  realm 
of  England  commodious  for  that  purpose,  that  the  person  or 
persons  having  committed  any  such  robbery  or  spoil,  shall, 
within  the  time  limited  by  such  a  proclamation,  make  full  res- 
titution or  satisfaction  of  all  such  injuries  done,  so  as  the  said 
princes,  or  others  so  complaining,  may  hold  themselves  fully 
satisfied  and  contented ;  and  if  that  the  said  person  or  persons, 
having  committed  such  robbery  or  spoil,  shall  not  make,  or 
cause  to  be  made,  satisfaction  accordingly,  within  such  time 
so  to  be  limited,  that  then  it  shall  be  lawful  for  us,  our  heirs, 
and  successors,  to  put  the  said  person  or  persons  out  of  our 
allegiance  and  protection,  and  that  it  shall  be  lawful  and  free 
for  all  princes  to  prosecute  with  hostility  the  said  offenders, 
and  every  of  them,  their  and  every  of  their  procurers,  aiders, 
abettors,  and  comforters  in  that  behalf* 

Also,  we  do,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  declare,  by 
these  presents,  that  all  and  every  the  persons  being  our  sub- 
jects, which  shall  go  and  inhabit  within  the  said  colony  and 
plantation,  and  every  of  their  children  and  posterity,  which 
shall  happen  to  be  born  within  the  limits  thereof,  shall  have 
and  enjoy  all  liberties,  and  franchises,  and  immunities  of  free 
denizens  and  natural  subjects,  with  any  of  our  other  dominions, 
to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  if  they  had  been  abiding,  and 
born  within  this  our  kingdom  of  England,  or  any  other  OUF 
dominions. 

And  lastly,  because  the  principal  effect  which  we  can  desire, 
or  expect  of  this  action,  is  the  conversion  of,  and  reduction  of 
the  people  in  those  parts,  unto  the  true  worship  of  God  and 
Christian  religion,  in  which  respect  we  would  be  loath  that 
any  person  should  be  permitted  to  pass,  that  we  suspected  to 
affect  the  superstition  of  the  church  of  Rome,  we  do  hereby 
declare,  that  it  is  our  will  and  pleasure,  that  none  be  permitted 
to  pass  in  any  voyage,  from  time  to  time  to  be  made  into  the 
said  country,  but  such  as  shall  first  have  taken  the  oath  of  su- 
premacy ;  for  which  purpose,  we  do,  by  these  presents,  give 
full  power  and  authority  to  the  president  of  the,  said  council,  to 

V  3 


562  APPENDIX, 

tender  and  exhibit  the  said  oath  to  all  such  persons  as  shall,  at 
any  time,  be  sent  and  employed  in  the  said  voyage. 

And  we  also,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  do  covenant 
and  grant  to,  and  with  the  council,  and  their  successors,  by 
these  presents,  that  if  the  council,  for  the  time  being,  and  their 
successors,  or  any  of  them,  shall,  at  any  time  or  times  hereaf- 
ter, upon  any  doubt  \vhich  they  shall  conceive,  concerning 
the  strength  or  validity  in  law,  of  this  our  present  grant,  or  be 
desirous  to  have  the  same  renewed  and  confirmed  by  us,  our 
heirs,  and  successors,  with  amendments  of  such  imperfections 
and  defects,  as  shall  appear  fit  and  necessary  to  the  said  coun- 
cil, or  their  successors,  to  be  reformed  and  amended,  on  the 
behalf  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  and  for  the  furthering 
of  the  plantation  and  government,  or  the  increase,  continuing, 
and  flourishing  thereof,  that  then,  upon  the  humble  petition  of 
the  said  council,  for  the  time  being,  and  their  successors,  to  us, 
our  heirs,  and  successors,  we,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  shall 
and  will,  forthwith,  make  and  pass,  under  the  great  seal  of 
England,  to  the  said  council,  and  their  successors,  such  further 
and  better  assurance  of  all  and  singular  the  lands,  grounds, 
royalties,  privileges,  and  premises  aforesaid,  granted,  or  in- 
tended to  be  granted,  according  to  our  true  intent  and  mean- 
ing, in  these  our  letters  patents,  signified,  declared,  or  men- 
tioned, as  by  the  learned  council  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  succes- 
sors, and  of  the  said  company,  and  their  successors,  shall,  in 
that  behalf,  be  reasonably  devised  or  advised. 

And  further,  our,  will  and  pleasure  is,  that,  in  all  questions 
and  doubts,  that  shall  arise  upon  any  difficulty  of  construction 
or  interpretation  of  any  thing  contained  in  these  our  letters 
patents,  the  same  shall  be  taken  and  interpreted,  in  most 
ample  and  beneficial  manner,  for  the  said  council,  and  their 
successors,  and  every  member  thereof. 

And  we  do  further,  for  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  charge 
and  comma.nd  all  and  singular  admirals,  vice  admirals,  gene- 
rals, commanders,  captains,  justices  of  peace,  mayors,  sheriffs, 
bailiffs,  constables,  customers,  comptrollers,  waiters,  search- 
ers, and  all  the  officers  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors  whatso- 
ever, to  be,  from  time  to  time,  and  at  all  times  hereafter,  in  all 
things  aiding,  helping,  and  assisting  unto  the  said  council,  and 
their  successors,  and  unto  every  of  them,  upon  request  and  re- 
quests, by  them  to  be  made,  in  all  matters  and  things,  for  the 
furtherance  and  accomplishment  of  all  or  any  the  matters  and 
things  by  us,  in,  and  by  these  our  letters  patents,  given,  grant- 
ed, and  provided,  or  by  us  meant  or  intended  to  be  given, 
granted,  and  provided,  as  they,  our  said  officer,  and  the  officers 
of  us,  our  heirs,  and  successors,  do  tender  our  pleasure,  and  wi.li 
avoid  the  contrary,  at  their  perils. 


APPENDIX.  567 

And  also,  we  do,  by  these  presents,  ratify  and  confirm  unto 
jhe  said  council,  and  their  successors,  all  privileges,  franchi- 
ses, liberties,  and  immunities,  granted  in  our  said  former  let' 
ters  patents,  and  not  in  these  our  letters  patents,, revoked,  al- 
tered, changed,  or  abridged,  although  expressed,  mention, 
&c. — In  witness,  &c.  witness  ourself  at  Westminster,  the  third 
day  of  November,  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  our  reign  over 
England,  £c. 

Concordat  cum  re-  Convenit  cum  recordo, 

cordo  et  exam-  et  exaratur,  pr.  me. 

inat.  pr.  me.  LAUR.  HALSTED. 

JOHANNEM  INNES. 
Exd.  W.  S. 
W.  P. 


Office  for  Traded  THE  undersigned  GEORGE  CHALMERS,  the 
and  Plantations,  >  Chief  Clerk  of  the  Lords  of  the  Commit- 
fflhitehall,  )  tee  of  Privy  Council  for  Trade  and  Fo- 

reign Plantations,  DO  HEREBY  CERTIFY, 
to  all  whom  it  may  concern,  that  the  be- 
fore Patent,  upon  this,  and  the  53  pre- 
ceding pages,  is  a  true  copy  of  the  Pa- 
tent for  New-England,  dated  the  3d  No- 
vember, 1620,  from  an  entry,  entitled, 
New-England  belonging  to  the  late 
Board  of  Trade  :  In  testimony  whereof, 
I  have  signed  the  same,  this  4th  day  of 
March3  1814. 

GEO:  CHALMERS,  C.  C, 


OF    VOLUME    I. 


